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      • SCOPUSKCI등재

        반도체소자의 표면보호용 PSG, PE-SIN박막의 항균열특성에 대한 연구

        하정민,신홍재,이수웅,김영욱,이정규,Ha, Jung-Min,Shin, Hong-Jae,Lee, Soo-Woong,Kim, Young-Wug,Lee, Jung-Kyu 한국재료학회 1993 한국재료학회지 Vol.3 No.2

        반도체 소자의 표면 보호용으로 사용되는 상압 CVD 방법에 의한 PSG(Phosposilicate glass)막 및 플라즈마 CVD방법에 의한 PE-SiN(Plasma enhanced CVD S${i_2}{N_4}$)막의 항균열 특성을 알루미늄박막이 증착되어 있는 실리콘 기판위에서 조사했다. 45$0^{\circ}C$에서 30분간으 열처리를 반복하면서 균열 발생 유무 및 그 형태를 조사하여 이러한 균열의 생성을 각 막의 막응력과 관련하여 검토하였다. 이들 박막에서의 균열 발생은 하부 조직인 알루미튬배선과의 열팽창계수차에 의한 것임을 알 수 있었다. PSG막 두께가 증가할수록 인장응력이 증가하여 항균열성이 저하되었다. PSG막의 P농도가 증가할수록 막응력은 압축응력쪽으로 이동하였고 균열 발생은 억제되었다. PE-SiN 막도 높은 압축응력을 갖게 함으로써 항균열성을 향상시킬 수 있었다. 본 실험의 결과로부터 반복 열처리시 균열 발생여부에 대한 실험식을 제시하였다. Abstract The crack resistance of PSG(Phosphosilicate Glass) and PE-SiN(Plasma Enhanced CVD S${i_2}{N_4}$)films deposited on aluminium thin films on Si substrate was analyzed in this study. PSG was deposited by AP-CVD and PE- SiN by PE-CVD. All the films underwent repeated heat cycles at 45$0^{\circ}C$for 30 min. Crack formation and development were examined between each heat cycle. The crack behavior was found to be closely related to the stresses in the films. The stress induced by the difference in thermal expansion behavior between the passivation layers and underlying aluminum film may cause the crack. Crack resistance decreases as the thickness of PSG films increases due to the high tensile stress of the films. Phosphorus in the PSG films releases tensile stress and consequently the stress of the films tends to show compressive stress. As a result, crack resistance increased as the concentratin of P in the PSG films increased. Crack resistance in the PE-SiN films also increased with compressive stress. An experimental model to predict crack generation in the PSG and PE-SiN films during heat cycle was suggested.

      • KCI등재

        Plasminogen kringle 5 재조합 단백질에 의한 ERK1/2 활성화 및 세포골격 재배열 억제

        하정민,김현경,김명래,조영애,Ha, Jung-Min,Kim, Hyun-Kyung,Kim, Myoung-Rae,Joe, Young-Ae 한국생명과학회 2006 생명과학회지 Vol.16 No.7

        Plasminogen kringle 5는 plasminogen kringles 1-4로 구성된 내생의 혈관 신생 억제제인 angiostatin과 같이 내피세포의 분열을 강력하게 억제한다고 알려져 있다. 본 연구에서는 plasminogen kringle 5의 재조합 단백질을 효모 발현 체계에서 생산하여 내피세포의 이동에 대한 저해 효과와 이에 대한 작용기전을 조사하였다 재조합 단백질 PK5는 plasminogen의 Thr456에서 Phe546까지 이르는 cDNA 부분을 ${\alpha}-factor$ prepro-peptide의 분비 신호 서열 뒤에 도입하여 Pichia pastoris GS115에서 발현시켰다. 메탄올 유도 후 얻은 배양액을 S-spin column을 이용하여 정제하였다. 정제된 단백질을 SDS-PACE하였을 때 약 10kDa의 단일 밴드를 나타냄을 확인할 수 있었다. 정제된 PK5는 bFGF나 VEGF에 의해 유도된 인간의 제대 유래 내피 세포의 이동을 약 500nM의 $IC_{50}$ 값으로 농도 의존적으로 감소시켰다. 내피 세포에 PK5 500M을 처리한 결과 bFGF에 의해 유도된 ERK1/2의 인산화를 감소시켰다 또한, PK5는 bFGF에 의해 유도된 내피세포의 골격 재형성을 강력하게 억제하는 것으로 관찰되었다. 따라서, 이러한 결과들은 효모 생산 PK5가 내피세포의 이동을 효과적으로 억제하며, 이는 ERK1/2의 활성과 세포골격의 재배열을 억제함으로써 나타나는 것으로 부분적으로 설명될 수 있다. Plasminogen kringle 5 is a potent inhibitor of endothelial tell proliferation like an endogenous angiogenesis inhibitor, angiostatin consisting of plasminogen kringles 1-4. In this study, we produced the recombinant protein of plasminogen kringle 5 (PK5) employing an Pichia expression system and examined its. effect on~endothelial cell migration and its possible inhibitory mechanism. PK5 was expressed in Pichia pastoris GS115 by fusion of the cDNA spanning from Thr456 to Phe546 to the secretion signal sequence of a-factor prepro-peptide. After methanol induction, the secreted PK5 was purified by using S-spin column. SDS-PACE analysis of the purified protein showed one major band of approximately 10kDa. In in vitro migration assays, the purified protein inhibited dose-dependently the migration of human umbilical endothelial cells (HUVECs) induced by basic fibroblast growth factor (bFGF) or vascular endothelial growth factor (VEGF) with an $IC_{50}$ of approximately 500nM. Accordingly, it inhibited bfGF-stimulated extracellular signal-regulated kinase 1/2 (ERK1/2) phosphorylation in HUVECs at 500nM. In addition, it also potently inhibited bFGF-induced cytoskeletal rearrangement of HUVECs. Thus, these results suggest that Pichia-produced PK5 effectively inhibits endothelial cell migration, in part by suppression of ERK1/2 activation and blocking cytoskeleton rearrangement.

      • KCI등재후보

        색소 융모결절종 환자에 시행한 족관절 인공관절 치환술(1예 보고)

        하정민,최선진,이창범,하정한,박형택,Ha, Jung-Min,Choi, Sun-Jin,Lee, Chang-Bum,Ha, Jeong-Han,Park, Hyung-Taek 대한족부족관절학회 2010 대한족부족관절학회지 Vol.14 No.1

        Pigmented villonodular synovitis (PVNS) is a rare proliferative disease affecting joint synovium, tendon sheaths, bursae. The usual treatment for PVNS is a surgical excision. If destructive joint lesions have occurred, complete resections must be performed followed by arthrodesis or arthroplasty. We report a case of a pigmented villonodular synovitis involving an ankle joint which was treated by total ankle replacement for recurrence after simple synovectomy.

      • SCOPUSKCI등재

        게이트 심근 관류 SPECT에서 구한 심근 속도와 심근 관류를 중심으로 한 심근 기능 지표와의 비교연구

        하정민 ( Jung Min Ha ),정신영 ( Shin Young Jeong ),범희승 ( Hee Seung Bom ),이병일 ( Byeong Il Lee ) 대한핵의학회 2009 핵의학 분자영상 Vol.43 No.5

        목적: 게이트 심근관류 SPECT는 심혈관 질환을 진단하고 예후를 예측하는데 효과적인 검사로 알려져 있다. 이 연구에서는 게이트 심근관류 SPECT의 좌심실 국소 기능지표로서 새롭게 제안한 심근의 속도와 기존의 심장기능지표인 구혈률, 관류, 심근 두꺼워짐 등을 비교하고 상관성을 조사함으로써 심근 속도 정보의 임상적 의미를 분석하였다. 대상 및 방법: 대조군 17명(남:녀=9:8, 평균연령 61.8±11.1세), 관상 동맥 질환군 39명(남:녀=18:21, 평균연령 66.9±8.1세)을 대상으로 게이트 심근관류 SPECT를 후향적으로 분석하였다. 부하-휴식 1일 아데노신부하 Tc-99m tetrofosmin 게이트 심근관류 SPECT를 시행하였으며, 20분절 중 심첨부와 기저부를 제외한 12개 분절만을 사용하였다. 환자의 R-R 시간 간격을 8단위 게이트에서 수축기와 이완기의 비로 나누어 개인별 수축과 이완 시간을 구하고, 부하기와 휴식기에서 심근 움직임 지표를 수축과 이완 시간으로 나누어 각각의 국소 심근 속도를 계산하였다. 결과: 대조군에서 분절 별, 관상 동맥 분지 별 정상 심근 속도 값을 구할 수 있었다. 관상 동맥 질환군의 심근 속도가 정상군에 비해 유의하게 낮았으나, 관상 동맥 질환군 중 구혈률이 유지되는 분절들의 심근 속도는 대조군과 유의한 차이를 보이지 않았다. 심혈관 질환군의 관류와 심근 속도는 유의한 상관관계를 보였다. 또 심근 두꺼워짐이 감소해 있는 관상 동맥 질환군의 분절 중 심근 속도가 감소해 있는 분절의 부하기 관류는 심근 속도가 유지되는 분절에 비해 유의하게 낮은 값을 보였다. 결론: 정상 심근 속도를 제시하고, 관상 동맥 질환군의 심근 속도가 정상군 보다 유의하게 낮음을 보여 주었으며, 심근 속도라는 새로운 지표가 좌심실 국소 가능을 평가하는데 도움이 될 것으로 제안 하였다. 정량화가 주는 장점을 활용하고 있는 핵의학 영상기기의 특징을 이용하여 기능적인 지표를 계속해서 개발 할 필요가 있으리라 생각된다. Purpose: We aimed to assess the myocardial velocity on gated myocardial perfusion SPECT (gated MPS), to compare myocardial velocity between patients without coronary artery disease (CAD) and CAD patients and to assess the correlation of myocardial velocity and perfusion and wall thickening on CAD group. Materials and Methods: Seventeen patients without CAD (M:F=9:8, mean age 61.8±11.1 yrs: group A) and thirty-nine patients with CAD (M:F=18:21, mean age 66.9±8.1 yrs: group B) had undergone one-day adenosine stress gated MPS. In twenty segment model, 12 segments (except apical and basal segments) of each patient were included. We obtained systolic and diastolic gate ratio in left ventricular volume curve by eight frames per cardiac cycle on gated MPS. Using the systolic and diastolic gate ratio and R-R time of each patient, we obtained systolic and diastolic time ratio. The myocardial velocity was defined as wall thickening over systolic or diastolic time. Results: We presented normal range of myocardial velocities according segments and territories of coronary artery. The myocardial velocity of group B was significantly lower than group A (p=0.00). There was no significant difference between the myocardial velocity of group B with preserved EF and group A. The stress systolic velocity significantly correlated with regional myocardial perfusion in group B with preserved EF (p=0.00) as well as decreased EF (p=0.01). In group B, stress perfusion of segments which had decreased wall thickening and decreased myocardial velocity was significantly lower than segments which had decreased wall thickening and preserved myocardial velocity (p=0.01). Conclusion: The new functional index of velocity will be used as an useful of gated MPS. (Nucl Med Mol Imaging 2009;43(5):386-394)

      • KCI등재

        중국(中國) 중세(中世) 초기(初期)에 사용된 불멸기원(佛滅紀元) - 산동성(山東省) 홍정산(洪頂山)의 마애각경(摩崖刻經) 유적(遺迹)을 중심(中心)으로 -

        하정민 ( Ha Jung Min ) 중국사학회 2018 中國史硏究 Vol.116 No.-

        Mt. Hongding is located in Dongping, in the southwestern part of the Shandong Province and east of Lake Dongping in Dongping County. Overall, twenty-three inscriptions were carved on the mountain and they are divided into three kinds of texts: Buddhist sutra passages, Buddha names, and historical inscriptions. The carvings at Mt. Hongding are of special importance in the study of the Buddhist texts, as it bears the largest number and greatest variety of carved Buddhist texts compared to those found in other Buddhist carving sites in the Shandong Province in early medieval China. Also, it was at Mt. Hongding that the forms and contents of the mountain sutra carvings created in Shandong during this period were established. Thus, the Buddhist carvings at Mt. Hongding are considered the terminus a quo of the history of the shandong Buddhist rock carving sutras and it is needed to determine the exact dates of the engravings. Among the inscriptions at Mt. Hongding, four inscriptions carry a date. Only one of them, however, provides us with asecured date, using the standard calendar, which is based upon the dates of the Chinese dynasties. This secured date is found on an inscription, the “Encomium for Fahong.” At the end of the encomium, the date is recorded as “the third year of the Heqing era of the Great Qi Dynasty,” which corresponds to 564 CE. While the encomium for Fahong follows the standard dynasty-based calendar, the other three dated inscriptions at the site use the Buddhist calendar. These three are associated with a monk, Seng’an Daoyi. The first inscription gives the time of its creation: “1623 years after the twin trees of Sakyamuni.” The expression “after the twin trees of Sakyamuni” refers to the nirvana of the Buddha under the twin trees at Kushinagar in India. Accordingly, the date means the colophon was created “1623 years after Sakyamuni [entered into nirvana] under the twin trees.” The second dated inscription records its creation as “1620 years after [Sakyamuni entered into nirvana under] the twin trees.” The third inscription, the encomium for Seng’an Daoyi also uses the Buddhist calendar, but unfortunately the exact year is illegible, reading “16□□ years after Sakyamuni [entered into nirvana] under the twin trees.” Since the Buddhist calendar begins with the date of the Buddha’s demise, calculating the dates seems fairly simple, provided one knows the date Buddha Sakyamuni entered nirvana. Unfortunately, there is no consensus about the date of the Buddha’s demise and the commencement of the Buddhist era and the dating of Buddhist carvings at Mt. Hongding so it has been subject to debate. There are a large number of theories prevalent in South Asia, Southeast Asia, and East Asia. Through thorough examination of earlier scholarship on the date of the Buddhist engravings at Mt. Hongding and more than twenty written theories, ranging from 1085 BCE to 464 (or 486) BCE, which were circulating in early medieval China, this paper suggests that the most likely theory acceptable to the Buddhist community active at Mt. Hongding during the late sixth century was the one asserted by a renowned priest, Nanyue Huisi (515-577). According to him, the date of the Buddha’s nirvana corresponds to 1067 BCE, Based on this caculation, the inscription using Buddhist calendar at Mt. Hongding can be dated to 553 and 556 CE. This paper’s observation that creators of the Buddhist inscriptions at Mt. Hongding adopted Huisi’s calculations on the date of the Buddha’s demise, was not only because Huisi’s number of years is a better fit, but because Huisi’s Buddhist teachings and meditation techniques were related to the contents of the inscriptions at Mt. Hongding. Particularly, it is noteworthy that his writings on meditation emphasize the six paramita and the Perfection of Wisdom (prajnaparamita). This repertoire was observed in Buddhist carvings at Mt. Hongding and at other sutra carving sites in Shandong during the period. Furthermore, Buddhists who created the Buddhist engraved texts at Mt. Hongding appear to have conducted a certain meditation practice called “one-practiced absorption (yixing sanmei).” Interestingly Huisi actively used the meditation technique, and the period when this type of meditation was practiced by Huisi and his followers fits well within the 550s-560s, the period during which the carvings at Mt. Hongding were created. Also, in the years between 548-552, Huisi was living in Yanzhou, a city in Shandong Province located near Mt. Hongding. The fact that the Buddhist community’s practice and thoughts, as well as the date of Buddha’s demise, overlapped with Huisi’s ideas and teachings in a significant manner demonstrates that Huisi’s teachings and practices were most likely widespread during that period, even in Shandong. Buddhist calendar used at Mt. Hongding, based on Huisi’s caculation, provides us with a significant indication of the Buddhist community’s existence. In the community, some Buddhists were likely inspired by Huisi, adopted his ideas and practices, and further developed them in their own way.

      • KCI등재

        中國 法界像에 관한 硏究

        河定旼(Ha Jung-min) 한국미술사학회 2003 美術史學硏究 Vol.- No.237·238

        In China, there remains a group of Buddha images that have Mount Sumeru Buddhas, bodhisattvas, the six gatis and other small motifs depicted on their bodies or robes. In this article, this type of images is referred to as fajie xiang (法界像, Buddha of Dharmadh?tu). This term indicates the image of Buddha that contains various elements of the world or cosmos in his divine body or robe, and the ‘fajie' in this term indicates the entire world or cosmos. In previous scholarship, the iconography of fajie xiang was regarded to be either Vairocana Buddha as described in the Avatamsaka S?ira, or a cosmic manifestation of S?kyamuni Buddha. This article argues that the iconography of fajie xiang cannot be determined as one of the two interpretations, and that fajie xiang was first made to represent ??kyamuni Buddha and the iconography was later exploited for the images of Vairocana. ??kyamuni was a historic figure who lived and preached dharma as a human being. After his death, the followers of Buddhism wished to have other Buddhas, which resulted in the belief that numerous Buddhas existed in different places. At the same time, Buddhists sought after a universal Buddha who could encompass the numerous Buddhas of distinctive and limited qualities. In an attempt to solve this problem, there appeared a concept of ??kyamuni as a transcendental being. However, as it was difficult to completely discard the human aspect of ??kyamuni, the notion of transcendental Buddha was complemented by that of Lushena Buddha (盧舍那佛, Buddha Vairocana). which was related to the worship of sun and light. The concept of Lushena did not appear suddenly but was a result of gradual systematization of various ideas about ??kyamuni as a cosmic Buddha rose during the development of Mahayana Buddhism. For the notion of transcendental ??kyamuni developed into that of Lushena, it seems reasonable to assume that the iconography of fajie xiang. which was first made for the universal ??kyamuni, also developed into that of Lushena. The notion of a god bearing the entire world in his body originated from the epic poem Mah?bh?rata dated to about the second century B.C. ??kyamuni attained this quality already in the early stage of Buddhism. The image of ??kyamuni as shown in fajie xiang is affirmed by the texts such as Lotus Sutra (法華經). Da fangbian fo baoen jing(大方便佛報恩經), Guan fo sanmei hai jing(觀佛三昧海經), Dasheng ben sheng xindi guan jing(大乘本生心地觀經). On the other hand, the relation between Lushena and fajie xiang is found in Avatamsaka S?tra(華嚴經). There remains no Indian examples of fajie xiang, and it is plausible that the iconography was formulated in Central Asia or China. When considering the extant images, the making of fajie xiang is dated back to the sixth century. Some painted images are found in the murals of the cave shrines of Kizil and Dunhuang. In these sites, the images of fajie xiang appear as part of larger iconographic programs that aimed to glorify ??kyamuni Buddha, and these examples thus can be regarded as ??kyamuni Buddha. Additionally, there is a sculpted image of fajie xiang that represents ??kyamuni, for the life of ??kyamuni and j?taka are illustrated on the surface of the Buddha's robe. It is in China proper that we find the images of fajie xiang as Lushena. The iconography is affirmed by the inscriptions of 'Lushena'. Although the iconography of fajie xiang was established in late sixth century, almost no images remain since then. The notion of Lushena was significant to Chinese Buddhists until the sixth century, but after the eighth century, Lushena Buddha was replaced by Piluzhena Buddha (毘盧遮那佛), who was advocated in Huayen School(華嚴宗). It seems that accordingly the fajie xiang as Lushena lost its place. However, after the tenth century the fajie xiang of Lushena reappeared. Although they do not have any inscription, they have the mudra of two hands bent outward and the lotus throne with small Buddhas images on its pe

      • KCI등재

        경주 남산 열암곡 마애불입상의 한국 불교조각사적 의의

        하정민(Jung-min Ha) 한국고대사탐구학회 2023 한국고대사탐구 Vol.44 No.-

        경주 남산 列岩谷 磨崖佛立像은 2007년 5월 22일 말 그대로 ‘우연히’ 발견되었다. 불입상은 외부의 힘에 의해 암괴가 전도된 후 약 35도 산의 경사면에 불상이 새겨진 면이 바닥면을 향한 채 엎어져 고꾸라진 모습으로 오랜 세월을 견뎠다. 열암곡 마애불입상의 발견 이후, 우리나라 불교미술사 학계에서는 주로 이 불상의 특이한 손의 모양, 즉 手印에 대한 논의가 활발했다. 한 손을 가슴 위에 올리고 다른 한 손은 내려서 몸에 붙인 이러한 수인은 물론 특기할 만하지만, 이 불상의 또 다른 형식적 특징인 착의 형식, 즉 왼쪽 어깨에만 법의를 걸치고 오른쪽 어깨를 드러내는 偏袒右肩 착의법에 좀 더 주목할 필요가 있다. 편단우견식 착의법에 주목함으로써 현재 학계의 통일신라 불교미술의 흐름을 새롭게 서술해야 할 필요를 인식하게 되었다. 열암곡 마애불입상은 통일신라시대의 편단우견 불입상의 성행을 웅변하는 중요한 상으로 당시 통일신라에서 성행한 여러 불교조각의 시각적 특징들을 창의적으로 조합해가며 완성되었다. 열암곡 마애불입상과 조각 양식 및 신체 모델링이 가장 유사한 조각 예로 입실리사지 동탑 서면 불입상을 제시하였고, 이 상과의 비교를 통해 열암곡 마애불입상의 제작 시기를 9세기 전반으로 보았다. 열암곡 마애불입상의 가능한 존명으로는 석가모니불, 미륵불과 함께 입실리사지 석탑 및 탑신 사면불들과의 비교를 통해 아미타불일 가능성을 제시한다. Discovered unexpectedly on May 22, 2007, the Yeoramgok Standing Rock-carved Buddha statue at Mount Namsan in Gyeongju holds profound historical significance. Displaced by external forces, the statue reclines at a 35-degree angle on the mountain slope, with its carved side facing downward and inverted. Subsequent to its unearthing, the Korean Buddhist art history community has actively engaged in scholarly discourse, centering on the statue's distinctive mudrā-an expressive hand gesture marked by one hand raised to the chest and the other lowered to the abdomen. This paper further highlights another visually conspicuous feature of the Buddha: the exposed right shoulder, which contrasts the robe draped exclusively over the left shoulder. Contrary to prior assumptions that the exposure of the right shoulder in Buddha sculptures was confined to the seventh century Silla period within the context of the Three Kingdoms era, the Yeoramgok Rock-carved Standing Buddha from the Unified Silla epoch stands as compelling counter-evidence. This particular statue plays a pivotal role, effectively illustrating the prevalence of the robe-wearing configuration observed in Buddha sculptures during the Unified Silla Period. Through meticulous examination of its sculptural forms and stylistic traits, this study suggests that the Yeoramgok Rock-carved Buddha likely originated in the early ninth century. It also proposes that the Yeoramgok Standing Buddha potentially represents either Maitreya Buddha or Amitābha Buddha.

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