표암 강세황 가(家) 관련 필첩(筆帖) 자료 탈초·번역 및 해제(1) - 『가서첩(家書帖)』을 중심으로

정은진 ( Jeoung Eun-jin ) 우리한문학회 2021 漢文學報 Vol.44 No.-

豹菴 姜世晃의 저작 『표암유고』가 필사본으로 현전하고 있지만, 이곳에 수록되지 못한 시와 산문들이 많다. 본 연구는 이러한 표암의 자료적 성격을 고려하여, 후손 강구수가 수집한 표암 관련 필첩 『家書帖』을 탈초·번역하고 해제하는 것을 목적으로 하였다. 『가서첩』은 표암의 高孫 강구수가 만든 것으로, 그는 발문에서 표암의 유묵들이 사라지는 것이 안타깝다고 밝히고는 총 14편의 시문을 수록하였다. 그러나 실제 필첩을 살펴본 결과 『가서첩』의 앞부분에 배치된 7편만 강세황의 작품이고 나머지는 7편은 강구수의 부친 對山 姜溍의 작품이었다. 하지만 분량 면에 있어서는 강세황이 작품이 강진의 작품보다 훨씬 많았다. 『가서첩』의 내용을 분석해보면 강세황의 작품은 수서 1편과 간찰 6편이고, 강진의 작품은 간찰 2편, 간찰과 한시 혼합 1편, 한시 4편이었다. 이에 3장에서 강세황과 강진의 작품으로 나누고, 강세황 작품은 다시 수서와 간찰로, 강진의 작품은 한시와 간찰로 나누어 해제를 작성하였다. 강세황의 수서는 1754년 장모의 회갑을 맞이해서 쓴 것으로, 청장년기 강세황의 문학 인식 및 글쓰기 양상, 문학과 회화 양식간의 상호 연관성을 탐색해볼 수 있는 자료였다. 이 외 그의 간찰에는 집안의 負債로 고민하는 모습, 자식을 위해 장을 만들어 보내고자 하는 모습, 자식들의 병마를 염려하며 직접 약을 조제하는 모습, 지인의 부탁으로 장악원 악공을 위해 자리를 주선하는 모습, 벼슬살이로 바쁜 모습 등 생활인 강세황의 모습이 잘 부각되어 있었다. 강진의 한시 자료는 1842년과 1843년 풍양 조씨 인물들과 떠난 금강산 여행 관련 기록과 검서관으로 재직하면서 지은 시로 구분된다. 금강산 여행 관련 한시는 『대산집』에도 수록되어 있고, 검서관으로 재직하면서 지은 5수는 『대산집』에 누락되어 있다. 이 한시에는 강진과 趙萬永·趙寅永·趙秉鉉과의 世交와 知遇, 검서관의 업무와 관련한 강진의 모습은 물론, 청아하면서도 감각적으로 써내려간 강진의 시적 면모가 잘 드러난다. 간찰의 경우는 강진의 중요 산문 작품이다. 검서관으로 출사하기 이전의 일상적 모습과 금강산 여행을 떠날 때의 설렘 등이 표현되고 있어, 한시로만 엮은 『대산집』을 보완해주는 기능을 하고 있다. Currently, Pyoam Yugo, the author of Kang Sehwang(1713-1791), is transcribed as a manuscript, but there are many poems and prose that are not included here. In consideration of the material characteristics of this Pyoam, the purpose of this study is to change the 草書(the very cursive style of writing Chinese characters) into (the correct form of a character), 正字translate, and give a bibliographical explanation of the pyoam-related album, which was collected by descendant Kang Gusoo. The Gaseocheob was made by Pyoam’s grandson, Kang Gusoo, and he collected a total of 14 poems and prose after saying in the postscript that it was regrettable that the relics of Pyoam were disappeared. However, according to the actual handwriting, only seven of them were produced by Kang Sehwang, and the other seven were by Kang Gusoo’s father, Daeshan Kang Jin. In terms of volume, however, Kang Sehwang had far more works than Kang Jin’s. According to the analysis of the contents of Gaseocheob, Kang Sehwang’s works were 1 Suseo(congratulations on longevity) and 6 Letters, while Gang Jin’s works were 2 letters, 1 poem mixed with letter, and 4 poems. In Chapter 3, Kang Sehwang and Kang Jin’s works were divided into Suseo and letters, and Kang Jin’s works were divided into Chinese poems and letters. Kang Sehwang’s Suseo was written in 1754 for his mother-in-law’s 60th birthday. It was a material to explore the interrelationship between literature and writing patterns, literature and painting styles of Kang Sehwang in the early youth. The letter depicts Kang Sehwang, who was worried about his family’s debt, wanted to make soy sauce for his children, prepared his own medicine for his children’s illness, arranged a seat for a master of music at the request of an acquaintance, and was busy with government posts. The materials of Kang Jin’s poems are divided into records related to the travel with the Pungyang Cho family in 1842 and 1843, and poems written while serving as a book inspector. Poems related to tours to Kumgangsan are also included in Daesanjib, and five poems written while serving as a book inspector are omitted from Daesanjib. In this poem, the exchanges and special relationships with Kang Jin, Cho Man-young, Jo Inyoung, and Cho Byunghyun, the image of Kang Jin as a book inspector, and the poetic aspect of Kang Jin, which is described as clean and sensuous, are well revealed. The letter is an important prose work of Kang Jin. The daily appearance of his career as a book inspector and the excitement of going on a trip to Kumgangsan are expressed, complementing the Daesanjib which is composed only of Chinese poems.

만요(漫謠)의 선행연구와 특징

전은진(Eun-jin, Jeon) 한국문화융합학회 2021 문화와 융합 Vol.43 No.5

This paper supplements and modifies the conceptual characteristics of previous research on Manyo in “A Study on the Musical Characteristics and Reinterpreted Works of Manyo during the Japanese Colonial Period. Manyo’s previous research began when Kim Chang-nam and Cho Dong-il, and Zhang Eu-jeong started full-scale research. Through his doctoral thesis, several books, and academic papers, he focused on the appearance of the 1930s, the characteristics of lyrics, and the status of Manyo. Later, Lee Dong-soon and Park Ae-kyung focused on the appearance and lyrics of the time, while Lee Eun-jin, Lee So-young, and Jeon Eun-jin also studied the musical characteristics along with the lyrics. Since 2017, we have identified recent Manyo . For the conceptual characteristics of Manyo, the concepts were divided into the definition of Manyo, the etymology of Manyo, and the transition of Manyo and the concepts were then organized through previousresearch and basic historical data. With the missing parts and additional data from the existing study, we were able to reorganize the previous research and conceptual features of Manyo.

조선후기 雁字詩의 수용과 창작 고찰

정은진(Jeong, Eun-jin) 대동한문학회 2015 大東漢文學 Vol.44 No.-

This study is focused on Anja poetry written in late Joseon dynasty. Anja poetry is a poem describing the shape of flying goose in the sky as letters. Because the theme of Anja poetry is a goose, Anja poetry is classified into Yeungmul poetry(poems on thing, 詠物詩). But in other side, because we have to infer the characters, a style of handwriting and penmanship in Anja poetry, Anja poetry is classified into the Burlesque Poetry(戱作詩). The literary men of late Joseon dynasty got in touch the Anja poetry through the books of late Ming and early Qing dynasty and then they borrowed the rhyme or wrote the poem independently. So I studied who initiated the Anja poetry in late Ming and early Qing dynasty, what was the meaning, and the acceptance and creation of Anja poetry(雁字詩) of literary men in late Joseon dynasty. Anja poetry was started by Won goeng-do, Won jung-do of late Ming dynasty and handed down Dang si-sung, Hang Hi-mo, Hang sung-mo, after then Jeon gyeom-ik of early Qing dynasty. This means Anja(goose letter) was considered as a new literature material in period of political anarchy, expansion of buddhist view of the world and hermit thought. Most of Anja poetry consisted of 10 pieces of poem but according to poet, consisted of 30 pieces of poem. There were some different points in selecting a poetic word and using the historical events like Jeon gyeom-ik's using the Buddhistic poetic word. But there were commonalities that they agreed to the Anja(goose letters) and self-identification, showed the self-display and unworldliness through the style of handwriting and metaphysical historical events. In late Joseon dynasty, Kim jin-kyu and Kang se-hwang were interested in Anja poetry through Won goeng-do's and Jeon gyeom-ik's poem. After that, Lee sam-hwan and Kim tae-uk, who kept company with Kang sehwang, wrote the Anja poetry independently. In China, many literary men made a book of Anja and wrote the feeling of the poem, but in Joseon, only the literature men who had a talent for paintings and calligraphic works wrote the Anja poetry as part of the interest in Ming and Qing dynasty's literature. The literary men of late Joseon paid attention to Won goeng-do's and Jeon gyeom-ik's Anja poetry but adjusted the style of under 5 pieces of poem, avoided the excessive Buddhistic poetic word, and expressed the interest of paintings and calligraphic works, self-consciousness, and the regret as hermitic intellectual. 본 논문은 조선후기에 창작된 雁字詩를 주목한 것이다. 雁字詩란 기러기가 날아가는 모습을 글씨로 인식하여 雁字라 부르고 이를 詩로 표현한 것이다. 안자시는 기러기가 소재이기 때문에 詠物詩에 속하지만, 또 한편 雁字에서 文字･書體･書法을 유추하고 기러기 관련 典故를 사용해야 하는 바 戱作詩의 면모도 띄고 있다. 조선후기 문인들 사이에서 明末淸初 서적을 통해 안자시를 접하고 次韻하였거나 독창적으로 창작한 사례가 보인다. 이에 본고에서는 명말청초에 누가 안자시를 선도했고 그 의미는 무엇이었는지 살펴보고, 이후 조선후기 문인들의 안자시 수용과 창작의 의미를 고찰해보았다. 안자시는 明末 公安派의 袁宏道･袁中道에게서 시작되어, 唐時升･項嘉謨･項聖謨에게 전파되었고, 이후 淸初 錢謙益에게 계승･발전되었다. 곧 명청 교체기에 농민 봉기 및 정치적 혼란, 서화 취미와 題跋의 융성, 불교적 세계관 및 은일주의의 확대 등으로 雁字를 새로운 문학의 소재로 인식하였던 것이다. 대부분 10수 이상의 聯作으로 짓지만 시인에 따라 30수 이상의 장편을 이루기도 하고, 전겸익처럼 불교관련 시어를 다수 사용하는 등 詩語의 선택과 用事의 활용 등에서 차이가 있었다. 그러면서도 雁字에 대한 긍정과 자기 동일시, 서법과 난해한 전고를 통한 자기 과시, 脫俗的인 모습 등 은 공통적으로 드러났다. 조선후기 金鎭圭와 姜世晃은 원굉도와 전겸익의 시문을 통해 안자시에 관심을 가지고 창작했다. 이후 강세황과 교유했던 李森煥, 여항시인 金泰旭 등은 독자적으로 안자시를 창작하였다. 중국의 경우는 문인들이 雁字帖을 만들고 제발을 달아주는 등 안자시 창작이 활성화되었던 반면, 조선의 경우는 서화방면에 特長이 있었던 인물들을 중심으로 명청문예에 관한 관심의 일환으로 안자시가 창작되었다. 조선후기 문인들은 원굉도나 전겸익 등의 안자시를 주목하되 지나친 불교관련 시어의 지양하고 5수 이내로 연작의 형태를 조정하며, 서화 취미의 발현, 詩才의 과시, 자아의식의 발로, 재야지식인의 회한 등을 담아냈다.

1800년 정조(正祖) 국장(國葬) 재현을 위한 의장군(儀仗軍) 복식 연구

김은진(Kim Eun-Jin),이은주(Lee Eun-Joo) 한복문화학회 2016 韓服文化 Vol.19 No.1

The purpose of this study is to examine Uijang-gun(儀仗軍) costume that directly designates guards for the king to enable an appropriate reenactment of a national funeral for King Jeongjo(正祖) in 1800. Through field investigations of such representative royal ritual events as Royal Cultural Festival and “King Danjong’s(端宗) Cultural Festival”, it was found that the historical research was mostly reliable, but that there were a few differences between the reenactments and the historical event. These errors were caused by the consultation of Uigwe and ceremonial books and a failure to refer to details that reflect circumstances of the time before relying too heavily on the contents of Banchado(班次圖) and ceremonial books. As the national funeral given to King Jeongjo was the first funeral for a king after the massive overhaul of ancestral rites in the late Joseon dynasty, it carries significance. In particular, since “Jeongjo-Gukjang-Dogam-Uigwe (正祖國葬都監儀軌)” describes matters related to ceremonial equipages in great detail compared to other Uigwe(儀軌), it is likely to be useful in studying ceremonial equipages and ceremonial regiment costume in 1800. The details of Banchado can be checked through official documents exchanged among government offices such as Gyesa(啓辭), Imun(移文), Pummok(稟目) and Gamgyeol(甘結). Ceremonial regiment costume can be divided into three types according to its classification. Uijanggi-gun(儀仗旗軍) wore Cheong-ui(靑衣) and Pi-rip(皮笠), and San-seon-si-wi(繖扇侍衛) and Eun-ma-gwe-gun(銀馬机君軍) wore Cheong-ui and Ja-geon(紫巾) and Uijang-mul(儀仗物) and Gimul-gun(器物軍) wore Hong-ui(紅衣) and Ja-geon. Cheong-ui and Hong-ui took the form of So-chang-ui(小氅衣) made with cotton, which is a long gown with a side slit and narrow sleeves. Pi-rip is a red hat in the form of Cho-rip(草笠), and Ja-geon is a rectangular hat made with cotton. In addition to these, Hong-mok-dae(紅木帶) was worn, and Cheong-saek-Je-bi-haeng-jeon(靑色耳行纏) is applied to complete the ceremonial regiment costume.

자료포락분석(DEA)를 이용한 보건의료의 효율성 측정

김남송,박홍섭,김은진,김설화,김정숙,김현아,김경숙,신지혜,최은정,양은진,유선미,유수진 圓光大學校 醫科學硏究所 2007 圓光醫科學 Vol.22 No.1

Conceptual Study for Tissue-Regenerative Biodegradable Magnesium Implant Integrated with Nitric Oxide-Releasing Nanofi bers

Jin‑Kyung Jeon,Hyunseon Seo,Jimin Park,Soo Ji Son,Yeong Rim Kim,Eun Shil Kim,Jong Woong Park,Woong‑Gyo Jung,Hojeong Jeon,Yu‑Chan Kim,Hyun‑Kwang Seok,Jae Ho Shin,Myoung‑Ryul Ok 대한금속·재료학회 2019 METALS AND MATERIALS International Vol.25 No.4

The excessive initial corrosion rate of Mg is a critical limitation in the clinical application of biodegradable Mg implantsbecause the device loses its fi xation strength before the fractured bone heals. This study suggests a new approach to overcomethis hurdle by accelerating tissue regeneration instead of delaying the implant biodegradation. As angiogenesis is anessential process in early bone regeneration, a Mg implant coated with electrospun nanofi bers containing nitric oxide (NO),which physiologically promotes angiogenesis, is designed. The integrated device enables adjustable amounts of NO to bestored on the NO donor-conjugated nanofi ber coating, stably delivered, and released to the fractured bone tissue near theimplanted sites. An in vitro corrosion test reveals no adverse eff ect of the released NO on the corrosion behavior of the Mgimplant. Simultaneously, the optimal concentration level of NO released from the implant signifi cantly enhances tube networkformation of human umbilical vein endothelial cells without any cytotoxicity problem. This indicates that angiogenesis canbe accelerated by combining NO-releasing nanofi bers with a Mg implant. With its proven feasibility, the proposed approachcould be a novel solution for the initial stability problem of biodegradable Mg implants, leading to successful bone fi xation.

일반 모델 덧씌우기 방식을 적용한 농촌지도공무원 역량모델 개발

김진모,주대진,이진화,길대환,주현미,이정은 한국농업교육학회 2007 농업교육과 인적자원개발 Vol.39 No.2

(±)-Camphor가 ICR 마우스 수컷의 간 cytochrome P450 효소 활성에 미치는 영향

오은경,박형건,배기현,최옥진,최은경,최창근,한진희,정태천 한국환경독성학회 2002 환경독성보건학회지 Vol.17 No.4

Effects of (±)-camphor on liver cytochrome P450 enzymes were investigated in male ICR mice. Mice were treated intraperitoneally with 0, 200, 400 and 800 mg/kg of (±) -camphor in corn oil for 3 consecutive days. Twenty four hr after the final treatment, the animals were subjected to necropsy. The activities of serum aspartate aminotransferase and serum alanine aminotransferase were slightly changed by the treatment with (±)-camphor at the doses used. Administration o(±)-camphor to mice significantly induced the hepatic activities of pentoxyresorufin O-depentylase and benzyloxyresorufin O-debenzylase and weakly induced ethoxyresorufin O-deethylase in dose-dependent manners. The present results suggested that (±)-camphor might act as a relatively specific inducer of hepatic cytochrome P450 213 in male ICR mice.

식민지기 관북 출신 시인들의 방언 의식과 시적 언어의 향방

강은진(Kang, Eun-Jin) 한국시학회 2016 한국시학연구 Vol.- No.45

1930년대의 표준어 담론은 국어학계를 중심으로 한 어문운동으로 전개되었고, 어문운동의 실천적 방편으로 문학작품 창작의 표준어 사용 문제가 부각되었다. 삼천리가 1940년 총 4회에 걸쳐 게재한 ‘향토문화 좌담회’는 이러한 배경에서 등장했다. 이 좌담회의 관북지역 편에서는 김기림, 김광섭, 이용악 등 시인들 대부분이 공통적으로 미학적 열등함과 소통의 장애 때문에 이를 시에 사용하는 것을 몹시 꺼리고 있음이 드러난다. 그런데 방언과 관련한 이 세 시인의 시적 언어는 각기 다른 방향으로 전개된다. 모더니티를 ‘문명의 아들’로 간주했던 김기림에게 방언은 지역의 언어이자 과거의 언어였다. 따라서 그는 방언을 극복하고 외래어, 신조어, 관념어 등을 시적 언어로 채용함으로써 신문명의 상징으로서의 언어적 모더니티를 구현하고자 했던 것이다. 그러나 그의 시에는 방언을 민족의 언어이자 강한 활력을 지닌 언어로 인식하는 복합적 태도도 분명히 존재한다. 김광섭은 매우 철저하게 방언과 지방색을 탈각하고 세련된 서울말로 시를 창작했다. 그는 ‘지방’이라는 단어를 그의 정신에서 지워냈고, 시의 언어에서도 지역성과 방언을 거의 완벽에 가깝도록 소거해버렸다. 이러한 강박적 시작업에는 서구 상징주의를 흠모했던 그의 문학적 편력도 크게 작용했다. 그의 시의 언어는 고립된 달팽이가 은으로 된 실을 짜내듯 고결하고 신비로운 작업으로 그려진다. 반면 이용악은 북방 정서를 서울말을 근간으로 시에 담아냈다. ‘중앙’과 ‘지방’이라는 지역 표상은 ‘표준어’와 ‘방언’이라는 언어 표상으로 확대되고, 여기에 계급적 성격이 부가되면서 방언은 슬픔의 언어가 된다.『전라도 가시내』는 삶의 중앙에서 밀려난 ‘지방’ 사람들의 고난과 슬픔이 녹아 있는 시이다. 북간도에서 만난 함경도 사내와 전라도 가시내는 삶의 주변부의 언어로 서로를 위로한다. 이 때 매개가 되는 것이 바로 방언이다. 이용악은 사용층의 감성을 뜨겁게 감싸는 방언의 정서적 기능에 깊이 고무되어 있었던 것이다. The issue of standard language in the 1930s arose from a literary movement that developed around the Korean linguistics. Then, the standard language of literature emerged as a practical means of this literary movement. A series of ‘Roundtable Discussion on Folk Culture’ that Samchully posted four times appeared in this context. This discussion is divided whole Korea into Kwan-Soe, Ki-Ho, Yong-Nam, Yong-Dong, Kwan-Buk. It showed awareness of the local native dialect writers. Especially poets in the area of Kwan-Buk such as Kim, Ki-Rim, Kim Kwang-Seoup, Lee, Yong -Ak most commonly reveals that it is very reluctant to use dialects in their poem. It was because of aesthetic inferiority and communication disorders. In connection with the dialect, the poetic language of each of these three poets are deployed in a different direction. To Kim, Ki-Rim Modernity was considered to be a “son of civilizations”, so dialect was the language of the past and local. Therefore he used a foreign words, neologism, such as conceptual words sought to implement a symbol of poetic language as a linguistic modernity of the new civilization. Kim, Kwang-Seop wrote a poem words to eliminate dialect and locality thoroughly. His literary tastes adore the Western symbolism had a huge impact on this work. He portrayed language of poetry as virtuous and beautiful feature. It seemed like an isolated snail weaved beautiful silver strings. On the other hand Lee, Yong-Ak wrote a poem containing the Northern sentiment in standard language. Hometown was the alienated ‘country’ from the center and local people including himself were ‘rural people’ to wander here and there. Regional representation of ‘central’ and ‘local’ were extended to language representation of ‘standard language’ and ‘dialect’. The class consciousness was added to those concept, dialect became the language of grief. Lee was deeply encouraged by the emotional function of the dialect to comfort the local people.

지역4-H조직의 내적 적합성에 관한 문화기술적 연구

김진모,김진군,전영욱,이정은,최영창,이은영 한국농업교육학회 2008 농업교육과 인적자원개발 Vol.40 No.2

이 연구의 목적은 지역4-H조직의 내적 적합성을 탐색하고 이를 기술하는데 있었다. 2006년 8월부터 10월까지 약 3개월 동안 지역4-H후원회 회장 및 임원진 3명, 지역4-H연맹 회장 1명, 학교4-H 지도교사 4명, 지역의 영농4-H회장 1명, 시·군 농업기술센터 소장 및 4-H담당자 9명을 주요 연구 참가자로 하여 심층면담을 통해 자료를 수집하였다. 수집한 자료를 분석한 결과는 다음과 같았다. 첫째, 지역4-H조직 관련자들이 인식하는 지역4-H조직의 주요성과 격차로, ① 민간4-H조직을 중심으로 한 자율적이고 독립적인 활동 부재, ② 지역4-H조직 간 다양한 종류의 협력 부재, ③ 지역사회에서 4-H활동에 대한 가치 인식 부족이 나타났다. 둘째, 지역4-H조직의 핵심 과업으로 ① 4-H의 가치 및 이념에 부합하고, 지역의 실정에 맞는 프로그램 확보, ② 지역4-H 조직 간 협력적 네트워크 확립, ③ 4-H에 대한 지역사회의 관심 및 지지 확보가 나타났다. 셋째, 지역4-H조직의 내적 부적합성으로는 ① 인원 확보의 어려움과 핵심과업에 대한 전문성 결여, ② 관료화되고 경직된 낡은 문화, ③ 조직적 자원의 축소 및 조직 간 낮은 네트워크의 수준이 도출되었다. The purpose of this study was to describe and understand internal fit in Local 4-H Organization. The main participants of this study were one leader and two members of Local 4-H Society for the support, one leader of Local 4-H Association, four School 4-H teacher, one leader of Local farm 4-H, 9 local agricultural extension workers. The data were collected through in-depth interview with them from August, 2006 to October, 2006. The Results from this study were as follow: 1. Key performance gaps of local 4-H organizations were identified: ① lack of local 4-H based activities, ② lack of various types of partnership between local 4-H organizations, ③ lack of understanding value of 4-H activities in the communities. 2. Key tasks of local 4-H organizations were identified: ① developing local 4-H programs based on 4-H's values and ideas, ② establishing the cooperative networks among local 4-H organizations, ③ ensuring the interest and support about 4-H in the communities. 3. Internal misalignments of local 4-H organizations were identified: ① difference of recruitment and lack of expertise, ② bureaucratic and rigid cultures, ③ decrease in organizational support and low level of network among organizations.