고려 태조 왕건의 운주전투와 긍준의 역할

김명진(Kim Myeong-jin) 국방부 군사편찬연구소 2015 군사 Vol.- No.96

This study is summarized as follows. First, before the tenth century, there had been a special administrative region so called "Haepoong Hyang" which was located in Hongseong-eup, Chungnam as its center. It emerged as the remarkable name of Unju during the war for unification waged by Wang Geon. Unju could gain held such an important place as a border region due thanks to Geungjun, a man of influence there. Second, Geungjun, as a general and castellan of Unju, had been independent during the turmoil toward the end of the Kingdom of Shilla before coming under the supervision of Gung Ye. But he subjugated himself to Hubaekjei in August 918 as Wang Geon had toppled Gung Ye and come to the throne in the June of 918. After defeated by Wang Geon’s Goryeo forces at the first Battle of Unju in March 927, however, Geungjun subjugated himself to Wang Geon. To our surprise, he was the same person as Honggyu, who was the father of queen of Heungbokwon, Wang Geon’s twelfth wife. And the Castle of Unju was the origin of Hongju Eup-Sung located in what is now Hongseong-eup. Third, in April 928, Wang Geon ordered to build up a the castle called Baekwol Fortress in Oksan, Unju. But sometime later, Unju became under Hubaekje’s control. Wang Geon embarked on a conquest into Unju in September 934. His cavalry, supported by Geungjun, won a great victory in the second Battle of Unju over Hubaekje’s armor-clad forces under Gyeon Hwon. Wang Geon’s victory here led to over 30 castles north of Woongjin surrendering to Goryeo. The defeat of Gyeon Hwon led to the downfall of Hubaekje.

후삼국 통일전쟁과 운주전투

신성재 국방부군사편찬연구소 2019 군사 Vol.- No.110

The battle of Unju was a decisive battle that marked a watershed in the unification war of the Later Three Kingdoms. The battle broke out twice in March 927 and September 934. The first battle in 927 was fought by Wang Geon and Geung Jun, lord of Unju, and the second by Wang Geon and Gyeon Hwon. The first battle broke out for Wang Geon to subjugate Unju. The battle also aimed to block Later Baekje's military activities and dominate the unification war by establishing logistics network linking the southern coast of Gyeongsangnam-do and the interior of Gyeongsangbuk-do. It resulted in Wang Geon's victory. Defeated in the battle, Geung Jun defected to Goryeo, while Wang Geon built a fortress at Oksan where he deployed troops. Geung Jun, lord of Unju, is thought to be the same person as Hong Gyu who was the father of Wang Geon's twelfth queen, Madam Heungbok although it it difficult to exclude the possibility that he was a different person. Seven years after the first battle, the second battle brok out in September 934. The second battle was fought for hegemony in the Chungcheong area and the West Sea under the circumstances where the maritime power and the strategic value of Unju were closely related. The second battle ended with one-sided victory of Wang Geon. Goryeo could win the battle because it concentrated on maneuvering strong cavalry that excelled in mobility and penetration. Wang Geon won a perfect victory following Yu Geumpil's offensive strategy that utilized the cavalry whereas Gyeon Hwon was bitterly defeated. The second battle became a watershed for Goryeo to certainly dominate the heated war over the Chungcheong area. Having won the victory, Goryeo became able to lead the unification war by conquering the Chungcheong area and securing maritime power in the West Sea. Meanwhile Later Baekje suffered downsizing of its ruling territory and loss of maritime power thereby its will to win the war being remarkably weakened. In the end Later Baekje began to walk down the road of collapse, having lost its hegemony since this battle 운주전투는 후삼국 통일전쟁의 흐름에 분수령이 된 결정적인 전투였다. 이 전투는 927년 3월과 934년 9월에 걸쳐 두 차례 발생하였다. 927년 1차 전투는 왕건과 운주성주 긍준이, 2차 전투는 왕건과 견훤이 대결하였다. 1차 전투는 왕건이 운주를 복속시키기 위한 목적에서 발생하였다. 또한 경남 남해안과 경북 내륙을 연결하는 병참운송망을 구축함으로써 후백제의 군사활동을 봉쇄하고 전쟁 주도권을 장악하기 위한 전략적 배경 하에서 발발하였다. 결과는 왕건의 승리로 귀결되었다. 전투에서 패배한 긍준은 고려 정부에 귀부하였고, 왕건은 옥산에 성을 쌓은 다음 지키는 군사들을 배치하였다. 운주성주 긍준에 대해서는 왕건의 12번째 비가 되는 흥복원부인의 아버지 홍규과 동일인으로 파악하기도 하지만, 별도의 인물일 가능성 또한 배제할 수 없다. 1차 전투가 종료되고 7년이 경과한 934년 9월에 2차 운주전투가 발생하였다. 2차 전투는 서해상에 대한 해상권 장악과 운주의 전략적 가치가 상호 밀접히 연계된 상황 속에서 충청지역과 서해상의 패권을 둘러싸고 벌인 전투였다. 2차 전투는 왕건의 일방적인 승리로 끝났다. 고려군이 승리할 수 있었던 것은 기동력과 돌파력이 뛰어난 경기를 집중적으로 운용하였기 때문이었다. 경기를 활용한 유금필의 공세적 전술에 따라 왕건은 전투에서 완전한 승리를 거두었던 반면 견훤은 참담한 패배를 당하게 되었다. 2차 전투는 충청지역을 둘러싸고 벌인 각축전에서 고려가 패권을 확실하게 장악하는 분수령이 되었다. 전투에서 승리한 고려는 충청지역을 석권하고 서해 해상권을 확보함으로써 통일전쟁을 주도할 수 있게 되었다. 반면에 후백제는 지배영역이 축소되고, 해상권마저 상실당하면서 전쟁의 의지 또한 현격히 약화되었다. 결국 후백제는 이 전투를 기점으로 급격히 집권력이 약화되면서 패망의 길로 들어서게 되었다.

연구논문 : 운주사에 대한 해석양상의 역사적 층위

김병인 ( Byoung In Kim ) 호남사학회(구-전남사학회) 2005 역사학연구 Vol.24 No.-

고려 태조 왕건의 일모산성전투와 공직의 역할

김명진(Kim, Myeong-jin) 국방부 군사편찬연구소 2012 군사 Vol.- No.85

Bordering Goryeo and Hubaekje, Ilmosanseong (Yangseongsanseong is now in Munui-myeon, Cheongwon-gun, Chungbuk) was at a strategic location that initially belonged to Hubaekje. At the end of the Shilla Kingdom,Gongjik at Maegoksanseong was self-reliant and subjugated to Gung Ye. When Wang Geon was crowned king in June 918, Gongjik maintained friendly relations with him for a while. But the two drifted apart because of the rebellion in September 918 involving Kyeongjong, Gongjik’s brother in law. When Gongjik’s young son and Kyeongjong were executed, Gongjik betrayed Goryeo, subjugating himself to Gyeon Hwon. Hubaekje’s strong military force was backed up by Ilmosanseong, Maegoksanseong and Samyeonsanseong in the Chungcheong region that served as a horizontal line of defense and attack against Goryeo. Wang Geon had to break through this line, so Ilmosanseong was his first target. In 925, Yu Geum-pil initiated attacks on the fortress (Yeonsanjin Battle), killing only Kil-hwan, the Castellan. In 928, Wang Geon personally attacked Samyeonsangseong only to fail. However, he won the Battle of Gochanggun in January 930, establishing Cheonan-bu as a new military base. Sensing a crisis, Gongjik betrayed Gyeon Hwon and subjugated himself to Wang Geon. With Maegoksanseong under his jurisdiction, Wang Geon launched a second attack on Ilmosanseongin July 932 only to fail. Around November 932, the third attack made him victorious. It was rare to attack a single fortress three times in the period of unification wars. In September 934, Wang Geon achieved victory at the Battle of Unju. With victory at the Battle of Ilmosanseong, Wang Geon isolated the impregnable Samyeonsanseong and deployed his troops forward into Hubaekje. Much of the credit for that victory obviously belonged to Gongjik.

世宗市 百濟 雲住山城의 築造와 運用

정운용(Jung Woon-Yong) 한국고대학회 2019 先史와 古代 Vol.- No.59

세종시를 포함하여, 세종시를 둘러싼 천안 목천이나 청주 문의 등은 土質이 좋은 곡창이다. 또 목천은 전근대사회에서 전략 자원이라 할 수 있는 鐵과 함께 牛 馬가 많이 산출되던 곳이다. 그리고 조선시대 전의 지역의 토산으로 鐵을 언급하면서 鐵場이 있었다는 기록도 있다. 즉 전의 전동 지역은, 주변의 곡창과 함께, 철 소 말 등 생산과 군사 전략 자원이 풍부한 곳이었다. 아울러 전의 전동 지역은 공주 부여와 교통로 작전선 상에서 직접 연결 되는 곳이다. 이러한 점이 운주산성의 입지와 축조 운용 문제를 검토할 때 고려되어야 할 것이다. 한편 조선시대 여러 地理志를 검토한 결과, 조선 중기 신증동국여지승람 이 편찬될 당시 지금의 雲住山은 高山으로, 雲住山城은 高山山城으로 명명되었다. 그 후 18세기 후반의 여지도서 에서는 고산이 雲注山으로, 고산산성이 雲注山城으로 개칭되었다. 여지도서 의 雲注山 雲注山城이 지금의 雲住山 雲住山城이다. 그럼에도 불구하고 19세기 중엽에 편찬된 대동지지 는 지금의 금성산을 운주산으로, 지금의 李城과 金伊城(金城山城)을 각각 운주산북성과 운주산남성으로 표현하였다. 이는 아마 전의 전동 지역 현지에서는 당시까지 여전히 금성산을 운주산으로 관념하였기 때문이라 여겨진다. 이러한 운주산성은 일부 조사된 성벽의 축조 방식에 의해 그 축조 국가를 확정하기는 곤란하다. 따라서 이 글에서는 운주산성 출토 백제 토기편이나 기와편에 주목하였다. 특히 일정한 크기의 성돌을 사용하여 정교하게 이루어진 축성은 백제 중앙의 기술이 적용된 것으로 이해하였다. 또 內城 수습 백제 기와편에 주목하여 운주산성의 축조는 백제에 의한 것으로 파악하였다. 아울러 삼국사기 를 참고하여 운주산성은 백제 무왕 때인 630년을 전후한 시기에 백제가 신라나 고구려의 침공을 사전에 차단하고자 하는 의지의 표출로 축성한 것이라 추정하였다. 즉, 운주산성은 백제 무왕 때 웅진에 대한 방어를 강화함으로써 사비 도성을 보호하고자하는 군사적 측면에서 축조된 것이라 여겨진다. 이때 높은 산에 입지한 운주산성은 공주 부여 지역으로 진군하고자 하는 신라나 고구려의 군사적 압력에 대하여 대규모 산성의 존재를 과시함으로써 적의 예봉을 사전에 차단하고자 하는 백제의 입장이 반영된 것이라 본다. 또 운주산성의 내성에는, 지금의 西門과 연관하여, 산성 전체를 지휘하는 지휘부 건물이 입지했을 것이라 추정해 보았다. Including Sejong City(世宗市), Choenan Mokchoen(天安木川) and Cheongju Moonui(淸州文義) and others surrounding the city have good soil quality. Also, Mokchoen is the place where iron, cattles, and horses that can be used as a battle resource are produced abundantly. In addition, iron was a regional speciality in Jeonui(全義), and there is a record that the region had an iron field in the period of Joseon Dynasty(朝鮮時代). In other words, Jeonui Jeondong(全東) Area was surrounded by granary zone, moreover, there were plenty of military strategic resources such as iron, cattles, and horses. Besides, Jeonui Jeondong Area was the region directly connected to Gongju(公州) Buyeo(扶餘) as a traffic route and lines of military operations. These points should be considered when viewing the location, foundation, and operation of Unju Mountain fortress. Meanwhile, investigating multiple geographies of Joseon Dynasty, Unju Mountain and Unju Mountain fortress were named as Go Mountain(高山) and Go Mountain fortress(高山 山城) according to Shinjeung Donggukyeojiseongram( 新增東國輿地勝覽 ) in the mid- Joseon. Then, according to Yeojidoseo( 輿地圖書 ) in the latter part of the 18th century, Go Mountain and Go Mountain fortress were renamed Unju Mountain(雲注山) and Unju Mountain fortress(雲注山城). Unju Mountain(雲注山) and Unju Mountain fortress(雲注山城), mentioned in Yeojidoseo, is the Unju Mountain(雲住山) and Unju Mountain fortress (雲住山城) we know in the present. Even so, Daedongjiji( 大東地志 ), compiled in the middle of the 19th century, clarified the currently called Geumseong Mountain(金城山) as Unju Mountain(雲住山), and named Yiseong(李城) and Geumseong Mountain fortress(金城山城) as North Unju Mountain and South Unju Mountain fortress each. This is probably resulted from the idea in Jeonui Jeondong Area themselves that Geumseong Mountain is Unju Mountain. There is difficulty to ascertain the construction country of Unju Mountain fortress only with the construction method of the fortress wall which was partially investigated. Therefore, in this article, attention is paid to the several buildings and roof tiles excavated at Unju Mountain fortress. Particularly, it is understood that using a certain size of bricks for a fortress based on the application of main technology, and focusing on the pieces of roof tiles that were collected from the inner fortress(內城), the construction of Unju Mountain fortress is based on Baekje(百濟). Also, considering the record of Samguksaki( 三國史記 ), Unju Mountain fortress was built during the time of King Moo(武王) in about 630 to express the intention to shield from the invasion of Goguryeo and Shilla beforehand. In other words, it is considered that Unju Mountain fortress was built for the military purpose to protect the capital city Sabi(泗沘) by strengthening the defense ability of Woongjin(熊津) in the period of King Moo. Unju Mountain fortress, located on a high mountain, is regarded as a reflection of purpose of Beakje that the massive fortress, showing off the existence itself against the military force of Silla and Goguryeo trying to march on Gongju Buyeo Area, would block the enemy s sharp attack in advance. In addition, it is estimated that the control tower which commanded the whole fortress was located inner fortress.

井邑 山內 龍藏寺 관련 기록의 검토 - 後百濟代 창건을 중심으로 -

허인욱 전북사학회 2016 전북사학 Vol.0 No.48

Yongjangsa is a Buddhist temple that used to be located in Jeolan Village, Sanne-myeon, Jeongup-si in Jeonlabuldo Province, Korea. The temple was established by a Buddhist priest, Unju Jotong, who formed a close relationship with King Gyeonhwon between late Shilla and early Goryeo dynasty. Unju Jotong went to the southern region of China during the period of late Shilla dynasty, to learn from the Buddhist priest, Dao Ying. After returning from China, it is believed that Unju Jotong developed a close relationship with King Gyeonhwon of Hubaekje dynasty. Around this time, Unju Jotong set out to build Yongjangsa, a temple of Zen Buddhism. This took place between the year 900 and November 927. Presumably, King Gyeonhwon sponsored establishment of the temple, wishing for the prosperity of the royal family. Even after Hubaekje dynasty fell to ruin, Unju Jotong maintained his loyalty for the dynasty. Probably for this reason, he received little respect in Goryeo dynasty, and little records of him remain today. Meanwhile, the records on Yongjangsa temple are found in documents published throughout Goryeo dynasty and into late Joseon dynasty. They include poems written by Go Dongyeom, Kim Geukki, or geography books such as Donggukyeojiseungram and Yeojiji. The temple was burned down during the Japanese invasion in 1592, and then reconstructed in 1630. In 1635, Buddhist priests at the temple worked on publishing Buddhist scripts. Afterwards, the temple perished entirely during the period of Donghak peasant revolution in the late 19th century.

고려 태조 왕건의 아산만 일대 공략과정 검토

김명진 부경역사연구소 2012 지역과 역사 Vol.- No.30

The main findings of this study can be summarized as follows:In 918, King Taejo Wang Geon(王建), founder of the Goryeo Dynasty, ousted Gung Ye(弓裔) and came to the throne. This, in turn, triggered a succession of revolts against his rule, most of which involved the Chungcheong region both directly and indirectly. It was fortunate that there was no indication of public unrest in the northern and eastern parts of the Bay of Asan(牙山灣). The trouble was with the rebel forces in its southern part. Then Wang Geon sent Kim Haeng-do(金行濤) to the Aju(牙州) region, in August of 918, which helped prevent the revolt from spreading further. Around July 928, Wang Geon had Yu Geum-pil(庾黔弼) build the Tangjeong Fortress(湯井城) south of Aju, extending Goryeo’s influence further to the south. Moreover, he secured the sea route to the Bay of Asan, as well as the land route allowing the Goryeo army to march on. In August 919, the Yesan area was subjected to the rule of Goryeo, thanks to the outstanding military exploits of Ae Sun(哀宣) and Hong Yu(洪儒). Gathering the momentum from that victory, Goryeo subjugated the Imjon Fortress(任存城) in October of 925. Earlier, Goryeo had subjugated both Hyeseong-gun(槥城郡) and Dangjin(唐津), on the strength of the brilliant war results Bok Ji-gyeom(卜智謙) had achieved. It was at the Battle of Unju(運州戰鬪) that Wang Geon personally set out to attack the rebel forces. In March 927, Geung Joon(兢俊), castellan of the Unju Castle, engaged in the Battle of Unju against the Goryeo troops only to lose the battle, and he became a subject of Wang Geon. Nevertheless, Unju fell back into the hands of Hubaekje(後百濟). In May 934, during his visit to Yesan-jin(禮山鎭), Wang Geon issued a statement saying that his men and the local officials should care about the well-being of the people in the region, instead of tyrannizing or oppressing them. Comforting the local community in such a manner, Wang Geon successfully engaged in the Battle of Unju, in September 934, against the Hubaekje army. At last, the Bay of Asan and its surrounding areas became part of Goryeo’s territory. As a result, Goryeo gained the upper hand, ultimately destroying Hubaekje. It can be concluded from this study that Wang Geon entered into no combination with any local forces in the areas around the Bay of Asan in order to keep his hold on the reins of power. This conclusion will be instrumental in figuring out the nature of the central government in the early years of the Goryeo Dynasty ― whether Wang Geon allied himself with local forces to hold the reins of power.

화순 운주사 마애여래좌상의 암석학적 특성 및 손상도 평가

이장존,김재환,이수예 한국문화재보존과학회 2017 보존과학회지 Vol.33 No.1

전남 화순 운주사 마애여래좌상은 운주사 석불군 가운데 유일한 마애불로써 현재 전라남도 유형문화재 제275호로 지정되어 있다. 암반의 암석은 연녹색의 안산암질 응회각력암으로써 구성광물은 석영과 장석으로 이루고 있다. 전암대 자율 측정 결과, 상부에서부터 하부까지 단일 퇴적층으로 구성되어 있다. 초음파 속도 측정 결과, 2009년에 비해 2015년은 1500~2000 m/s의 빈도수는 증가하고, 2000~2500 m/s의 빈도수는 감소하였으며, 2015년에 2000 m/s이하의 측정값이 87.5%로 2009년의 68.8%에 비해 증가하였다. 또한 마애여래좌상의 상부, 하부, 왼쪽부분 및 머리 등에서 부분적으로 저속대의 범위가 확장되는 경향이 관찰되었다. 마애불의 대한 풍화는 장기적으로 발생하기 때문에 시간 경과에 따른 변화 정도를 확인하기 위해서는 지속적인 모니터링이 필요할 것으로 판단된다 . The rock-carved seated Buddha of Unju temple of Hwasun, Jeonnam, the only Triad Buddha among the stone Buddhas of Unju temple, is currently designated as a tangible cultural property No. 275 of Jeollanam-do. The rock of the seated Triad Buddha bedrock is light-green andesitic tuff breccia that is composed of quartz and feldspar. The resultsof measurement of the whole rock magnetic susceptibility characteristics, the rock consists of a single sedimentary layer from top to bottom. The results of ultrasonic velocity measurement, show that the number of frequency of 1500~2000 m/s increased and the number of frequency of 2000~2500 m/s decreased in 2009 compared to 2015, and the measurement value for 2000 m/s or below was 87.5% in 2015, a 68.8% increase in comparison to that in 2009. Moreover, on the top, bottom, left side, and head areas of the Triad Buddha, a partial expanding tendency was observed in the range of low ultrasonic velocity. As weathering of the Triad Buddha occurs in the long term, on-going monitoring is required to ascertain the degree of change with time.

태인 용장사의 연혁과 출판

허인욱 동양고전학회 2022 東洋古典硏究 Vol.- No.87

Yongjangsa(龍藏寺, Temple of Yongjang) was founded during the Later Baekje Period and maintained its current status through the Goryeo Dynasty until the late Joseon Dynasty. It was also called Unjusa(雲住寺, Temple of Unju) because it was located in Unjusan Mountain, and local people called it Unsansa because it was a temple located in Unjusan(Mountain of Unju). Yongjangsa was used not only as a Buddhist temple, but also as a place to exchange and lecture with officials dispatched from the surrounding Confucian scholars or from the center. It was also used as a place for political associations for local Confucian scholars. 13 types of Buddhist books published in Yongjangsa, including 1 type in 1432, 11 types in 1635, and 1 type in 1670. Among them, the publication of Buddhist books around 1635 was made in the close relationship between the disciple of great Buddhist monk Seosan such as the Taeneung, and the disciple of great Buddhist monk Buhu such as Byeokam Gakseong and The high-ranking monks participated in the publication, indicating that Yongjangsa's position and historical value in Buddhism were recognized by the monks at that time. At that time, the publication of the Buddhist scriptures was made for a complex purpose, such as education for lectures and memorializing the deceased. In addition, study abroad books such as "Jujajeonseo(朱子全書)" and "Saseo Eonhae(四書諺解)" were published, which is attributed to the fact that the Taein area was well established for study abroad education. Among them, Jujajeonseo was completed in a short period of 5 months, which can be found in the relationship between Won Doo-pyo(元斗杓), who was a Jeolla auditor, and Byeokam Gakseong. At that time, the Buddhist community was able to publish Buddhist books for various purposes, such as the need for lecture materials, by utilizing the work being carried out. Publication in Yongjangsa Temple has not been found since 1670, and it is estimated that this influenced the active publication of Banggak copies(坊刻本) in Taein over time.

‘홍주’의 지명 재정착과 그 의미

김경수 조선시대사학회 2015 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.75 No.-

Hongseong was a center of the politics, economy, administration, and transportation in the Chugnam Province of Chosun Dynasty. Hongseong has a regional characteristics that acceptable numerous cultures through active human and material exchange. It achieved independent ideas which are called ‘HongJu-cultural area’ and cultural area. In other worlds, Hongseong has been a important function of politics, economy, administration and culture of the ‘Nae-poe culture area’. But, Japanese started ‘Chosun-Land research project’ under the guide of ‘Chosun land’s survey on October 1, 1910. Japanese surveyed Chosun Dynasty land and started enrolling regional names of the whole Chosun Dynasty country in map. Japanse reformed ‘Chosun’s names Chosun counties called as an execution department system in April 1st Hong-Ju turned Hongseong at this time. The stature of “Great Hongju” in Chosun Dynasty disappeared, it declined socially and economically considerably. The settlement of the nomination that can reveal their identity and historicity of area is a task prior that should be a prerequisite. But, one of the representative remains from Japanese colonial era in our society is regional name. Thus, the return of ‘Hongju’ which was changed forcibly by the Japanese empire is directly connected with reveal of the regional identity. This reveals historicity and cultural characteristics of the region and is directly connected with clear away the remnants of Japanese imperialism. 조선시대의 홍성은 충남 서북부 정치․경제와 행정․교통의 중심지였다. 활발한 인적․물적 교류를 통해 많은 문화를 수용할 수 있는 지역적 특징을 지니고 있었으며, ‘홍주문화권’이라는 독자적인 사상 및 문화 권역을 이루었다. 행정과 교통의 중심지였을 뿐만 아니라, 충청 서북부 지방의 행정․문화의 중심 거점으로서, 이른바 ‘내포문화권’의 정치, 경제, 행정 및 문화의 중심지로서 중요한 기능을 수행했던 것이다. 그런데 1910년 10월 1일, 일본은 조선의 땅을 조사한다는 미명 하에, ‘조선토지조사사업’을 착수하였다. 땅을 측량함과 함께 지도를 새로 작성하면서 전국의 땅이름을 명부에 올리기 시작했다. 1914년 4월 1일에는 府制의 실시라는 구실로 우리 땅이름에 일대 개혁을 단행하였다. 이때 ‘홍주’가 ‘홍성’으로 바뀌었다. 조선시기 ‘대홍주’의 위상은 사라지고, 이후 사회ㆍ경제적으로도 상당히 쇠락되었다. 지역의 역사성과 정체성을 드러낼 수 있는 지명의 정착은, 다른 무엇보다 선결되어야 할 전제 조건이다. 그런데 우리 사회에 남아 있는 대표적인 일제 잔재의 하나가 ‘지명’이다. 따라서 일제에 의해 강제적으로 변경된 ‘홍주’ 지명의 재정착 역시 지역의 정체성을 드러내는 일과 직결된다. 이는 지역의 역사성과 문화성을 그대로 드러내는 일, 나아가 일제 잔재의 청산과 직결되는 일이기 때문이다.