THE PATRONS OF GORYEO BUDDHIST PAINTING

( Kim Junghee ) 국립중앙박물관 2010 Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology (JKAA) Vol.4 No.0

Throughout the Goryeo period, when Buddhism was the official state religion, both the royal house and aristocrats frequently sponsored colossal projects for constructing lavish temples. Officials, both civil and military, local administrators and monks were also active patrons of Buddhist architecture and art, even if on a more modest scale. Currently, some 160 Buddhist paintings dated to the Goryeo period have survived. Thirty of these paintings carry dated inscriptions, and the patron is known for twenty-three of them. All of them were produced during the period when the Goryeo king and ruling class deferred to the Yuan. The paintings were commissioned by people of various classes and walks of life, from the royal house and influential military leaders to Buddhist monks, groups of faithful and individuals; they were intended to pray for the prosperity of the country and the welfare of its people, an end to a war, or as vehicles of more personal prayers for longevity and rebirth in paradise. This paper divides the patrons of Goryeo Buddhist paintings into four large categories: the royal house and government officials (civil and military officials and palace staff), monks, Buddhist groups and individuals. Concubine Sukbi, who commissioned the creation of Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara in 1310, for example, is among the best known of royal patrons of Buddhist paintings. Among government officials, Yeom Seung-ik, a member of the close entourage of King Chungnyeol (r. 1275-1308), the eunuch Seo Ji-man, Yi Yo-seom, a senior military official, and a certain Gwon Bok-su, who was actually either Gwon Dan (1228-1311) or Gwon Bu (1262-1346), stand out for their patronage activities. Among monk patrons, those who held the highest clerical positions include, daeseonsa (name unknown) and seungtong Johyeong (the head abbot of Jeongeopwon), both of whom commissioned Illustration of Amitayur-dyana Sutra in 1323. Hyeoncheol, who commissioned Illustration of the Sutra on the Descent of Maitreya in 1350 and the abbot of Anyangsa, the patron of the Amitabha with Eight Great Bodhisattvas in 1320 are also worth a mention. Goryeo Buddhist paintings, brilliantly-colored and using profuse amounts of gold powder, with meticulously depicted details, are generally believed to have been works commissioned by the royal house or aristocrats. This, however, was not always the case. Buddhist paintings were sometimes commissioned by individuals or small groups of devotees known as hyangdo. Examples of paintings sponsored by groups include the Rinsho-ji Illustration of Visualization Sutra (1323), the Hōon-ji Amitabha Triad (1330), and the Shinnō-in Illustration of the Sutra on the Descent of Maitreya (1350). Another Amitabha Triad (in Uesugi Jinja), dated to 1309, was, meanwhile, created under the patronage of a certain Seo family (Suhodang). This family is believed to be of the Seo clan of Icheon, a noble lineage whose most famous scion was Seo Hui (942-998), a scholar-official and diplomat of early Goryeo. The examination of literature providing circumstantial information on Goryeo Buddhist paintings revealed that people of various social classes participated in their patronage, ranging from the royal house, government officials (civil and military officials, palace staff) to monks, groups and individuals. This may be a result of the belief that constructing a temple, erecting a pagoda, hand-copying a Buddhist scripture or worshipping a Buddha statue contribute to ensuring good fortunes for oneself and one’s family. The trend toward seeking rewards in this world by transcribing sutras or commissioning Buddhist statues or paintings is, therefore, likely to explain the widespread patronage activities for Buddhist paintings in this period. Patrons of Buddhist paintings also included a new type of politically influential families known as gwonmunsejok (權門勢族) or gwonmunsega (權門勢家) which emerged in late Goryeo, replacing traditional old families that made up the ruling class in early Goryeo. The most active patrons of Buddhist paintings from this period, remain members of the Yeom clan of Seowon, best known for Yeom Seung-ik, and the Kim clan of Eonyang whose most famous member is Concubine Sukbi. The fact that Buddhist paintings were commissioned by people of widely-varying walks of classes from the royal house to ordinary individuals and religious groups, meanwhile, attests to a deep and far-reaching penetration of Buddhism in Goryeo society. The examination of literature providing circumstantial information on Goryeo Buddhist paintings revealed that people of various social classes participated in their patronage, ranging from the royal house, government officials (civil and military officials, palace staff) to monks, groups and individuals. This may be a result of the belief that constructing a temple, erecting a pagoda, hand-copying a Buddhist scripture or worshipping a Buddha statue contribute to ensuring good fortunes for oneself and one’s family. The trend toward seeking rewards in this world by transcribing sutras or commissioning Buddhist statues or paintings is, therefore, likely to explain the widespread patronage activities for Buddhist paintings in this period. Patrons of Buddhist paintings also included a new type of politically influential families known as gwonmunsejok (權門勢族) or gwonmunsega (權門勢家) which emerged in late Goryeo, replacing traditional old families that made up the ruling class in early Goryeo. The most active patrons of Buddhist paintings from this period, remain members of the Yeom clan of Seowon, best known for Yeom Seung-ik, and the Kim clan of Eonyang whose most famous member is Concubine Sukbi. The fact that Buddhist paintings were commissioned by people of widely-varying walks of classes from the royal house to ordinary individuals and religious groups, meanwhile, attests to a deep and far-reaching penetration of Buddhism in Goryeo society.

개경(開京)과 강도(江都)의 청자

박지영 ( Park Ji-young ) 덕성여자대학교 인문과학연구소 2021 인문과학연구 Vol.0 No.32

본고에서는 최고급 청자의 수요처였던 고려의 수도 개경과 강도의 청자를 시기별로 정리하고, 청자의 양상을 살펴보았다. 고려 전기의 청자는 ‘순화’명 청자에서 확인할 수 있듯이 청자의 위상이 최상급에 미치지 못했던 것으로 여겨진다. 하지만 『고려도경』(1124)이 쓰여진 12세기 전반에는 금은기보다도 높게 평가받는 비색의 청자들도 제작되었다. 이러한 양상은 인종 장릉(1146) 청자를 통해서도 충분히 확인할 수 있으며, 당시 최고급 청자는 송대 궁정자기의 양식과 유사한 취향으로 제작되었다. 12~13세기 중반의 개경·강도와 관련된 출토품을 살펴보면, 전반적인 양상은 큰 변화없이 유지되었다고 여겨진다. 이 시기에도 최고급 청자는 송·금 궁정자기의 양식과 유사한 형태가 지속적으로 제작되었으며, 이를 위해 새로운 형태의 가마 등 기술적인 도입이 적극적으로 이루어지기도 했다. 강도 시기는 순청자 계열의 송대 궁정자기 양식이 상품 上品으로 제작되는 동시에, 화려한 상감과 퇴화, 동화 장식의 청자가 본격적으로 제작된 시기라고 할 수 있다. 송과의 관계가 느슨해진 강도 시기를 중심으로 고려적인 미감이 좀 더 강하게 나타나는 것이다. 이러한 특징은 강진보다는 부안의 요장에서 두드러지는 특징이라는 점도 주목할 만하다. 그리고 명종 지릉의 유물은 13세기 전중반 개경과 강도의 고급 청자 양상과 매우 유사하여 1202년 보다는 1255년 능보수 시에 부장되었을 가능성이 크다는 것을 구체적으로 파악하였다. 환도 이후인 13세기 후반에 이르면, 시대적인 상황과 맞물려 송·금대 자기의 영향 속에서 새롭게 원 元 자기와의 관련성이 나타나는 시기로 화금청자(원숭이문 편호), 간지명 청자, ‘정릉’명 청자 등을 통해 확인할 수 있다. 청자의 유통은 곡물과 마찬가지로 해운을 통해 강진, 부안의 청자들이 개경과 강도로 공상供上되었을 것으로 추정되며, 해저 출토 유물에서 보듯 권신 權臣들의 수요를 충당하기 위해 상당량이 유통되었다고 여겨진다. This study focuses on the evolution and characteristic features of the Goryeo celadon produced for the capitals of the dynasty, Gaegyeong and Gangdo, where there was considerable demand for celadon wares of the highest quality. As shown by the celadon jar bearing the inscription “Sunhwa” (or “Chunhua”), early Goryeo celadon was inferior to that of the mid-Goryeo period, when Goryeo celadon reached its zenith in terms of quality and popularity. According to the Illustrated Account of Goryeo (Goryeo Dogyeong, or Gaoli Tujing, 1124), the celadon produced during the early twelfth century included works that were highly prized for their attractive jade blue surface, and hence were considered more precious even than gold and silver wares. As attested by the celadon bottle discovered in the Jangneung Royal Tomb of King Injong (r. 1122-1146), Goryeo celadon wares of the highest quality originating from this period were very similar to the celadon used by the imperial court of Song. Discoveries made so far show that the high-quality celadon vessels used in the two Goryeo capitals during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries maintained the style of the vessels used at the imperial court of Song, for which new techniques and kilns had been introduced. The high-quality Goryeo celadon vessels of the Gangdo period were characterized by a plain surface reflecting the style of celadon produced for the Song imperial court. It was also during this period that such vessels began to be lavishly decorated with the techniques of inlaying, slip trailing, and copper red painting. The use of these new techniques, which eventually came to characterize Goryeo celadon, is conjectured to have been related with the growing alienation between Goryeo and Song after the former moved its capital from Gaegyeong to Gangdo. The new style of Goryeo celadon was more prominent among the works produced at the kilns in Buan rather than those in Gangjin. It is remarkable that the celadon works found in the Jireung Royal Tomb of King Myeongjong (r. 1170-1197) share many stylistic similarities with the high-quality vessels used in Gaegyeong and Gangdo in the early to mid-thirteenth century, suggesting that they were buried at the tomb not in 1202, the year the tomb was built, but in 1255, when it underwent major repairs. The celadon produced after the dynasty returned its government to Gaegyeong in the later thirteenth century began to display features related with the ceramic works of Yuan (1279-1368), as represented by the celadon wares with a gold design (i.e. a flattened jar with a monkey motif), or those engraved with inscriptions of the Chinese sexagenary cycle, and “Jeongneung”. Celadon was transported from the kilns in Gangjin and Buan to consumers in Gaegyeong and Gangdo by the same sea routes as those used to transport tax grains. Underwater archaeological discoveries suggest that a considerable amount of the celadon works transported to the capital were shipped there to meet the demand among Goryeo’s aristocratic households.

고려 내 다루가치의 존재 양상과 영향

김보광(Kim, Bo-kwang) 한국역사연구회 2016 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.99

Goryeo, since the first meeting with the Mongols in 1218, faced an entirely different situation as before. The Darughachi is its representative example. The Darughachi figures, whose advent was a direct result of the first war between Goryeo and the Mongol forces(1231), stayed in Goryeo until 1278(4th year of King Chung’ryeol-wang’s reign), and became the centerpiece of such unique situation. In previous studies, these Darughachi figures were mainly considered as entities which were installed on the Korean peninsula to interfere with Goryeo affairs or blatantly impose a dominant rule upon the Goryeo population. In an attempt to enhance the level of understanding we already have upon these figures, selectively examined in this article are the ‘legal(institutional) aspects’ reflected in their actions, as well as the influence they imposed upon existing Goryeo conventions. In Goryeo, the Darughachi figures officially represented the authorities of the Mongol imperial government. By design, they produced and processed official documents, and were also called as the ‘office.’ There were also ‘Vice’ Darughachi figures and registrar “Ching-li” officials posted alongside them. Their general term was 30 months, and their performance was duly evaluated and published in Hae’yu documents. Their mission was not as much as governing ‘conquered territories’ but to maintain public security, monitor the population, and involve themselves in roadways and penal administration, as they did in Goryeo in the 1270s. These were the same missions the Darughachi figures were involved in inside the Mongol empire as well, as confirmed by examination of relevant Mongol legal codes. We can see that the Darughachi figures in Goryeo operated in the same fashion they did inside the Empire. The Darughachi figures were part of the Mongol Imperial governmental structure, and the Goryeo figures, including the king and the ruling class, with knowledge and information obtained from their interactions with these Darughachi figures, continued to adopt the Keshig institution while also asking for the Grand Councilor post of the Branch Secretariat for the Eastern Campaigns "Jeongdong Haengseong" provincial government that was soon to be installed in Goryeo. The Darughachi figures did serve as a channel through which Goryeo people experienced Mongol institutions and practices.

고려 전기 여진 왕래와 ‘내부(內附)’의 성격

이바른 한국중세사학회 2021 한국중세사연구 Vol.- No.67

Jurchen lived scattered across the border between the Khitan and Goryeo, and traveled to and from the Khitan and Goryeo according to their interests. Unlike other cases of influx of foreigners, Jurchen’s visits cannot be regarded as settlement or territorial expansion in Goryeo. In this article, I tried to reveal the nature of Jurchen’s visits and visits to Jurchen during the early Goryeo Dynasty and the period of King Munjong’s reign. Early Goryeo Many cases of Jurchen’s immigration into Goryeo did not imply settlement and naturalization in Goryeo. Jurchen’s visits implied a phased relationship with Goryeo. The existence of Jurchen in the early Goryeo was divided into Hwanae[化內] Jurchen, who was allowed to travel within Goryeo, and Hwaoe[化外] Jurchen, who had a distant relationship with Goryeo and sometimes invaded Goryeo and was in conflict. During the reign of King Munjong, Jurchen requested the incorporation of Goryeo into Gun-hyeon. In Goryeo, the Jurchens were hierarchically divided by village, and the chiefs of these tribes were given the authority to rule as government offices in Goryeo, creating a hierarchical order, creating a balance of power among the Jurchens and making it easier to manage them. 여진은 거란과 고려의 국경지대에 산거하면서 그들의 이익에 따라 거란과 고려를 왕래하였다. 지금까지 여진의 고려 유입 기사 역시 고려에의 귀부(歸附) 및 고려 정착을 의미하는 ‘귀화’ 개념으로 이해되었다. 주로 고려의 북방정책에 따른 여진의 행태 및 그들에 대한 회유책이라는 측면에서 다루어졌다. 그런데 다른 외국인 유입 사례와 달리 여진의 고려 유입은 고려 내 정착 혹은 영토 확장으로 해석되는가는 석연치 않은 부분들이 있다. 이 글에서는 고려 전기 여진인 왕래와 문종대 여진 부족 내부(內附)의 성격을 밝히고자 하였다. 고려 전기 많은 여진의 고려 유입 사례는 곧 고려 내 정착과 귀화를 의미하는 것이 아니었다. 일부 고려 내지로 옮겨 와 정착한 사례가 있지만, 이는 극소수에 불과하였다. 다양한 여진 부락이 여러 차례에 걸쳐 반복적으로 고려를 오가기도 하였는데, 여진의 왕래에는 고려와의 관계에 단계성을 내포하였다. 고려 전기 여진의 존재는 고려 관내 왕래가 허용된 여진을 뜻하는 화내여진과, 고려와 관계가 요원하고 때로는 고려를 침입하여 갈등 관계에 놓인 화외여진으로 구별되었다. 문종대 여진은 고려 군현 편입 요청하며 내부하였다. 고려에서는 여진 부락에 고려의 행정체계인 주현을 이용하여 부락별로 계서화하고 이들 부족장에 대해 고려의 무산계 및 도령이라는 통치권을 부여하여 상하의 위계질서를 만들어 주어 여진 간 세력 균형을 만들어 관리가 용이하도록 하였다.

역사학 : 고려시대궁중회화(高麗時代宮中繪畵)의 성격(性格)과 특징(特徵)

배원정 대구가톨릭대학교 인문과학연구소 2010 인문과학연구 Vol.0 No.14

Goryeo paintings do not remain in big numbers, and even the remaining few do not have definite creation dates or authenticity proof, which makes research on Goryeo`s court paintings even more challenging. Paying attention to the fact that Goryeo`s court paintings do have common elements with other general paintings, however, this study set out to collect and analyze data about Goryeo paintings studied to date and examine the nature and characteristics of Goryeo`s court paintings in details. Goryeo is regarded as the dawning in the history of Korean paintings since it was Goryeo that Korean paintings started to witness the full-scale spread of general landscape paintings, paintings of flowers and birds, and figure paintings. Influenced by Buddhism in early Goryeo and Sung Dynasty`s Sung Confucianism imported since middle Goryeo, Goryeo`s social perceptions began to change starting in the middle period. Goryeo paintings also started to show different trends from before; Goryeo`s active exchanges with Northern Sung resulted in the transmission of Sung`s advanced and various painting trends and systems including Kuo Hsi`s style and literati painting; a group of painters called dilettante literati artists emerged; paintings for Mo-xi(joy with Chinese painting) appreciation made a full-blown debut; the Hwa-guk was founded and the painters played remarkable roles; and a tradition of Silgyeongsansuhwa(real scenery landscape painting) in the family of Myeongseungmyeongsodo(the painting of noted scenery and celebrated locality) was also created. In addition to those trends and tendencies that deserve some attention, Goryeo paintings claim breakthrough significance that distinguishes them from their predecessors in that they made the foundation of medieval development in Korean paintings. In Goryeo, it was also checked out that Dohwawon was established which produced painters and governed Hoisas. Thus it provides crucial clues about Goryeo`s court paintings. Given that Goryeo`s court paintings are the predecessors of Joseon`s court paintings and their base since court paintings place great value on precedents, it is critical to examine their concepts, nature, and characteristics. The study first examined the background behind the creation of Goryeo`s court paintings. In Goryeo, the ancient traditions, which used to prosper on the basis of Buddhism, were inherited and developed more sophisticated and splendid. New trends never seen before started to emerge in general paintings. Among them, the tendency of Hanmuk as a literary man and the theory of literati paintings enabled them to form a medieval painting practice and promote the growth of general paintings in full scale. The nature and characteristics of Goryeo`s court paintings that were created with such a background are as follows; first, the practice, interest, and support of the nobility and the gentry provided an important base for the creation of Goryeo`s court paintings and served as one of the critical factors to define their nature. Then their connections with China were analyzed. During Goryeo, not only the civil ministers but also traders imported and appreciated diverse Chinese paintings through the sea and land routes, and such an atmosphere must have affected Goryeo`s court paintings. Finally, their connections with Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism were investigated. Focusing on the fact that the Goryeo culture was based on Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, the investigator demonstrated that there were influential relationships between the court paintings and Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism. The research findings show that Goryeo`s court paintings were connected to and inherited to Joseon`s court paintings and served as an important fertilizer in the systematic growth of court paintings.

고려 14세기 지장시왕도의 도상 연구

김승일 동악미술사학회 2022 東岳美術史學 Vol.- No.31

This study attempted to analyze the unique elements of Goryeo Buddhist Paintings that appeared in the paintings of Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva and Ten Underworld Kings in the 14th century of Goryeo Dynasty and how these elements are inherited by later Buddhist paintings. The faith in Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva and Ten Underworld Kings was widespread not only in Goryeo but also in China and Japan, especially, in case of Goryeo, besides the inflow of scriptures from China, this reflected the chaotic social aspects of the late Goryeo Dynasty, such as infectious diseases, natural disasters, and Japanese invasion. In this background, the iconography of Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva and Ten Underworld Kings in the Goryeo Dynasty emerged, this was originated from Chinese paintings from Sichuan or Dunhuang. In particular, the one-width picture form appears in Dunhuang during the Five Dynasties of China, and during the Southern Song Dynasty, a painting of Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva and Ten Kings appears on a separate picture in a form of a set. The picture of this set form was considered of enshrining in large scale buddhist temple. On the other hand, Goryeo's image, which originated from Chinese paintings maintains a relatively small scale and only one picture unlike China's. This apparently because it was designed to enshrine it in a small temple for the private use of a hereditary peer, the ruling class of Goryeo. The narrowness of the burial site and the limitation of the canvas influenced the composition of the picture, with most of the pose of deity being expressed as standing figures. In addition, a painting of Ksitigarbha and Ten Kings in Goryeo were added special figures such as the Four Devas, Indra and Brahma, and some of the image were transformed or shared with other Goryeo buddhist painting, leading to the emergence of Goryeo's own unique paintings. Although there are differences in details in this Goryeo's image, most of them are also inherited in the early Joseon Dynasty's buddhist painting. Also this is relatively evident in Buddhist paintings produced after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592. Therefore, from the characteristics and succession patterns of these paintings, the importance of the Ksitigarbha and Ten Kings of Goryeo can be confirmed in that it shows the uniqueness of Goryeo Buddhist paintings different from China and clearly confirms the connection with Joseon Buddhist paintings 본 연구는 고려 14세기 지장시왕도의 도상에서 나타나는 고려불화의 독자적인 요소와 이러한 요소들이 이후의 불화들에 어떻게 계승되는지 현존하는 작품들을 토대로 살펴보고자 하였다. 지장보살과 시왕에 대한 신앙은 고려뿐만 아니라 중국과 일본에서도 널리 성행하였는데, 특히 고려의 지장·시왕신앙은 중국으로부터의 경전 유입 이외에도, 전염병과 자연재해, 왜구의 침입과 같은 고려시대 말기의 혼란스러운 사회상을 반영하고 있었다. 이와 같은 배경에서 등장한 고려의 지장시왕도상은 사천과 돈황의 사례에서도 보이듯이 중국의 도상을 연원으로 하고 있다. 특히 한 폭으로 구성된 지장시왕도는 중국 오대시기 돈황에서 본격적으로 나타나고 있으며, 남송시대에는 지장보살과 시왕을 별도의 화폭에 그려 마치 하나의 세트처럼 구성하는 형식의 그림이 등장한다. 이와 같은 세트구성의 그림은 대규모의 전각에 봉안하기 위한 용도로 제작되었을 가능성이 높다. 반면에 고려의 지장시왕도는 이와 같은 중국 지장시왕도의 도상을 연원으로 하면서도, 중국과 달리 비교적 소규모의 한 폭 구성을 일관되게 유지하고 있는데, 이는 고려의 지장시왕도가 주로 고려사회의 지배층이었던 권문세족 개인 용도의 작은 원당에 봉안할 목적으로 제작되었기 때문으로 보인다. 이러한 봉안장소의 협소함과 화폭의 제한은 지장시왕도의 존상들이 대부분 입상으로 표현 되는 등 도상의 구성에도 영향을 미쳤다. 뿐만 사천왕·제석·범천과 같은 특수한 도상이 추가되고 일부 도상이 변용되거나 다른 고려불화와 공유되는 등, 그 과정에서 고려의 독자적인 지장시왕도의 도상이 나타나기에 이른다. 이러한 고려 후기 지장시왕도의 도상은 비록 세부적인 부분에서 차이를 보이지만 고묘지(光明寺)본 <지장시왕도>나 고쿠분지(國分寺)본 <지장시왕도>와 같은 조선 전기 지장시왕도에도 대부분 계승되고 있다. 그리고 이러한 양상은 홍천 수타사 소장 <지장시왕도>의 사례와 같이 임진왜란 이후 제작된 조선 후기 불화에서도 비교적 잘 나타난다. 이와 같은 도상의 특징과 계승 양상을 살펴보았을 때 고려의 지장시왕도는 중국과 다른 고려불화의 독자성을 보여주고 있을 뿐만 아니라, 조선불화와도 연결성을 보인다는 점에서 그 중요성을 확인 할 수 있다.

송 사신단의 개경 游觀과 고려의 외교 공간 활용

이승민 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2019 한국문화 Vol.0 No.88

The diplomacy of Goryeo in the first half of the 12th century was the process of careful choices according to the international situation in East Asia. Goryeo had been leaving several diplomatic channels open while observing the complex international situation of East Asia. In particular, it was necessary to watch the change of the relationship between Jurchen and Song and set the diplomatic direction, while keeping the connection in amity with Song but not being invested. The first year of Injong of Goryeo in which Seo Keung arrived in Goryeo as a member of Song’s delegation was when the difference of diplomatic position between Goryeo and Song had been subtly reveled. The intention of Goryeo was clearly reflected that is the landscape of Gaegyoung that Goryeo wanted to show to Song’s delegation. Goryeo restricted visitors access Suncheongwan and the delegation’s path, and allowed them to guide and tour the spaces within Gaegyeong. Anhwasa temple slected by Goryeo was a place to commemorate the King Yejong of Goryeo and it was also a place where the results of diplomatic negotiations with Hwijong of Song during the King Yejong were arranged in places. By showing Anhwasa temple to Song’s delegation, Goryeo could express that they value the diplomacy with Song. In order to emphasize the Taoism exchange, they also prepared a brief tour of the Bokwonkwan Palace for the delegation because they knew the situation of Song which had placed Taoism above Buddism. As they guided the monumental place of diplomacy with Song, it could have made a friendly bond with Goryeo. The next places were Soongsanmyo, Dongshinsa, and Bojesa where the ritual cermonies held for Song delegation. Soongsanmyo was the place they could share the memories of war against the Kitan, and Bojesa was the place a monk from Song had been stayed and they could find the part of social and cultural exchange of two countries. Dongsinsa was the place that Seo Keung could find out Goryeo’s history and, at the same time, Goryeo could show their own culture different with Song. In other words, Soongsanmyo, Dongsinsa, and Bojesa were where Song’s delegation could experience the Goryeo’s culture, and understand the cultural differences of two countries. Seo Keung’s view written in 『Goryeodokyung』 was basically a stranger’s but the spaces where he saw were selected and provided the frame of understand by Goryeo. Goryeo probably wanted to make them understand the cultural differences between two countries and to smooth the diplomatic negotiation with Song, while offering tours of main attractions to the delegation. The Gaegyeong tourists attractions for Song’s delegation showed that Goryeo in the 12th century actively used the spaces in Gaegyeong for the diplomacy.

고구려와 고려의 역사적 계승 관계

안병우 한국고대사학회 2004 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.33 No.-

Citing such reasons as the founding location of Goryeo, components of its people, and the origin of Wang Geon, the founder of Goryeo, Chinese scholars have maintained that Goryeo is not so much the successor of Goguryeo as a part of Chinese history. However, this is not true in both historical facts and understanding. As to historical facts, Goryeo's strong claims to the legacy of Goguryeo are well manifested in such facts as the title of Goryeo, a phonetic parallel to Goruryeo, and choosing of Pyeongyang, formerly Goguryeo's capital as its capital. Further, Gaeseong, the original founding place of Goryeo formerly belonged to Goruryeo. In addition to these facts, Wang Geon was an offspring of Goguryeo or Balhae in terms of his pedigree, and the persons who played a predominant role in the course of founding of Goryeo were the people of the former Goguryeo. As the historical understanding, Goryeo was described as the successor of Goguryeo in the SongSa, a Chinese history book, and by the Song officials who paid a visit to Goryeo. Goryeo peoples such as Seo Hi, Gim Busik, and Yi Gyubo had a clear understanding that Goryeo was a successor of Goguryeo. And this understanding had led Goryeo to build a shrine for both Dongmyeongseongwang, the founder of Goguryeo, and Habaeknyeo, his mother in both Seogyeong and Gaegyeong. And the wholehearted acceptance of the Balhae people to Goryeo society can also be ascribed to the understanding.

高麗時代 ‘大藏經 및 敎藏’ 認識과 그 의의

박용진 한국중세사학회 2015 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.42

This study investigated that the Goryeo Tripitaka is dual deployed in the ‘Tripitaka and Kyojang’ in comparison with the Chinese Tripitaka of East Asia Buddhist community. Trying to clear this, The study analyzed the system and content of the Goryeo Tripitaka(大藏經) and Kyojang(敎藏). The study analyzed the recording scriptures of Goryeo Tripitaka, Song(宋) Tripitaka and Jin(金) Tripitaka each other. Goryeo published in sokjang(續藏:Goryeo Addenda) while accept the Tripitaka from Song. Among these processes, Goryeo recognized by classifying ‘Tripitaka and Kyojang’. The results are as in the following. In order to know the Tripitaka recognition of Goryeo, the study analyzed the Scripture in the <Daejang-mokrok(大藏目錄)> of Goryeo Tripitaka-Chojojang(初雕藏) and Jaejojang(再雕藏). As a result, there were similar configuration and order, some of the scriptures was different. In the Goryeo Tripitaka whether scripture include or not, it was under the control of the country. Tripitaka recognition of Goryeo is a feature has not been included(非入藏) for the the Commentaries(章疏) of various Buddhist Schools(諸宗). Tripitaka recognition of Goryeo had recognized to be divided into groups constituted by <Tripitaka with a focus on Sūtras, Vinaya, Abhidharma śāstras, the three divisions of the Buddhist canon and Kyojang with a focus on Commentary, Courtesy and Biography etc>. In Goryeo, it was deployed Goryeo-daejanggyung(高麗大藏經:the Korean Tripiṭaka) and Goryeo gyojang(高麗敎藏). Goryeo-daejanggyung unlike the Chinese and Japanese Tripitaka, did not include the commentary(章疏). And Goryeo was divided into ‘Tripitaka and Kyojang’ by placing the Kyojang(敎藏) over Munjong(文宗) and Seonjong(宣宗) period. In East Asia Buddhist community, this is the uniqueness and particularity with the Goryeo-daejanggyung.

한국 당악(唐樂)의 유입(流入) 경로(經路) -고려와 북송을 중심으로-

박은옥 한국국악학회 2008 한국음악연구 Vol.43 No.-

본 논문에서는 당악의 유입 경로를 주제로 하여 당악이 유입된 여러 가지 경로에 대해서 알아보았다. 이러한 작업을 하기 위해서는 먼저 고려와 송, 그리고 거란의 국제적인 관계를 설명하였다. 그리고 외교 환경에 대한 조사를 선행하였고, 다시 당악의 유입에 대해서 국가교류와 민간교류로 나누어 설명하였다. 그리고 그 결과를 정리하여 보면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 국가교류를 통한 당악의 유입은 고려시대 전체 당악 유입의 절대적인 비중을 차지하고 있으며, 이는 당시 교통 상황들을 감안하여 보면 자체적인 음악교류는 어려웠던 점에 기인한다. 이러한 당악의 유입은 주로 두 가지 유형으로 나타나고 있으며, 하나는 송이 고려로 악기와 악인 등을 보내고, 송의 악인이 고려에 체류하면서 음악을 가르치는 것이다. 다른 하나는 고려의 악인이 사신을 따라 직접 송에 가서 음악을 배우는 것인데, 이때에 관반(館伴)의 허락을 받아야 한다. 그리고 고려의 악인은 송의 음악기관에 가서 음악을 배우는 것이 아니라 송의 기예인(伎藝人)이 고려 사신을 접대하는 동문관(同文館)에 와서 교습을 하는 것이다. 위의 두 가지 유형 외에는 고려의 사신이 음악교류에 있어서 역시 일정한 역할을 하였다고 할 수 있으며, 이는 고려 사신이 송정부에 악보를 베낄 수 있도록 요청 서류까지 올린 것에서 알 수 있다. 둘째, 민간교류를 통한 당악의 유입은 사실 국가교류를 통한 당악의 유입과 완전히 무관하지 않다. 왜냐하면 당시의 상황을 고려하여 보면 음악만의 교류가 거의 불가능하였기 때문이다. 민간의 당악 유입 역시 두 가지 양상으로 나눌 수 있다. 하나는 양국 간에 무역왕래를 하는 상인을 통해 당악의 유입이 이루어졌던 것이고, 이에 대한 기록은 <자료 4>에서 찾아볼 수 있다. <자료 4>에서 고려는 공식적인 사신을 파견하지 않고, 양국 간 무역하는 상인을 통해 송에 악인을 보내달라는 서찰을 전달하였다. 이로 인해 이루어진 음악교류를 민간음악교류라고도 볼 수 있다. 다른 하나는 고려의 사신이 송에 파견되어 당악을 유입한 것이다. 이 부분에 대해서는 고려의 사신이 나라의 임무를 완수하는 동시에 그들이 좋아하는 문집을 구입하면서 무의식적으로 당악을 들여오게 되는 것으로 이해된다. 이외에는 송의 국자감(國子監)에 입학한 고려 유학생들은 당악이 아닌 아악을 정식적으로 배우게 되었지만 이들이 후에 학업을 마치고 다시 고려로 돌아오는 과정을 보면 무의적이고 자연발생적인 음악 교류가 이루어졌을 가능성도 있다고 본다. 하지만 이 부분에 대해서는 아직까지 확실한 증거가 없어 아쉬움을 남길 수밖에 없다. This paper took up the inflow channel of Tang Music as its theme and aimed at identifying various channels in which Tang Music was flown. In order to have such works, the international relations among Goryeo, Song and Kitan Dynasts had to be described above all. In addition, the examinations regarding their diplomatic environments were preceded and the inflow of Tang Music was again described with the divisions into both national and private interchanges. The results are arranged as follows. First, the inflow of Tang Music through the national interchanges occupied the absolute weight of the whole inflow for Tang Music in the age of Goryeo , which implies any interchange of music on one’s own way must have been difficult, considering the traffic circumstances at that time. Such inflow of Tang Music is shown mainly in two patterns; one is that Song sent both musical instruments and musicians to Goryeo and Song’s musicians taught music while staying in Goryeo, and the other is that Goryeo’s musicians went directly to Song along with envoys, which required the permission of official companion for that occasion. In addition, Goryeo’s musicians were not allowed to go to Song’s musical institute but Song’s artists came to Dongmungwan to have teaching lessons, where Goryeo’s envoys were entertained. Other than those two patterns, Goryeo’s envoys are said to have played a certain role in the interchange of music as well, which can be seen that Goryeo’s envoys used to present even documents to request for Songin order to copy musical scores. Second, the inflow of Tang Music through the private interchanges in fact has something to do with the inflow of Tang Music through the national interchanges. Considering the situations at that time, it is almost impossible to have the interchange of music alone. The inflow of Tang Music in the private sector might be divided into two aspects as well. One is that the inflow of Tang Music was carried out through merchants having the traffic of trade between the two states, and the records can be found in <Material 4> regarding such facts. <Material 4> shows that Goryeo did not dispatch any official envoy but sent a letter through a merchant having trade between the two states, in which they asked Song to send musicians. The interchange of music carried out by this can be seen an interchange of music in the private sector. The other is that Goryeo’s envoys were dispatched to Song and brought in Tang Music. For this part, it is understood that Goryeo’s envoys carried out the state’s missions and at the same time they brought in Tang Music with no consciousness while buying the collections of literature that they liked. Other than those, Goryeo’s overseas students who entered into Song’s Gukjagam came to formally learn the ceremonial music, not Tang Music, but it is also likely that the unconscious and spontaneous interchange of music occurred considering the process of returning to Goryeo again after their learning later on. However, we cannot but say it is regrettable as there is no solid evidence for this part until now.