유형론적 관점으로 본 중국어 사실성부사 ‘진(真)’과 ‘진적(真的)’의 기능 확장과 그 범주적 특성

박정구 ( Park¸ Jungku ),소영 ( Xiao¸ Ying ),박성하 ( Park¸ Seongha ) 한국중국언어학회 2021 중국언어연구 Vol.- No.95

本文对现代汉语真实性副词“真”、“真的”复杂多样的分布特征进行了深入细致的调查, 并通过比较分析探究真实性副词除情态义外, 还具有的其他范畴的功能, 并揭示这些功能扩展的机制。 本文首先用一个模式展现“真”和“真的”的认识情态, 并在该模式中, 把认识情态设定为区别于现实世界(Real World)的可能世界(Possible World)。认识情态表示说话者的断, 判断被设定于可能世界中的事件或状态与现实世界的符合程度, 而“真”和“真的”这两个副词都表示坚定地确信可能事件符合现实事件。以该模式为基础, 还可解释“真”表示“程度的加强”这一扩展功能, 其扩展机制为认知推理, 即“强调事态的真实性”功能通过认知推理过程, 类推为“状态的程度加强”。 此外, 本文还提出了“真”其他范畴的特征。最值得关注的成果是本文提出“真”具有“示证性”(evidentiality)和“意外性”(mirativity)的范畴属性, 并利用语言类型学来阐释其机制。 “真”的“示证性”特征是指命题所表示的信息不是说话者间接所得, 而是切身体验后直接获取的信息。“真”的“意外性”特征是指说话者所传递的信息是出乎意料的或与预设相悖的新信息, 也表示对意外事件感到惊讶之义。通过这些范畴特征, 可以对“真”所独具的功能从语言类型学的角度进行解释说明。 从语言类型学视角来看, 认识情态、示证性、意外性等范畴在不同的语言中通过不同的手段或方式来呈现。在有些语言中呈现为语法标记, 而在有些语言中则不然;有些语言明确地将各范畴区分开来, 而有些语言则不然。汉语中这些语法标记不发达, 各范畴难以区分。本文证明了这些范畴的属性对汉语真实性副词的功能产生影响, 并且借助所搭配的成分或语境呈现出来, 这具有积极意义。 By closely comparing and analyzing the various and complex distributional properties of Chinese actuality adverbs ‘Zhen (真)’ and ‘Zhende (真的)’, this paper tried to prove what categorical functions the actuality adverbs have in addition to their modal meaning and to reveal what mechanism causes the functional extension. First of all, this paper presents a model of the epistemic modality of ‘真’ and ‘真的’, with two distinct worlds, the possible world and the real world. The epistemic modality expresses the speaker’s judgment on the degree to which an event or state established in the possible world matches the real world, and these two adverbs express his strong convictions about the correspondence between the real event and the possible event. Based on this model, it is possible to explain the extension of the degree-intensifying function of ‘Zhen (真)’. The mechanism reveals that the function of emphasizing the degree of a state was developed from cognitive reasoning inferred by the reinforcement of truth of an event or a state. This paper also suggests a new categorical characteristic of ‘Zhen (真)’. The most notable achievement is that we can suggest that ‘Zhen (真)’ has categorical properties such as evidentiality and mirativity, and explain the mechanism from linguistic typological perspective. The evidentiality of ‘Zhen (真)’ tells us that the information indicated by the proposition is not obtained indirectly, but that the speaker is the direct source of the information. In addition, the mirativity of ‘Zhen (真)’ indicates that the information conveyed by the speaker is unpredictable, new, contrary to the presupposition, and carrying the meaning of being surprised at the unexpected event. Through this analysis, this paper could logically and systematically explain the apparently exceptional and very complex function of ‘Zhen (真)’. The categories such as epistemic modality, evidentiality, and mirativity may or may not be expressed by grammatical markers cross-linguistically, and may or may not be clearly distinguished from each other. It can be said that Chinese is a type of language in which the grammatical markers rarely developed and the categories are not clearly distinguished from each other. This paper has great significance in proving that those categorial properties are involved in the functional development of actuality adverbs in Chinese and the categorial features can be captured by the co-occurring elements or context.

어순 수용성 데이터 기반의 중국어 문두 다중논항 의미역 배열 기제 및 위계 연구

박정구 ( Park Jungku ),강병규 ( Kang Byeongkwu ),박민준 ( Park Minjun ),유수경 ( Yu Sukyong ) 한국중국언어학회 2023 중국언어연구 Vol.- No.109

This paper extracted a large number of sentences with multiple arguments at the sentence beginning position from various genres of modern Chinese corpus data through coding programs as well as artificial methods. After changing the order of arguments of sentence-initial position in the extracted sentences, word order acceptability data was constructed through verification by native speakers. For the large amount of data constructed in this way, the quantity and ratio of combinations of semantic-roles that the multiple arguments at sentence-initial position play were statistically analyzed. Based on the analysis so far, it has been possible to induce the constraints on the multi-argument arrangement and establish the hierarchy of the semantic role for topicalization. Among obligatory arguments that appear at the beginning of a sentence, the arguments used as the object precede the arguments used as the subject. Among optional arguments, Time, Locative, and Cause arguments precede other arguments. Source and Goal arguments have something in common: they tend to precede other arguments when they express time. However, when they represent locative meaning, they shows different characteristics. The locative Source follows the obligatory arguments, and the locative Goal precedes the obligatory arguments. Instrument, Manner and Material are closest to the predicate, and Beneficiary and Recipient precede obligatory arguments. The word order of multiple arguments at sentence-initial position is influenced by iconicity, semantic relationship with the verb, and whether or not they are obligatory arguments.

말뭉치 기반 중국어 문두 다중논항의 의미역 배열 경향성 고찰

박정구 ( Park Jungku ),강병규 ( Kang Byeongkwu ),박민준 ( Park Minjun ),유수경 ( Yu Sukyong ) 한국중국언어학회 2023 중국언어연구 Vol.- No.106

This paper examines the ordering patterns of multiple arguments preceding predicates in Mandarin Chinese. The focus of the study is to investigate how the order of multiple arguments at the beginning of sentences affects their acceptability, and to identify any constraints that may exist. To achieve this goal, the study extracted about 5,000 sentences from modern Chinese corpus data of various genres in which multiple arguments appear at the beginning of a sentence as topics, and conducted a statistical analysis of the word order arrangement of arguments according to different semantic roles. Through the analysis of this paper, the word order relationship between arguments with different semantic roles could be identified as shown below. First, Time/Locative precedes all semantic roles, and Time tends to precede Locative. This is a consequence of the fact that the Time/Locative functions as a theme providing a background for the information of the rest of the sentence. Second, it was confirmed that there was a certain tendency in the word order between obligatory arguments. In general, the semantic roles used as the subject before the verb in the SVO sentence are preceded in the topic sentence by the semantic roles used as the object after the verb. In the opposite case, it is accompanied by contrastive meaning and has strong restriction on acceptability. Third, the optional arguments as topic can be divided into Instument, Manner, Material, Causes, Reason, and Source. Instrument, Manner, Material and Spacial Source tend to follow obligatory arguments, and Causes, Reason, and Temporal Source tend to precede obligatory arguments. This can be explained by the restriction based on cognitive iconicity.

중국어 방언의 완정상·완료상·완성상 표지의 분포와 그의 언어유형론적 함의

박정구 ( Park Jungku ),강병규 ( Kang Byeongkwu ),유수경 ( Yu Sukyong ) 한국중국언어학회 2020 중국언어연구 Vol.0 No.87

In this paper, we have investigated the variations of perfective and perfect aspect makers in 135 Chinese dialects corresponding to ‘le(了)’ in Mandarin. The aim of this study is to compare the variation forms of aspect markers between various Chinese dialects and to examine the correlation between form and function. In Mandarin Chinese, it is difficult to distinguish semantic functions because perfective and perfect aspects are represented by the same ‘le(了)’. However, in Chinese dialect, the marker corresponding to ‘le(了)’ has various forms depending on the syntactic distribution and semantic function. Depending on the dialect, ‘le₁(了1)’ following the verb and ‘le₂(了2)’ of sentence-final may have one form or two or more forms. In order to observe these aspects comprehensively, we reviewed related prior studies and conducted a survey of more than 135 dialect speakers. According to a survey of Chinese dialect, dialects using one form make up 40% of the total. The remaining 60% of the dialects have two or more forms. In a survey of Chinese dialects, we found that aspect markers corresponding to “le” vary in distribution and combine with different types of predicates. And we can see that the distributional difference of ‘le(了)’ greatly affects the functional difference. Specifically, the function of ‘le(了)’ has a clear contrast between ‘sentence-final’ and ‘non-sentence-final’. In other words, functional contrasts are basically closely related to the distribution of ‘le(了)’. When ‘le(了)’ is placed in sentence-final, it is closely related to the form of ‘le₂(了2)’, whether it is added to a verb or an adjective. On the other hand, when ‘le(了)’ is used in a non-sentence-final position, it is closely related to the form of ‘le₁(了1)’, whether it is added to a verb or an adjective. In addition, the contrast between the meanings of predicates expressed as ‘dynamic’ and ‘static’ is not as obvious as the contrast between ‘sentence-final’ and ‘non-sentence-final’. This paper classifies types of 135 dialects based on the formal similarity of ‘le(了)’ As a result of statistical cluster analysis, it can be seen that it is divided into three types. These three types correspond to perfective, perfect, and completive, respectively. (1) ‘le₁(了1)’ is an aspect marker that can be attributed to perfective. As a result of the dialect investigation, the sentences corresponding to ‘le₁(了1)’ can be classified into the same group because they maintain similarity in form. (2) ‘le₂(了2)’ is an aspect marker that can be classified as perfect. According to the dialectal survey, ‘le₂(了2)’ was classified as an independent type, although its internal variation varied but had a distinctive morphological characteristic from ‘le₁(了1)’ as a whole. (3) ‘le(了)’ which has the function of result-complement belongs to the completive aspect because the degree of grammaticalization is lower than the other two types. When ‘le(了)’ is combined with a verb that has meaning of destruction and consumption, it can be interpreted as completive aspectual meaning. The degree of grammaticalization of these three types can be said to have a hierarchy of ‘completive <perfect <perfective’ as discussed in previous studies. In addition, ‘le(了)’, which has an aspectual meaning of completive/perfect/perfective, implies an aspectual meaning of inchoative in the interpretation of the bounded event structure. In this paper, we have classified and analyzed the various aspectual types and systems of ‘le(了)’ in Chinese dialects. In the future, we will try to compare and study perfective/perfect in other languages. This study on the perfective, perfect, completive aspect with empirical evidence and theoretical explanation shows that the development of the Chinese aspectual system has been following the universal tendency of human language evolution along the path of grammaticalization of aspect markers.

신경망 언어 모델 구축을 통한 중국어 문두 다중논항 어순 수용성 예측 연구

박정구 ( Park Jungku ),유수경 ( Yu Sukyong ),박민준 ( Park Minjun ),강병규 ( Kang Byeongkwu ) 한국중국어문학회 2024 中國文學 Vol.118 No.-

본고에서는 중국어 문두 다중논항의 어순 배열 문제를 해결하기 위해 트랜스포머 기반의 신경망 언어 모델을 적용하고 그 효율성을 검증하는 연구를 수행하였다. 본 연구에서는 문두에 나타나는 다양한 성분들과 이들 사이의 상호 작용, 그리고 어순 배열에 대한 제약이 어떻게 문법성을 형성하는지에 초점을 맞췄다. 이를 통해 중국어 문두 다중논항의 어순 배열과 관련된 문법성을 판단하는데 자연어처리 방법론이 얼마나 효과적인지 검증하고자 하였다. 본 연구에서 구축된 ‘문두 다중논항 데이터셋’은 15,298개의 중국어 문장으로 이루어져 있으며, 이 데이터셋은 문법적으로 올바른 문장과 비문법적인 문장을 이진 분류 방식으로 레이블링 하여 사용되었다. 연구팀은 이 데이터셋을 활용하여 문두 다중논항의 어순 수용성을 예측하는 모델을 개발하고, 그 정확도를 평가하였다. 연구 결과, 모델은 90%의 높은 정확도로 어순 수용성을 예측할 수 있음을 보여주었다. 또한, 본 연구는 원어민의 판단과 모델의 예측이 일치하지 않는 경우를 분석하여, 언어 수용도가 단순한 이분법으로만 구분되지 않음을 확인하였다. 이를 통해 언어 모델의 예측 능력과 원어민 판단 사이의 상관성을 보다 정교하게 파악할 수 있었다. 원어민의 판단과 AI 모델의 예측이 일치하지 않는 경우의 다양성을 고려하여, 본 연구는 153개의 문장에 대한 2차 분석을 실시하였다. 이 과정에서 74개의 문장이 유사 문장으로 재분류되었고, 결과적으로 1,450개 문장(94.8%)이 두 예측치가 일치하거나 유사한 것으로 평가되었다. 이는 AI 모델 예측의 높은 정확도를 보여주는 결과이다. In this paper, we applied a transformer-based neural network language model to solve the word order problem in Chinese Sentence-Initial Multiple Arguments (SIMA) and verified its effectiveness. The study focused on the different constituents that occur at the beginning of Chinese sentences, their interactions, and how word order constraints contribute to grammaticality. The goal was to validate the effectiveness of natural language processing methods in determining the grammaticality of word order in Chinese SIMA. To investigate this, we constructed a specialized dataset and developed a predictive model. The SIMA dataset consists of 15,298 Chinese sentences. These sentences were labeled as grammatically correct or incorrect using a binary classification method. We developed a model to predict the acceptability of word order in SIMA and evaluated its accuracy. The model demonstrated a high level of accuracy in predicting word order, achieving 90% correctness compared to established grammatical norms. In addition, the study analyzed cases where the model’s predictions differed from native speakers’ judgments, showing that acceptability prediction is not just a simple binary distinction process. This led to a more nuanced understanding of the relationship between language model predictions and native speaker judgments. In the secondary analysis focusing on sentences where the AI model’s predictions diverged from native speaker judgments, we found that after reevaluation, a significant proportion of these sentences (94.8%) aligned closely with native judgments, highlighting the nuanced capabilities of our model. These findings not only demonstrate the effectiveness of our model in analyzing Chinese SIMA but also contribute to a deeper understanding of AI’s role in linguistic analysis.

저궤도 위성 영상 수신 실패 원인 분류 알고리즘 개념 설계

조훈(Hoon Jo),김다운(Dawoon Kim),권중구(Jungku Kwon),민경환(Kyunghwan Min),이겨울(Gyeoul Lee),이우민(Woomin Lee) 한국항공우주학회 2023 한국항공우주학회 학술발표회 논문집 Vol.2023 No.11

관심 영역을 고려한 색 양자화 기법

이지수(Jisoo Lee),임헌규(Hungyu Lim),강정구(Jungku Kang),백두원(Doowon Paik) 한국멀티미디어학회 2007 한국멀티미디어학회 학술발표논문집 Vol.2007 No.2

Cutaneous Myiasis Associated with Tick Infestations in a Dog

최정구,김한종,나지웅,김성현,박철,Choi, Jungku,Kim, Hanjong,Na, Jiwoong,Kim, Seong-hyun,Park, Chul The Korean Society of Veterinary Clinics 2015 한국임상수의학회지 Vol.7 No.2

시골에 사는 12년령의 중성화 안한 수컷 말라뮤트가 회음부위의 염증과 통증을 주호소로 내원하였다. 회음부 신체검사에서 구더기와 구멍이 있는 피부 병변이 존재하였다. 혈액검사에서는 미약한 빈혈과 혈소판 증가증 이외에 특이소견은 보이지 않았으며 진단은 임상증상 및 구더기의 존재에 의해 쉽게 되었다. 즉시 삭모 및 소독을 실시하였으며 삭모 중 진드기가 발견되어 SNAP 4DX (IDEXX Laboratories, Westbrook, ME, USA)를 이용해 진드기 및 관련 병원체의 감염유무를 평가하였고 검사결과는 모두 음성이었다. 치료는 이버멕틴(300 mcg/kg)을 피하 주사로 한번 주사하였으며 2차 감염을 예방하기 위해 항생제를 처방하였다. 이 후 구더기증과 상처부위는 2주 이내에 치료되었다. A 12-year-old intact male, Alaskan Malamute dog, which lives in the countryside, was presented with inflammation and pain around perineal areas. Thorough examination revealed maggots and punched-out round holes lesion around the perineal region. Complete blood counts (CBC) and serum biochemical examinations showed no remarkable findings except mild anemia and mild thrombocytosis. The diagnosis was easily done, based on clinical signs and maggots identification. Cleaning with chlorhexidine, povidone-iodine lavage and hair clipping away from the lesions were performed soon after presentation. SNAP 4Dx Test (IDEXX Laboratories, Westbrook, ME, USA) was performed to rule out other vector-borne diseases since the ticks were found on the clipped area and vector-borne pathogens. The test result was negative. The dog in this case was treated with ivermectin (300 mcg/kg SC) one time. Also, treatments with amoxicillin clavulanate (20 mg/kg PO, BID) was established to prevent secondary bacterial infections. Then, myiasis resolved with 2 weeks and the affected area was healed.

언어유형론적 관점에서 본 현대중국어 ‘S+很+A+O’ 구문의 문법 제약과 발전 기제

유수경 ( Yu¸ Sukyong ),곡효여 ( Qu¸ Xiaoru ),윤애경 ( Yoon¸ Aekyoung ),박정구 ( Park¸ Jungku ) 한국중국언어학회 2023 중국언어연구 Vol.- No.108

The ‘S+hen(很)+A+O’ structure of modern Chinese is a transitive construction with an adjective as a main predicate, and is distinguished from general adjective-predicate sentences in that it accompanies an object. According to this study, the predicate used in the phrase ‘S+hen+A+O’ is a disyllabic adjective and represents the speaker’s mental state. Compared to other adjectives, it shows a relatively high willingness. In the construction ‘S+hen+A+O’, O can be a VP object or a clausal object, and in many cases it can accompany both forms, but in some cases it can only take one of the two forms. This difference in object form is related to the objectivity of the proposition expressed by the object clause, and ultimately affects the degree of transitivity of the construction. The construction ‘S+hen+A+O’ has a higher transitivity than general adjective-predicate construction in terms of the number of participants, willingness, and agency, but the properties of adjective predicates are still the same in that the degree adverb ‘很’ needs to be modified. The construction ‘S+hen+A+O’ occupies an intermediate position between psychological verbal predicates and adjective predicates in the continuum of transitivity. The psychological adjective construction ‘S+hen+A+O’ exists universally across languages, and in particular, there are many cases in which the form is realized through a transitive structure, which is a result of the productivity and economy of the transitive structure.

Diachronic Development of the Chinese Negative 沒 from a Typological Perspective

Eunhee Paek,Byeongkwu Kang,Dongchoon Ryu,Asa Synn,Jungku Park,Yunhui Dang 한국중어중문학회 2014 中語中文學 Vol.58 No.-

Two factors contributed to the emergence of mei 沒 in the course of diachronic development of Chinese. The first factor is semantic and functional in its nature. By the mechanism of metonymy, the meaning of mei 沒 as a main predicate was extended from “to sink” and “to disappear” to “not to exist.” The second factor is phonological. Wu 無 and wei 未, which had been used as an existential negative and a perfective negative respectively, lost the [m]-initial, and consequently their status as m-negatives as well. This caused mei 沒, which semantically was undergoing grammaticalization into an existential negative, to substitute for the pre-existing existential negative wu 無 first. After the property of boundedness is firmly established in Chinese predicates later on, mei 沒 extended its meaning and function to become a perfective negative, finally attaining the status as a new m-negative. However, the substitution of existential and perfective negatives by mei 沒 mainly occurred in the Northern dialects only. In many of the Southern dialects in which the [m]-initial of wu 無 and wei 未 was retained, an existential negative and a perfective negative are still distinct, and no substitution by mei 沒 has occurred. Another noteworthy aspect of the development of the negatives in Chinese is that it reflects the development of Chinese from a synthetic to analytic language. A negative with a complex function developed into a negative with the sole function of negating, as illustrated by the development of mei 沒, meiyou 沒有, and mei 沒 V. The development of the negative pairs such as wei 未 vs. weiceng 未曾, wu 無 vs. wuyou 無有, fei 非 vs. feishi 非是 can be viewed in the same vein. The analyticization process resulted in the reduction of the multitude of negatives to just two, namely, bu 不 and mei 沒.