1930년대 신식요리강습회로 본 상류층의 '식생활개선'

이은희(Lee, Eun?hi) 한국역사연구회 2013 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.88

This paper scrutinizes a specific social factor which was the Koreans" acceptance of a particular consumption pattern from abroad. The purpose of such acceptance was to improve Koreans" dietary lifestyle. Previous studies focused their attention upon the consumption?repressive propaganda of the Joseon Governer General office. But it should be noted that cooking classes promoting new kind of diets were arranged at the time, and that they targeted the affluent class, eventually serving as a Consumer movement encouraging purchase of modern diets. The Lifestyle Improvement Movement of the 1920s tried to implant westernized diets on the Koreans" lives. And the Korean population rejected that movement, as it ignored both traditional foods and the public"s purchasing power. In response, the Lifestyle Improvement Movement developed new foods fusing traditional food and westernized Japanese spices in the 1930s. The rich people became the targets, primarily because of their purchasing power. As a part of the Lifestyle Improvement Movement in Seoul, YWCA invited women from prosperous families to cooking classes. And in rural areas, commercial shops took advantage of this atmosphere by offering cooking classes. As a result, modern food became symbols of the high class figures, while Korea was being assimilated into the Japanese food market. Hence, Korean traditional food underwent a phase of change. This paper traced the historical origin of what led to the popularization of western diets in the Koreans" lifestyle.

일제하 조선,만주의 제당업 정책과 설탕유통

이은희 ( Eun Hi Lee ) 연세대학교 국학연구원 2011 동방학지 Vol.153 No.-

Previous studies on the sugar industry during the period of the Japanese Empire have mainly concentrated on Japan and Taiwan. Therefore, the fact that the Japanese empire politically developed the sugar industries throughout the colonial territories has largely been overlooked. Japanese trade policy, the conditions of the colonies, and the political intents of local authorities in the colonies were key factors in determining colonial policies for the sugar industries. The Japanese Empire assigned the role of a supplier to the Japanese domestic market to Taiwan, the function of an exporter to Korea, and the task of a local market supplier to Manchuria. At the beginning of the 20th century, Japan suffered from trade deficits due to the rapid increase of sugar imports. The Japanese government promoted the Taiwanese cane sugar industry to solve this problem. Owing to the advancement of sugar-processing technology during World WarⅠ, Japan established a sugar company in Korea and another company in Manchuria in order to boost the export of sugar to the Chinese market. The Japanese Government General of Korea actively supported a beet sugar manufacturing business of the Korean branch of the Dainihonseido Company, but failed primarily because of farmers` unwillingness and inferior technology. The branch, instead, switched its business to refining sugar for export. The branch enjoyed extra support from the Government General in Korea, which Japanese companies did not anticipate, and successfully broke into the Manchurian market. The industrial policy for the Manchurian market was not stable over time. Since Manchuria adopted the free market system until 1935, imported sugar products possessing superior quality at a lower price outperformed local products. Hongkong sugar, run by English capital, maintained a dominant position at the beginning, but lost its dominance to Japanese and Korean sugar later in the Manchurian market. A gap between the sugar prices of Manchuria and Korea caused a lot of smuggling between the border cities of Dantong and Sinuiju. From the late 1930s when Manchuria started to push the protective trade policy, the sugar trade between the two countries significantly decreased. This study found that the colonial sugar industries obtained their own traits due to various conditions of the colonies while becoming subordinate to the Japanese sugar industry as components of the hierarchical system of the Empire.

해방 이후 구호분유의 쇄도와 육아용 분유로의 전용(1945~1965)

이은희 ( Lee¸ Eun Hi ) 연세사학연구회( 구 연세대학교 사학연구회 ) 2021 學林 Vol.47 No.-

일제강점기까지 한국인 대다수는 우유를 접한 적이 없다. 그런데 해방과 한국전쟁을 거치며 갑자기 무상 구호품으로 탈지분유가 쏟아져 들어왔다. 한국인은 “날 분유”를 먹이면 배탈이 나서 우유죽으로 먹으려 했다. 하지만 일선학교에서는 결식아동에게 우유죽으로 공급할 여건이 안되어 “날 분유”를 배분했다. 아동들은 구호분유를 기피했다. 학교는 애물단지가 된 구호분유를 방치하거나 암시장에 팔았다. 암시장으로 흘러들어간 구호분유는 소분분유, 환원우유, 제과원료로 유용되었다. 소분분유란 구호분유에 설탕, 비타민을 임의로 섞어 작게 나눈 것이다. 한편 일제강점기 상류층의 육아용자양식이던 조제분유가 해방된 뒤에도 수입되었다. 고가의 외제조제분유는 분유가 근대적 육아용 자양식이고 분유를 먹이면 우량아가 되는 것처럼 선전했다. 소분분유는 이러한 광고효과에 기대어 육아용 분유로 전용되었다. Until the Japanese colonial period, the majority of Koreans had never encountered milk. However, after liberation and the end of the Korean War, skim milk powder began pouring into the country as a form of aid. Many Koreans tried to eat milk porridge because they experienced upset stomachs when they ate powdered milk. However, there was no way to supply milk porridge to undernourished children in schools, so they were given powdered milk, but children tended to avoid it. Schools also often let the powdered milk spoil or sold it on the black market. Relief milk powder that flowed into the black market was useful as subdivision of powdered milk. Subdivision of powdered milk was a mixture of sugar and vitamins in relief milk powder and divided into smaller ones. However, infant formula was imported even after the liberation, which used to be a child rearing diet for the upper class during the Japanese occupation. Foreign-made infant formula was promoted as if it was a modern nourishing baby-food and feeding it would make it a better baby. By exploiting formula advertising. subdivision of powdered milk was used into infant formula.

1940년대 전반 식민지 조선의 암시장 -생활물자를 중심으로-

이은희 ( Eun Hi Lee ) 연세대학교 국학연구원 2014 동방학지 Vol.166 No.-

식민지 조선에 거주하던 사람들은 민족별 계 층별 소비수준 차이가 매우 컸다. 전시 배급제 하에서 이러한 격차가 암시장으로 표출되었다. 기존 연구는 암상인이 영세한 생계형 범죄자라 고 보며, 민족별 계층별로 소비 수준이 달랐다는 점을 고려하지 않았다. 본 연구는 기존 견해와 달리 이 시기 소비수준 격차가 심했다는 사실에 주목하였다. 그 결과 다음과 같은 결론을 내렸 다. 첫째, 1942년부터 시행한 소비자 전표배급제 는 민족과 빈부에 따라 차별했다. 둘째, 대형암 상인은 암거래로 부를 축적했다. 전국적으로 활 동하며 브로커와 하층민 등을 통해 일본인이 소 비하는 생활물자를 매집해 암가격으로 판매했 다. 셋째, 구매대행자 역할을 한 하층민에게 암 거래는 생계수단이었다. 그들은 암거래 차익으 로 부족한 식량을 살 수 있었다. 넷째, 암거래 관 련자가 광범해졌다. 은밀하던 암거래가 사회전 반으로 펴져 공공연해지며 암거래 관련자가 다 양한 계층으로 확산되었다. This study investigates the structure of the Korean black markets in the Japanese-controlled economy of the wartime. Previous studies have suggested that the main players in the Korean black market of the time were poor people who committed crimes for a living. These studies also took the view that members of different social classes had the same necessities. This study demonstrates that the historical sources for this period clearly show that many products were necessities for the Japanese but not for Koreans. This study found the following. First, the rationing system enforced by the Japanese Government General of Korea in 1942 discriminated against Koreans and the poor. Second, the big merchants on the black markets gathered Japanese necessities from brokers and lower-class people and accumulated a large amount of capital. Third, poor people could earn commissions from merchants for their activities in the black markets, which they could use to buy some of the food they needed. Fourth, a variety of people, including farmers, fishermen, manufacturers, merchants, and consumers, were involved in black market transactions.

박정희 시대 콜라전쟁

이은희 ( Lee Eun Hi ) 역사문제연구소 2015 역사문제연구 Vol.19 No.2

After liberation from Japanese rule, there were pan-national agreement that the government protected home industries for the economic development of Korea. It made the Jangmeon cabinet and the Park Junghee government drive imported goods out of the Korean market in the early 1960s. Under government protection, Korean beverage manufacturers grew up. However Coca cola began selling on 1968 in Korea. Tokyo Coca cola arranged a contract Hanyangfood Co. to be a Coca Cola bottler. Hanyangfood Co. impersonate an export industry to meet the demands of the government for the permission of foreign loan. After permission, Hanyangfood Co. broke the promise. The Park Junghee government had lax management of foreign loan policy. In the late 1960s, security threat and adulterated food became a serious political and social problem. The Park Junghee government allowed to make an alliance with American private enterprise. Under government permission, major company in Korea became a bottling company of multinational company like Coca Cola and Pepsi Cola. With all the hardship the existing beverage manufacturers were defeated with bottling companies. Bottling companies had high growth to be `modern industrial enterprise` through acquiring advanced technologies of multinational company.

근대 한국의 설탕 소비문화 형성

이은희(Lee Eun Hi) 한국사연구회 2012 한국사연구 Vol.157 No.-

This study investigated the development process of the Korean sugar consumption market since the start of trades with foreign countries. Previous studies have a view that after the liberation of Korea, the economic aid from the US triggered the demand for sugar. The US required the Korean government to carry out industrial policies focusing on consumer goods in order to encourage manufacturing agricultural surpluses from the US, such as sugar, wheat, and cotton. Koreans consumed sugar to some degree even before Korean liberation. After opening ports to foreign trades, Korea had Japanese and Chinese immigrants in Korea, who earned their living by manufacturing and processing sugar products, and created the sugar demand. Western-centered thoughts pursuing the Western style industrialization promoted sugar consumption then. Since sugar and sweets were symbols of civilization and modernization, they were believed to be nutritious and healthy. Therefore sugar products were highly recommended for Korean children. It was thought that for modernization, Korean food should be improved by adding western style products such as sugar. After Korean liberation, the demand for sugar and sweets did not decrease. There co-existed both negative attitudes towards sugar and confectionery as luxury goods, and positive attitudes towards sugar as a nutritional food encouraging the sugar consumption.

유방암의 Imprint 표본에서 p53 단백 발현

김동석,이은희,김기권,김미진,이수정,Kim, Dong-Sug,Lee, Eun-Hi,Kim, Ki-Kwon,Kim, Mi-Jin,Lee, Soo-Jung 대한세포병리학회 1995 대한세포병리학회지 Vol.6 No.1

This study was carried out to determine the usefulness of imprint cytology for detecting p53 protein in breast carcinoma. NCL-DO7 (Novocastra, U.K.) was used to detect p53 protein immunocytochemically. A total of 33 cases was studied, Immunostaining of imprint cytology with NCL-DO7 was positive in 64% (21/33) and showed relatively high coincident rate (80%) with immunostaining of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded specimen p53 protein was related to negative estrogen receptor status, but not to the nuclear grade, lymph node metastasis, or tumor size. The fact that p53 protein expression was not related to nuclear grade might be due to predominance of nuclear grade 3. It was easier to determine the nuclear grade is one of the most important prognostic factors, in imprint cytology than in tissue specimen. p53 protein tended to be stained more strongly in imprint cytology than in tissue. It is concluded that the application of imprint cytology in p53 protein detection can be performed easily, and that it may contribute to the evaluation of prognostic factors in breast carcinoma.

Petrolatum과 Tegaderm 처치가 피부장벽 손상 후 회복과 칼슘 기울기에 미치는 영향

조남준 ( Nam Joon Cho ),이은희 ( Eun Hi Lee ),강소군 ( Shao Jun Jiang ),최응호 ( Eung Ho Choi ),안성구 ( Sung Ku Ahn ),이승헌 ( Seung Hun Lee ) 한국피부장벽학회 2001 한국피부장벽학회지 Vol.3 No.1

미숙아 무호흡증에서 테오필린 정주치료에 따른 혈장 당농도 및 인슐린농도의 변화에 관한 연구

윤영욱 ( Young Wook Yoon ),이은희 ( Eun Hi Lee ),송정열 ( Jeong Yeol Song ),오연군 ( Yeon Kyun Oh ) 대한주산의학회 1998 Perinatology Vol.9 No.1

복수를 동반한 다발성 골수종 1예

송동섭(Dong Seob Song),한지연(Ji Youn Han),권희정(Hi Jeong Kwen),민기옥(Ki Ouk Min),이성수(Seong Su Lee),김현숙(Hyeon Sook Kim),서은주(Eun Joo Seo),이경식(Kyung Shik Lee),김문희(Moon Hee Kim),이은희(Eun Hee Lee) 대한내과학회 2000 대한내과학회지 Vol.58 No.6

N/A Ascites is a rare complication of multiple myeloma. When it develops, it is usually associated with extensive liver infiltration with plasma cells, infectious peritonitis or myelomatous peritoneal infiltration. Ascites caused by peritoneal infiltration is even less frequent than others. The majority of previously reported cases were characterized by an IgA paraprotein and lack of skeletal lesions. This rare extramedullary complication of myeloma has been unresponsive to therapy and rapidly fatal. Therefore, it is important to recognize myeloma as a cause of ascites and the presence of ascites heralds a poor prognosis of myeloma. We recently experienced a case of myeloma with ascites and reviewed the relevant literature of human myeloma presenting with the triad of ascites, relative or absolute sparing of the skeleton, and an IgA paraprotein. A 76-year-old man was presented with ascites early in the course of myeloma. He had no evidence of intra-abdominal plasmacytoma and skeletal lesions. Myelomatous ascites was demonstrated by the monoclonal immunoglobulin of IgA type in ascitic fluid. He was treated by plasmapheresis due to hyperviscosity syndrome and VAD combination chemotherapy. He was discharged with the improved clinical condition.(Korean J Med 58:686-691, 2000)