한국인에서 전격성 간부전의 임상적 특징 및 예후 인자

신성재,안상훈,김희만,김자경,김병창,이재현,백용한,이관식,한광협,전재윤,문영명 대한간학회 2004 Clinical and Molecular Hepatology(대한간학회지) Vol.10 No.4

왕건의 수군활동과 皐夷島-皐夷島의 전략상 위치에 주목하여-

신성재 한국중세사학회 2019 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.57

This paper examines the location of Goi Island(皐夷島) from a strategic point of view that Wang Geon attacked and occupied through naval operations in 909. Goi Island appeared in the Chronicles of the Three States and Goryeosa, but its location remained unrecorded. Goi Island did not appear in officially-compiled histories until the mid-Joseon period;then it began to reemerge in nineteenth-century literature such as Jeong Yagyong’s writings and Kim Jeongho’s Daedongyeojido. Jeong Yagyong pointed out today’s Gogeum Island as Goi Island while Kim Jeongho understood it as an island off Yeonggwang-Gun. Researchers have failed to come to an agreement on whereabouts of Goi Island since its location was difficult to spot through literature. Three theories have been suggested thus far:that it is today’s Gogeum Island, that it is Goi Island (古耳島) located on the north of Aphae Island in Shinan-Gun, and that it is Goha Island (高下島) lied on the entry of Mokpo. Among these, the author sides with the first theory that the island is identical with Gogeum Island. Wang Geon’s naval strategies and operations provide room for such an interpretation. As well known, right after he had advanced into Naju in 903, Wang Geon planned a strategy to rule the West and South Seas with his navy. His attack and occupation of Goi Island in 909 was a naval operation carried out to achieve this object. His naval operations against Gangju in 927 can also be understood in the same vein. It seems appropriate to presume therefore that in the light of military strategies Goi Island’s location coincides with Gogeum Island concerning Wang Geon’s naval operations that extended his maritime power as far as the South Sea to achieve strategic objects.

후삼국 통일전쟁과 운주전투

신성재 국방부군사편찬연구소 2019 군사 Vol.- No.110

The battle of Unju was a decisive battle that marked a watershed in the unification war of the Later Three Kingdoms. The battle broke out twice in March 927 and September 934. The first battle in 927 was fought by Wang Geon and Geung Jun, lord of Unju, and the second by Wang Geon and Gyeon Hwon. The first battle broke out for Wang Geon to subjugate Unju. The battle also aimed to block Later Baekje's military activities and dominate the unification war by establishing logistics network linking the southern coast of Gyeongsangnam-do and the interior of Gyeongsangbuk-do. It resulted in Wang Geon's victory. Defeated in the battle, Geung Jun defected to Goryeo, while Wang Geon built a fortress at Oksan where he deployed troops. Geung Jun, lord of Unju, is thought to be the same person as Hong Gyu who was the father of Wang Geon's twelfth queen, Madam Heungbok although it it difficult to exclude the possibility that he was a different person. Seven years after the first battle, the second battle brok out in September 934. The second battle was fought for hegemony in the Chungcheong area and the West Sea under the circumstances where the maritime power and the strategic value of Unju were closely related. The second battle ended with one-sided victory of Wang Geon. Goryeo could win the battle because it concentrated on maneuvering strong cavalry that excelled in mobility and penetration. Wang Geon won a perfect victory following Yu Geumpil's offensive strategy that utilized the cavalry whereas Gyeon Hwon was bitterly defeated. The second battle became a watershed for Goryeo to certainly dominate the heated war over the Chungcheong area. Having won the victory, Goryeo became able to lead the unification war by conquering the Chungcheong area and securing maritime power in the West Sea. Meanwhile Later Baekje suffered downsizing of its ruling territory and loss of maritime power thereby its will to win the war being remarkably weakened. In the end Later Baekje began to walk down the road of collapse, having lost its hegemony since this battle 운주전투는 후삼국 통일전쟁의 흐름에 분수령이 된 결정적인 전투였다. 이 전투는 927년 3월과 934년 9월에 걸쳐 두 차례 발생하였다. 927년 1차 전투는 왕건과 운주성주 긍준이, 2차 전투는 왕건과 견훤이 대결하였다. 1차 전투는 왕건이 운주를 복속시키기 위한 목적에서 발생하였다. 또한 경남 남해안과 경북 내륙을 연결하는 병참운송망을 구축함으로써 후백제의 군사활동을 봉쇄하고 전쟁 주도권을 장악하기 위한 전략적 배경 하에서 발발하였다. 결과는 왕건의 승리로 귀결되었다. 전투에서 패배한 긍준은 고려 정부에 귀부하였고, 왕건은 옥산에 성을 쌓은 다음 지키는 군사들을 배치하였다. 운주성주 긍준에 대해서는 왕건의 12번째 비가 되는 흥복원부인의 아버지 홍규과 동일인으로 파악하기도 하지만, 별도의 인물일 가능성 또한 배제할 수 없다. 1차 전투가 종료되고 7년이 경과한 934년 9월에 2차 운주전투가 발생하였다. 2차 전투는 서해상에 대한 해상권 장악과 운주의 전략적 가치가 상호 밀접히 연계된 상황 속에서 충청지역과 서해상의 패권을 둘러싸고 벌인 전투였다. 2차 전투는 왕건의 일방적인 승리로 끝났다. 고려군이 승리할 수 있었던 것은 기동력과 돌파력이 뛰어난 경기를 집중적으로 운용하였기 때문이었다. 경기를 활용한 유금필의 공세적 전술에 따라 왕건은 전투에서 완전한 승리를 거두었던 반면 견훤은 참담한 패배를 당하게 되었다. 2차 전투는 충청지역을 둘러싸고 벌인 각축전에서 고려가 패권을 확실하게 장악하는 분수령이 되었다. 전투에서 승리한 고려는 충청지역을 석권하고 서해 해상권을 확보함으로써 통일전쟁을 주도할 수 있게 되었다. 반면에 후백제는 지배영역이 축소되고, 해상권마저 상실당하면서 전쟁의 의지 또한 현격히 약화되었다. 결국 후백제는 이 전투를 기점으로 급격히 집권력이 약화되면서 패망의 길로 들어서게 되었다.

한국 해군의 상징, ‘해군기’

신성재 국방부군사편찬연구소 2022 군사 Vol.- No.122

The Navy Flag represents and symbolizes Republic of Korea Navy(ROK Navy). This passage aims to discuss on the process of establishment for the flag, symbols inside it, and the historical meanings behind the Navy Flag, the representation of ROK Navy. The official and historical documentation of the Navy Flag can be found in the text "Republic of Korea Naval History" published in 1961 by ROK Navy Headquarters. The text writes that the Navy Flag was first announced in June 15, 1946, when the Joseon Coast Guard was established. The original Navy Flag had the same design as the present one, exhibiting the Taegeuk symbol and the crossed anchors on the deep blue background. However, the anchors do not appear on the Navy's pictorial album published at that time. The analysis on the flag revealed although it is true that the flag was established at the time of the Joseon Coast Guard, the flag only had the Taegeuk symbol on its background, missing the crossed anchors. It was not until the official launch of ROK Navy, August 15, 1948, that the Navy Flag had the crossed anchors on its background as it is today. The deep blue background, the crossed anchors, and the Taegeuk symbol, each one symbolizes the Korean seas surrounding the country, the naval solidarity, and Republic of Korea itself. It is certain that Admiral Son Won-il and Jung Geung-mo were the central figures in the making of the Navy Flag. Admiral Kim Young-chul, Admiral Kim Il-byung, and Jang Ho-geun are also likely to be involved in the process according to records, although further examination needs to be undertaken. Of all the patterns in the Navy Flag, Taegeuk is a unique pattern symbolizing Republic of Korea. However, the crossed anchors derive from the cap badges used by the United States Navy officers. The ROK Navy chose to adopt such pattern in times of the long-lasting close ties with the United States Navy. Thus, in terms of the history of patterns, the Navy Flag patterns include Taegeuk, the symbol of Republic of Korea and the crossed anchors from US Navy. After its establishment, the Navy Flag became the prototype model for the flags of the Navy units. It also influenced the badge of 30 year service for Navy officers and chief petty officers. The Navy Flag, which consists of Taegeuk and the crossed anchors, is also used in the insignias of naval officers. 해군기는 한국 해군의 얼굴이자 상징이다. 이 글은 한국 해군을 대표하는 해군기의 제정 과정과 문양에 반영된 상징, 역사적인 의미를 살펴본 것이다. 해군기에 관한 공식 역사 서술은 해군본부가 1961년에 발행한 대한민국해군사 에 나타난다. 해당 역사서는 해군기가 조선해안경비대가 발족하던 1946년 6월 15일에 제정된 것으로 서술한다. 제정된 해군기는 진남색 바탕지에 태극, 교차된 닻으로 구성된 오늘날과 동일한 문양이었다고 한다. 그러나 당대 해군화보집에는 닻이 없다. 분석 결과 해군기가 조선해안경비대 시절에 처음 출현하였으나 진남색 바탕지에 태극으로 구성되었음이 확인된다. 교차된 닻이 포함되어 오늘날과 동일한 문양으로 완성된 것은 대한민국해군이 출범하던 1948년 8월 15일 즈음이었다. 해군기의 진남색 바탕지는 삼면으로 둘러싸인 한국의 바다를, 교차된 닻은 해군의 단결을, 태극은 한국을 상징한다. 해군기를 제작한 주인공으로 확실한 인물은 손원일과 정긍모 제독이다. 김영철ㆍ김일병 제독과 장호근도 기록상 개연성이 높은데, 추가적인 검토가 필요하다. 해군기 문양 중 태극은 한국을 상징하는 고유한 문양이다, 그러나 교차된 닻은 미군정기에 미국 해군장교들이 사용하던 모표 문양에서 유래한다. 창군기부터 미국 해군들과 유대관계를 맺어오던 상황에서 이를 해군기 문양으로 차용한 것이었다. 문양사적인 측면에서 해군기 문양에는 한국을 상징하는 태극과 미 해군식의 교차된 닻 문양이 공통적으로 반영되었다고 볼 수 있다. 해군기는 제정된 이후 해군 부대기 제작의 기준이 되었다. 장교와 부사관이 패용하는 ‘근속 30주년 기념휘장’ 문양에도 직접적인 영향을 끼쳤다. 태극과 교차하는 닻으로 형상화된 해군기 문양은 해군장교의 견장형 및 수장형 계급장을 장식하는 문양으로도 활용되고 있다.

[해양역사] 왕건의 서남해 도서지방 경략과 해양사적 의미

신성재 한국해양사학회 2019 해양담론 Vol.6 No.-

내시경 절제술 후 조직학적 음성 결과: 내시경의의 관점

신성재,양민재,노충균,임선교,이기명,이광재 대한상부위장관ㆍ헬리코박터학회 2018 Korean Journal of Helicobacter Upper Gastrointesti Vol.18 No.1

Endoscopic submucosal dissection (ESD) is accepted as the standard treatment for gastric epithelial dysplasia or early gastric cancer because it enables curative en bloc resection and complete histopathological assessment of the specimen. However, occasionally, a tumorous lesion may not be detected, and histopathological discrepancies can occur after ESD. Reportedly, the prevalence of negative histopathological results after endoscopic resection is 2.0∼4.4%. Negative histopathological results after endoscopic resection are commonly attributable to complete removal of the lesion via an endoscopic forceps biopsy (EFB) at the time of the initial diagnostic endoscopic examination, an initial histopathological overestimation of the EFB specimen, and incorrect localization of the original tumor with subsequent ESD performed at a wrong site. A small tumor size and surface area are known to be significant endoscopic predictors of negative histopathological results after ESD. Therefore, clinicians should be mindful of the fact that negative histopathological findings observed after endoscopic resection warrant a comprehensive review of all pre-ESD data and an adequate follow-up to determine the cause of these findings and to detect any possibility of local recurrence.

가족성 대장 용종증에 동반된 갑상선 유두암 1예

신성재,이현주,김소헌,심완섭,이시훈,김유미,이유미,김태일,차봉수,이현철,임승길 대한내분비학회 2004 Endocrinology and metabolism Vol.19 No.2

Familial adenomatous polyposis(FAP) is an autosomal dominant syndrome, typically characterized by multiple colorectal adenomas and increased incidence of colorectal carcinomas if left untreated. It is caused by germline mutations of the adenomatous polyposis coli(APC) gene, which has been mapped on chromosome 5q21, and is accompanied by various benign and malignant extracolonic manifestations. The prevalence of thyroid tumors developing in patients with FAP is about 1~2%, are associated with FAP and have certain characteristics; mean age of tumor diagnosis at less than 30 years of age, the pathology is the papillary histiotype in more than 90% of cases, including a so-called cribriform- morular pattern, and multifocality is a frequent feature.In a genetic analysis, thyroid cancer in FAP usually has a mutation in the 5-portion of exon 15 between 778 and 1309, on chromosome 5q21. Also, the ret/PTC(especially ret/PTC1 and ret/PTC3) and p53 genes are thought probably to be associated with thyroid cancer in FAP patients.A case of familial adenomatous polyposis, accompanied by thyroid papillary cancer, was experienced in a 29 year-old female. She had hundreds of adenomas throughout the entire colon and congenital hypertrophy of the retinal pigment epithelium(CHRPE). The pathological finding of thyroid cancer was revealed as a mixture of cribriform, trabecular and papillary patterns. In a genetic analysis, she and her brother had a germline mutation of the APC gene at codon 1309. In Korea, there has been no previous case of cribriform-morular pattern and familial genetic analysis in FAP associated with thyroid cancer. Therefore, this case is reported, with a review of the literature 본 저자들은 가족성 대장 용종증에 동반된 갑상선암으로 진단 받은 29세 여자 환자에서 갑상선 암의 조직 검사상 특징적인 cribriform-morular 변이 형태의 소견을 보이며, 가족성 대장 용종증으로 전 대장 절제술을 시행 받은 오빠 및 환자에서 갑상선암의 호발 부위와 관련된 APC 유전자 15번 exon의 1309 codon 에서 배선 돌연변이(germline mutation)를 확인할 수 있었으며, 이러한 결과를 토대로 각각의 가족들에게 개인에 맞는 유전 상담을 시행할 수 있었기에 문헌 고찰과 함께 보고하는 바이다.

Production of and Applications for a Polyclonal IgY Diagnostic Reagent Specific for Mycobacterium avium subsp. paratuberculosis

신성재,Seung-Sub Lee,Elizabeth J. B. Manning,Michael T. Collins 한국미생물학회 2009 The journal of microbiology Vol.47 No.5

Antibodies specific to the cell surface antigens of Mycobacterium avium subsp. paratuberculosis (MAP) have multiple useful applications, e.g. organism detection, immunoconcentration, and cell visualization. The aim of this study was to produce and compare polyclonal antibodies for such research and diagnostic purposes. Three polyclonal antibodies to MAP were produced using sera from immunized rabbits and chickens plus naturally infected cows. Cross-reactive antibodies in each MAP antibody preparation were removed by absorption with heterologous mycobacterial and non-mycobacterial cells. The specificity of each resulting polyclonal antibody preparation was evaluated by ELISA to multiple bacterial cell wall extract antigens. After absorption, chicken anti-MAP IgY had the highest specificity of the three antibody preparations. FITC-labeled anti-MAP IgY was used to effectively locate MAP in macrophages 12 h post-infection. Also, immuno- magnetic beads coated with anti-MAP IgY enhanced recovery of MAP from bacterial suspensions in comparison with non-antibody coated beads. Anti-MAP IgY provides a novel new reagent with broad diagnostic and research applications requiring specific concentration, detection, and quantification of MAP.

결핵백신의 현황 및 개발 경과

신성재 대한결핵 및 호흡기학회 2016 대한결핵 및 호흡기학회 추계학술대회 초록집 Vol.121 No.-

고려전기 해군에 대한 시론적 고찰

신성재 부산경남사학회 2015 역사와 경계 Vol.96 No.-

This paper was prepared to examine early Koryo navy focusing on its origin, change patterns, and features at an introductory level. During this period, Gungye regime, Koryo, and Later Baekjae all operated navy as a central military force. The title of grand general and general all give a direct evidence to such a fact. The advent of navy reflected a real change as the military and economic value of the ocean increased. Such change also meant the appearance of a unit which undergoes independent missions in a long-range maritime space. It was characteristic of this era that military naval actions were actually expeditions targeting areas located faraway. Thus, emergence of navy stemmed from the transformation of strategy and tactics to the according directions. After the unification of the Later Three Kingdoms, far-distance expeditions of the navy have dramatically decreased. Instead, Koryo navy took the central military task of defending the capital and Seogyeong(西京), the second capital. There were naval units within the central military that executed special missions as well : Naval command(海領) that belonged to Thousand Bull Division of Two Guards(二軍) and Six Divisions(六衛). This consisted of 1,000 men in total, which mission was to bodyguard the king during the sea voyage or guard foreign envoys. 50 navy soldiers stationed at Seogyeong also undertook such task. Since they were entitled to carry out special duties in the capitals, they had to be full-time. So ‘soldier's land’ was given in order to secure their livelihood while on assignments. The trace of Koryo navy disappears from the records after king Munjong's era, except a brief account in the book Xuanhewafengshi Gaolitujing(宣和奉使高麗圖經) written by a Chinese ambassador Xujing(徐兢) who visited Koryo during king Injong's reign. It is not clear why the navy documentation suddenly became absent. There could be speculations that this phenomenon is linked to the disintegration of the central army based on Two Guards and Six Divisions and restructuring of regional Maritime Defense Systems, but currently they cannot be confirmed. These questions will be dealt with in the subsequent studies. 이 글은 고려전기 해군에 대하여 그 출현 배경과 변화 양상, 특징 등을 중심으로 시론적인 차원에서 고찰한 것이다. 이 시기에 궁예정권과 고려, 후백제는 해상작전을 전담하는 해군을 중앙군으로 운용하였다. 해군대장군과 해군장군, 해군장의 직함은 그 직접적인 증거에 해당한다. 해군의 등장은 해양에 대한 군사경제적 가치 증대에 따른 실질적인 변화를 반영하는 것이었다. 그 변화는 원거리 해상 공간에서 독자적인 작전을 수행하는 부대의 출현을 의미하는 것이었다. 이 시대의 해상 군사활동은 원거리에 위치한 전략 거점을 대상으로 원정작전을 벌인 것이 특징적이다. 해군의 출현은 이러한 방향으로 전략과 작전 개념이 변화된 것에서 비롯한다. 후삼국 통일 이후 해군의 원정작전은 현격히 감소되었다. 대신 해군은 개경과 서경을 방위하는 중앙군으로서의 임무를 수행하였다. 중앙군 중에는 특수한 임무를 수행하는 해군도 존재하였다. 2군 6위 천우위에 속한 해령 1령의 존재가 그들이다. 총 1,000명으로 구성된 이들은 해상에서 국왕을 호종하거나 외국 사신을 사행 시 호위하는 임무를 수행하였다. 서경에 배치된 해군 50명 역시 이러한 임무를 수행하였다. 이들은 개경과 서경에 거주하며 특수한 임무를 수행해야 했으므로 전업적인 성격을 띨 수 밖에 없었다. 따라서 이들에게는 임무 수행의 안정성을 높이기 위해 군인전을 지급하였다. 해군은 문종대 이후로는 고려의 사서에서 그 자취가 사라지고 더 이상 나타나지 않는다. 다만 인종대 고려를 방문한 송의 사신 서긍이 저술한 『선화봉사고려도경』에 한 구절 나타날 뿐이다. 해군이 이후의 역사 기록에서 사라진 이유는 명확하지 않다. 2군 6위를 근간으로 하는 중앙군이 붕괴되는 현상과 지역별 해방체제의 정비 문제와 관련성이 있음직하지만 특정하기는 어렵다. 이에 대해서는 추후의 진전된 연구를 통해 보완하고자 한다.