박경리 『토지』의 근대 정치 담론

김승종 한국문학연구학회 2020 현대문학의 연구 Vol.0 No.70

Modern political discourse of the Toji is the discourse that try to overcome the Japanese imperialistic political discourse through literature. Although Korea have taken away national sovereignty in 1910, Korean people did their best to regain national sovereignty with persistent resistances and an indomitable spirit. Therefor discourse of the Toji is opposing against ‘colonial modernity’ Park Kyongni criticized Japanese political discourse. The Korea intellectuals who are appearing in Toji criticized deceptive Japanese political discourse. Japanese imperialism argued that Japanese King is the living God, and Japanese Kings have one blood from beginning to end. Japanese imperialism also forced obeying irrational order, For example ‘seppuku’ which disembowel themselves and commited a random massacre of innocent people of Nanjing, in Chaina. The Toji tells that the cruelness of Japanese army originates from a phobia against truth, The Toji is describing the vitality which Korean vulgus have. The author expressed that vulgus are the trunks of Korea through Song Kwan Su’s dialogue. Korean vulgus were conscious of that they are the principal agents of Korea. They thought that inequality between men and men, and country and country is wrong. They engaged in socialism movement and independence movement at Jirisan and Manchuria. The author described process that lower peoples who have pure soul were making active community, Through active community lower people inspire Life’s will to all objects which they meet, and maintain relationship with that objects. A lot of villains appear in Toji. They collaborated Japanese imperialism. and harassed the same people. Jo Jun Ku extorted possessions of Choe’s family, that resembled Japanese imperialism extorted Korean national sovereignty. Some villains increased property through collaborating Japanese imperialism. Korean people criticized those villains with oral reputations and rumors. Park Kyongni has emphasized that she dislikes Japanese imperialism, but does not dislike Japanese people. She only criticizes the wrong systems and cognitions of Japan. Japanese imperialism argued false claims and forced obeying irrational order, drove to suicide or massacre. Those cognitions and deeds cross ‘the life’s will’ ‘The life’s will does not condone lies, does not threaten or suppress others. ‘The life’s will’ does’nt respect possession but existence. Therefor it want to do kindness, share each other, sacrifice, and dedicate for higher value. 『토지』의 근대 정치 담론은 일제의 식민지 정치담론을 문학적으로 극복하고자 한 담론이다. 『토지』에 등장하는 근대 지식인들은 이론적인 측면에서 일본의 정치 담론을 비판하였다. 박경리는 여러 차례에 걸쳐 일본이 ‘만세일계’와 ‘현인신’ 등과 같은 주장을 하는 것에 대해 지식인들은 신랄하게 비판하고 있다. 동일한 인간에게 신적 지위를 부여함으로써 일본이 내세우는 모든 정치 담론들은 그릇된 전제에 기초하게 된다. 부당하고 불합리한 명령에 항거하지 못하고 무조건 복종하게 만드는 일제의 정치적 분위기는 남경대학살을 자행하게 하였고, 징병·징용은 물론이고 성노예 동원 등과 같은 전쟁 범죄를 아직까지 인정하지 못하게 만드는 결과를 낳고 있다. 『토지』 전편에 걸쳐서 작가가 힘 있게 묘사하고 있는 것은 조선 민중들의 항쟁이다. 이들은 동학농민혁명 시기부터 국가 주체로서의 자각을 지니게 된다. 민중 계층을 대표하는 송관수는 윤보와 함께 봉기와 의병항쟁에 참여하였다가 백정의 사위가 되고 형평운동, 노동운동의 주축이 되며 국내 독립운동과 해외 독립운동을 잇는 가교역할을 정석, 강쇠, 김한복 등과 함께 수행한다. 작가는 『토지』를 통해 순결한 영혼을 지닌 민중들이 자신이 접하는 대상에 생명을 불어넣고 그것과의 관계를 유지하는 ‘능동적 공동체’를 스스로 만들어 가는 과정을 그리고 있다. 『토지』에는 조준구를 비롯한 친일파 인사들이 다수 등장한다. 조준구가 최참판댁의 재산을 가로채고 마을 사람들을 분열시키고 지배해가는 양상은 1910년 이후 일제 총독부가 시행한 식민 통치 방식과 유비 관계를 형성하고 있다. 박경리는 자신이 분명한 반일 인사이지만 반일본인 인사가 아니라고 강조한 바 있다. 그는 일본인을 결코 증오하지 않는다. 오직 일본의 그릇된 체제와 인식을 비판하고 공격할 뿐이다. 일본은 ‘만세일계’, ‘현인신’, ‘신국’ 같은 거짓된 정치적 전제를 세우고 국민들을 전쟁터로 내몰고 잔인한 광기에 휘말리게 만들었다. 이와 같은 인식과 행동들은 생명의 원리를 거스르는 것들이다. 생명은 거짓을 용납하지 않으며 타자를 위협하거나 억압하지 않는다. 생명은 ‘소유’보다 ‘존재를 중시하기 때문에 베풀고 나누며 희생하면서 더불어 잘 사는 길을 모색하고 실천하고자 한다.

해방 후 북한의 친일파와 일제유산 척결

김재웅 한국근현대사학회 2013 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.66 No.-

Colonial rule of Korea by Japanese imperialism was one of the main factors regulating Korean modern history. It provided a cause of division of Korea as well as had a profound effect on formation of system of South and North Korea. Spread of human heritage represented by the pro-Japanese group and material heritage and institutional heritage and ideological heritage and cultural heritage and so on reveals that remnants of colonial rule by Japanese imperialism are still alive widely in our society. Our Japanese terminologies and styles used unwittingly until today is a good indication showing that those remnants have a strong life. After liberation, ways of countermeasure by South and North Korea against remnants of Japanese imperialism presented a striking contrast. Unlike South Korea taking a negative attitude for liquidating them, North Korea did not allow even remnants remaining in notions and habits of individuals. That North Korea spent one year to establish legal concept and categories of the pro-Japanese group reveals difficulty of liquidation task of heritages of Japanese imperialism. To set a concrete standard for the pro-Japanese acts and the pro-Japanese group was a task hard to resolve. Researches examining liquidation ways of the pro-Japanese group and heritages of Japanese imperialism by North Korea are worthy in that they can provide a meaningful reference South Korea that did not yet complete the task. This study examining liquidation process of heritages of Japanese imperialism by North Korea from liberation to outbreak of Korean war noted liquidation of human heritage that is to say the pro-Japanese group as well as liquidation of material,institutional, ideological, cultural heritages.

국치(일)투쟁의 전개와 그 의미

신운용 한국민족운동사학회 2011 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.0 No.66

100 Years ago, Japanese Imperialism made the deliberate attack on Korean territory with military force. For a century, there have come out resilient movements and struggle by Korean patriots for getting Korean peninsula independent against Japanese Imperialism. At this time, it is important to know how serious it would be to use historical term “Gangje-byeonghap(强制倂合, Forced annexation)”, for not only whose underlying meaning is drastically getting rid of Korea and Korean people forever but also it means “Korean voluntarily asked Japan to merge their mother territory and be the part of Japanese Empire”. Therefore if Korean people keep using this term “Byeonghap(倂合)”, the situation would contain decisive pitfalls: firstly, all the Korean independence fighters would be “terrorists” ruining the rule of Japanese imperialism. Secondly, what makes the situation becoming worse is Korea would be the new nation with the fall of The Empire of Japan, therefore Korea can never has the legal voice for the claim for compensation to Japan by the international law. Thirdly, that would be the reason that Japan keep insisting Korea illegally occupied Dokdo Island(독도). Like this, these main problems between Korea and Japan are sharing same context. This is the reason why we should deeply reconsider to use the term “Gangje-byeonghap”Japanese imperialism would use the term “Byeonghap” with much more enhanced meaning containing not just Japan and Korea were merged but Korea voluntarily asked to be involved in Japanese imperialism and be the part of The Empire of Japan, Japan generally accepted this asking for help. After that, Japan herself worked for Korean colony to be improved and civilized territory for Korean people wanted it to be. In those days right after being colonized, Korean Patriots and people refused to say “병합”. Instead, they rather used the term “Gukchi(國恥), National disgrace):the national disgrace” whose meaning is “Korean peninsula was illegally occupied by Japanese imperialism, they never wanted and asked to be the part of The Empire of Japan. Needless to say, it was illegal invasion by Japan Imperialism”. And these Korean Patriots stuck to their principle for good. A hundred years ago, the Japanese Empire attacked Korean Peninsula; there are various events in remembrance of this year, 2010. Anyhow, however, the term “Gangje-byeonghap” which was discouraged to use among Korean Patriots for decades would pop up everywhere now. It seems Korean historical consciousness is rather regressing compared to those days where Korean resilient independence fighters would struggle against Japanese imperialism. When it comes to the term “Gukchi”, this would contain the meaning and the theoretical basis for Korean struggle against Japanese Imperialism, plus, it is about winning recognition of Korea and Korean people who stood firmly with their beliefin spite of all the suffering and pain for losing their mother country. Therefore, keeping the term “Gangje-byeonghap” is not to know what is right and wrong and refuse to acknowledge the Korean historical legitimacy but allowing the Japanese illegal invasion and lawless territorial expansion.

일제 침략 시기 만주 지역 중국 친일문학의 논리구조 ― 왕도낙토론(王道樂土論)과 오족협화론(五族協和論)을 중심으로(1931-1945)

김영문 한국중국현대문학학회 2009 中國現代文學 Vol.0 No.50

In order to discuss pro‐Japanese Chinese literature in the Manchurian area, the present study paid attention first to the logic of ‘The theory of the realm of peace and prosperity(王道樂土論)’ and ‘The theory of harmony of the five races(五族協和論)’, the mottos that the government of Manchukuo(滿洲國) put up from the outset of the state. The foundation of Manchukuo was promoted not by the voluntary will of the residents in the Manchurian area but by the invasive policy of Japanese imperialism, and thus the ‘The theory of the realm of peace and prosperity’ insisted on by Manchukuo had to be overshadowed by the power of Japanese imperialism that was pursuing supremacy over Asia. Nevertheless, most of pro‐Japanese people in Manchukuo justified their pro‐Japanese logic based on ‘The theory of the realm of peace and prosperity.’ It was because ‘the theory of the realm of peace and prosperity’ wore a Confucian coat and thus the pro‐Japanese people could justify their being pro‐Japanese for the cause of Confucian royalty to the king and patriotism. While ‘The theory of the realm of peace and prosperity’ functioned as a national ideal on the foundation of the country in combination with emperor‐centered imperialism, ‘The theory of harmony of the five races’ was logic for national integration proposed as social implementation of ‘The theory of the realm of peace and prosperity.’ In ‘The theory of harmony of the five races,’ ‘the five races(五族)’ meant the major peoples living in Manchukuo, which were Manchurians, Chinese, Mongolians, Koreans and Japanese. In addition, ‘harmony(協和)’ meant cooperation and peace among the peoples. The authorities of Japanese imperialism and Manchukuo spread the idea through the society arbitrarily and disguised the logic of imperialism shrewdly. Therefore, the logic to spread monarchism through ‘the Manchurian Concordia Association(滿洲協和會)’, to attain cooperation and peace among the races in Manchukuo, and then to take the harmony for the base of the promotion of people's will and the conveyance of the ruler's will to people was in fact nothing but a sophism to keep people ignorant and uncritical, submitting, complying and cooperating to monarchism and imperialism. In brief, ‘The theory of harmony of the five races’ outwardly took the form of equality pursued by an independent country, but in reality, it was typical pro‐Japanese logic aiming to win over Manchurian residents. ‘The theory of the realm of peace and prosperity’ and ‘The theory of harmony of the five races’ penetrated rapidly into pro‐Japanese literature in those days. In particular, the writers of the ‘Yiwenzhi group(藝文志派)’, which was a representative group of pro‐Japanese authors in Manchukuo, advocated ‘Write-Printism(寫印主義)’ and maintained that writers must commit themselves to writing and publication purposelessly. This may be the literary reflection of ‘The theory of the realm of peace and prosperity’ lacking criticism of realities and ‘The theory of harmony of the five races’ supporting blind cooperation and reconciliation.

‘한국병합’에 대한 재한일본 언론의 동향 - 잡지 『朝鮮』을 중심으로 -

하지연 동북아역사재단 2010 東北亞歷史論叢 Vol.- No.30

The purpose of this thesis is to study the recognition about Korean Annexation of Japanese Imperialism demonstrated in the Magazine Joseon . Magazine Joseon was published in 1908 by Japanese with a view to assimilating the Koreans into the Japanese culture so that the Japanese could advance into Korea. After the Protectorate Treaty of November 1905, Japanese residents in korea regarded protectorate korea as nearly colony. And they placed themselvese on the position of the people of the governing country and apparently revealed the consciousness of superiority to Koreans. This consciousness of Japanese residents, Magazine Joseon in Korea led to the criticism of the policy of Resident-General. They criticized that the policy of Residency-General is centered on Korea. Magazine Joseon asked more powerful control to korean resistsnces against Japan & Japanese. And Magazine Joseon insists immediate Korean Annexation of Japanese Imperialism. Also, Magazine Joseon claimed that the ‘legitimacy’, ‘Justification’, even though Korean Annexation of Japanese Imperialism by force is ‘Inevitabile’. It was based on contempt for Korea & Koreans. And Magazine Joseon distorted Korean History, especially the ancient history, and asserted that the Korea & Korean have no experience of Independence in history. So, Magazine Joseon asserted ‘Assimilation’ & ‘Discrimination’ which were also ruling theory by Japanese Imperialism. Japanese Imperialism assimilated Korean to Japanese but it was not equality between Korean and Japanese. 일본인들은 1876년 조일수호조규체결 이후 한국에 건너오기 시작하여 러일전쟁과 을사늑약을 거치면서 급속히 그 수가 증가했다. 한국으로 건너 온 일본인 가운데에는 관리뿐만 아니라 일반인도 상당수에 달했는데 이들은 이민자인 동시에 한국인에게 있어서 ‘식민자’, ‘종주국민’으로서의 지위를 차지하는 존재였고, 통감부에 대해서도 스스로의 목소리를 내는 세력으로 등장하기에 이르렀다. 그런데 러일전쟁 종결로부터 시작된 통감부 정치는 명목상 한국을 ‘병합’한 것이 아니고 ‘보호’한다는 입장이었다. 통감부의 이러한 점진적 병합책 내지 보호국 정책과 심한 마찰을 빚었다. 재한일본인들은 자신들의 생계는 물론, 종주국민으로서의 확실한 지위 확보를 위해 통치기관인 통감부에 자기 의견을 표현할 필요성이 생겼고, 통감부에 대한 이권요구 수단으로서 신문, 잡지 등 언론활동을 활발히 벌였다. 그 가장 대표적인 재한일본인들의 종합잡지가 《朝鮮》이다. 대다수가 본국에서 사회적 저변에 위치해 있던 재한일본인은 ‘식민지’에서 ‘종주국민’으로서 자신들의 우월성을 유지하겠다는 의식과 한국인에 대한 차별의식을 《朝鮮》을 통해 여과 없이 드러냈다. 《朝鮮》은 1908년 3월 日韓書房 사주 森山美夫(모리야마 요시우)에 의해 월간, 日文으로 경성에서 창간되었고, 잡지의 편집 등 실제 운영은 主幹 菊池謙讓(기쿠치 겐조)와 편집장 샤쿠오가 담당했다. 창간 1년 후인 1909년 3월부터 모리야마는 잡지사의 경영을 전적으로 샤쿠오에게 위임하였다. 이에 동 지의 발행처는 제 3권 제 2호(1909년 4월)부터 日韓書房에서 朝鮮雜誌社로 변경되었다. 초기 주간이었던 기쿠치는 잡지를 창간한 그 해 말부터 이미 글쓰기를 그만두고 있었으므로, 동 지의 실질적 편집과 운영은 새 주간 샤쿠오에 의해 이루어졌다. 『朝鮮』은 1912년 1월(통권 47호)부터 『朝鮮及滿洲』로 改題하여 1941년 1월(통권 398호)까지 발간되었다. 《朝鮮》의 1908년 9월 「제 2권 제 1호에 題하다」라는 기사에 의하면 “本誌는 한인에게는 우리 일본 제국 보호권의 진실한 의의를 논설한다. 또 세계에 대해서는 대한 정책의 변호 및 통감부 변호를 하겠다. 우리 일본 정부와 통감부에게 극력 苦言과 비평의 지위를 취하는 것이다.”고 했다. 대외적으로는 당국의 선전적 역할에 복무하면서도 대내적으로는 당국에 대립하는 자세를 밝히고 있다. 즉, 《朝鮮》은 일본 정부와 통감부에 대한 비판을 통해서 일본의 한국 지배를 한층 강화할 목적으로 창간되었다고 할 것이다. 《朝鮮》에서는 즉각적 병합을 추진하지 않고, ‘한인본위주의’정책을 추진하는 통감부의 점진적 병합론을 비판하였고, 아울러 재한일본인들의 생계를 위협하는 항일의병을 ‘폭도’로 규정하여 이를 강력하게 진압해 줄 것을 요구하였다. 또한 《朝鮮》은 한국병합을 정당화하기 위하여 한국의 역사가 고대에는 원래 일본과 조상이 같았었다는 同文同種의 논리를 펴면서 병합은 본래의 역사로의 회귀라고 불법적 강점을 합리화시켰다. 또 한국인에 대한 멸시관을 상세하게 게재하여 한국이 망할 수밖에 없는 나라였고, 뒤떨어지고 낙후된 낙오자국가를 근대화되고, 문명화된 일본이 끌어않아 천황의 은혜를 입게 되었으므로, 병합은 차라리 한국에게 행복이라는 논리로 그들의 침략행위를 정당화시켰다. 병합 이후에는 통치의 편리를 도모하기 위 ...

『학해』를 통해 본 일제 말기 지성계의 단면

정진아(Chung Jin-A) 독립기념관 한국독립운동사연구소 2011 한국독립운동사연구 Vol.0 No.40

『학해』 간행 전후는 국내외에 파시즘의 광풍이 불고 일본의 군국주의 화가 본 궤도에 오르던 시기였다. 발행인 홍병철은 민족운동과 사회운동을 전개할 수 없는 상황이라면 조선인들의 의식을 각성시켜 독립의 미래를 준비하고자 『학해』를 발행하였다. 홍병철은 당대 최고 수준의 지식인과 민족운동가들, 분야별 전문가들의 글을 취합하여 정치·경제·철학·종교·문예·역사·교육·과학·언론 등 당시 지성계의 다양한 논의를 『학해』에 담았다. 수록된 글들은 시차가 있었지만, 일제의 지배정책과 식민지 조선의 사회구조를 분석하고, 조선민중의 각성과 궐기를 독려하며 일제에 타협해가는 언론의 각성을 촉구하는 글이었다. 『학해』는 절찬리에 판매되었고, 발행 2년여 만인 1940년 재판본이 발행되는 쾌거를 거두었다. 하지만 1940년판의 『학해』에는 큰 변화가 있었다. 대표적인 민족운동가의 글이 있었던 자리에는 친일파의 글이 자리를 잡았고, 일제의 지배정책을 비판하고 조선 민중의 각성과 궐기를 논의했던 글들은 일제의 천황의 적자로서 대동아공영에 헌신할 것을 선동하는 글로 대체되었다. 현실 타협과 동화의 논리가 깊이 스며들고 있었던 것이다. 그런 의미에서 발행인 홍병철의 선택은 분명 친일로 가는 기로에서 있었다. 이처럼 『학해』는 일제 말기의 암흑기에 발행되어 대중의 사랑을 받았지만, 일제의 탄압에 의해 내용이 굴절되는 모습을 그대로 간직한 책이다. 따라서 『학해』는 일제시기 한국 지성계가 도달한 학문적 수준과 시대에 대한 문제의식, 일제의 탄압 속에서 굴절되어 가는 출판계와 한국 지성계의 단면을 그대로 보여주는 시금석이라고 할 수 있다. A violent gale of fascism blew and Japanese militarism got on the main track before and after the publication of "Hakhae". Hong, Byeong-cheol, the publisher of "Hakhae" published "Hakhae" in order to provide for the future of national independence by awakening the Korean people's consciousness under the condition that it was not possible to develop the campaign for liberation of the oppressed people and a social movement. "Hakhae" contained various arguments of intellectual circles at that time including politics, economy, philosophy, religion, art and literature, history, education, science, the press and others. The best intellectuals of the day, participants in the campaign for liberation of the oppressed people, experts by the field took part in "Hakhae" as a writer. Although there was a time difference between the articles contained in "Hakhae", they analyzed the Japanese policy of domination and the framework of society in colonized Joseon, stimulated the Korean public to be awakened and be stirred up, and urged the press to be awakened and acknowledge their compromise with Japanese imperialism. The copies of "Hakhae" were sold while getting the greatest praises. In 1940 in 2 years after its first publication, it accomplished a splendid achievement to publish its 2nd printing, however, there was a considerable change in the 1940 edition of "Hakhae". The writings of pro-Japanese writers instead of the writings of representative participants in the campaign for liberation of the oppressed people were included in "Hakhae" and the writings which criticized the Japanese policy of domination and stimulated the Korean people to be awakened and stirred up were replaced by the writings which agitated the Korean people to serve the Great East Co-prosperity as the legitimate sons of the Japanese Emperor. The logic compromising with reality and assimilating with Japanese imperialism soaked through "Hakhae". In that sense, Hong, Byeong-cheol, the publisher stood at the road to a pro-Japanese collaborator. Thus "Hakhae" which was published in the dark days during the late period of Japanese imperialism was loved by the public, however, it cherished the contents which were being refracted by the suppression of Japanese imperialism. Therefore "Hakhae" was a touchstone which showed the academic level reached by the Korean intellectual circles, a critical mind reflecting Japanese colonial era, and reflected the publishing world of Korea and the Korean intellectual circles that were being converted to pro-Japanese collaborators under the suppression of Japanese imperialism.

日帝의 한국 식민지배 基調 및 創氏制度와 그 後果

李鍾吉(Lee, Jong-Khil) 동아대학교 법학연구소 2021 東亞法學 Vol.- No.93

본고는 일제가 조선에 대해 한 세대를 넘는 가혹한 식민지배과정에서 정점을 찍는 ‘創氏制度’에 초점을 두고 검토한다. 創氏制度의 시행(1940.2.11.)에 앞서 일제가 식민지배의 전과정을 통해 전개하여온 조선에서의 정책과 조선인의 일제화 과정에 대해 광범하게 접근한다. 따라서 일제가 구상하는 식민지배 정책의 기조 및 실상의 이해를 위해 학술자료는 물론이고 당시의 언론자료 등도 참고한다. 또한 일제의 정책과 법제에 의한 식민지 조선의 변형과 創氏制度를 통해 조선민족을 형식적으로 同化하는 과정을 검토한다. 創氏制度는 궁극적으로 일제가 행하는 군국주의적 지배야욕의 결과로 전개하는 태평양전쟁에 조선인을 무차별적으로 동원하려는 목적에 철저한 법정책의 실천이다. 일제의 야욕은 아시아는 물론 태평양권을 묶는 제국의 건설과 아시아인에 의한 아시아 건설을 구호화 하면서 조선에 대해서는 창씨개명을 통해 형식적으로 완전한 內鮮一體를 이루어 일제의 전쟁수행에 흔쾌히 참여하게 하는 것에 목표를 두고 있다. 창씨제도는 조선 가족제도의 고유성과 역사성을 부정하면서 일본 內地式의 氏를 사용하게 함으로써 그로부터 파생하는 가족제도 전반에 대해 일제와 구분 없는 혼융을 도모한다. 그리고 일제는 이를 통해 조선사회가 역사문화적으로 구축하여온 전통의 가족제도를 해체하면서 조선민족의 말살을 획책한다. 그러나 이러한 책략에 대해 조선인은 순응보다는 저항적으로 創氏를 수용하게 되는 것으로, 이에 기한 창씨 신고실태도 함께 고찰하게 된다. 결론적으로 창씨개명에 대한 법리 및 경과를 일제의 정책 기조와 관련지어 통합적으로 이해하는 것과 함께 조선인과 일제 당국의 견해를 언론자료를 통해 확장적으로 검토한다. 더하여 일제가 창씨제도를 통해 추구한 전쟁 동원의 後果에 대해서도 논급하게 된다. The important goal of this study is to investigate the keynote of policy and the Family name-changing system(創氏制度) under the rule of Japanese Imperialism. During the end of Japanese occupation, Koreans were forced to change their Family name(姓) to Japanese household name (氏). The Family name-changing system is the last policy to make Korean people assimilate Japanese in Japanese Imperialism. Also Koreans and Korean society were generally deformed by the policy and the regulations under the Japanese Imperialism during the period from 1910 to 1945, and Japanese Imperialism especially assimilated Koreans to Japanese by the Family name-changing system started from February 11, 1940. The core contents of the Family name-changing is to alter the Family name(姓) to household name(氏). That is to say, Japanese Imperialism proclaimed a set of revised family laws concerning household registration that made it legally possible for colonial Koreans to replace their original names with Japanese household names. Japanese imperialism set a spot as his target that have to annihilate Korean intrinsic family laws and historical culture through the Family name-changing system. In order to study this subject I used so many useful materials that can apprehend the force of that colonial era, that is particularly editorial articles and press news as well as academic articles concerning assimilation policies and the Family name-changing system et cetera. As a result, the Japanese assimilation policy that was called the Family name-changing system devoted to the Pacific War of Japan and the annihilation of Korean people. Ultimately Japanese Imperialism required full mobilization in Korea under the pretext of ‘Joseon and Japan are One’(內鮮一體).

일제시대 말레이소설 연구

정영림 한국외국어대학교 외국문학연구소 2002 외국문학연구 Vol.- No.12

Under Japanese rule from 1942 to 1945, Malaysia was a multiracial society of Malays, Chinese and Indians. Furthermore, there was political and economical discord between the immigrants from China and India who the English government brought into and the native Malays. When Japan entered the Malay Peninsula defeating England, the Malays, who had a sense of inferiority to white people, were satisfied with Japan's victory, welcomed Japanese army and also believed Japan's promise to make Malays independent from the western colony. Meanwhile, Japan carried out a generous treatment policy to Malays to voice a complaint against the Chinese who resisted Japanese authorative rule, and to the Indians who were uncooperative. Japan also employed Malays first in recruiting Giyu Gun and Giyu Tai, the support forces to Japanese army. This kind of cooperation affected the Malay writers and the novelette of this period was ‘propaganda literature’ for Japanese imperialism. The other reason of ‘propaganda literature’ was that the writers had to run their work in the newspaper and magazines provided by Japanese military government and they were not able to run anything against Japanese government in the newspaper because their work had to be censored. Japan also encouraged Malay use to abolish the use of English and to keep Malay in the Forefront. This thesis includes some novels written in Malay. Many of the writers worked as reporters for the newspapers and magazines. The works of this period praised Japanese imperialism, encouraged conscription according to Japanese policy and lifestyle under war, and included the theme of increasing food by going back to the rural community. Encouragement of conscription meant patriotism to defend the Malay Peninsula. The novels against England came out to impress Japan favorably as well as to inspire patriotism in Malays. Although there were novels written by Indians to accuse brutality of Japanese imperialism, those novels were not published. In general, there were not any negative elements about Japan in the works of Malay writers in this period. The reason why there is no criticism to the writers who only wrote in favor of Japan, disregarding the miserable reality is that the writers, the critics and the readers all put blame upon the circumstances of the period.

藍溪 朴永哲의 항일 정신에 대한 고찰 -抵抗詩를 중심으로-

조혁상 동방한문학회 2024 東方漢文學 Vol.- No.99

藍溪 朴永哲은 보령의 抗日愛國之士이다. 그는 1910년 8월 29일 韓日合邦이 선포되자, 조선총독부의 초대 총독 테라우치 마사타케[寺內正毅]에게 장서를 세 차례나 보내어 일본제국주의를 배격했으며, 그 결과 관헌에게 체포되어 일본 도쿄로 압송되었었다. 그 후 박영철은 훈방 조치되어 보령에 돌아왔으나, 1910년 10월 29일에 일본 내각대신 가쓰라 타로[桂太郎]와 본군 주재소에 또 일제와 天皇을 힐난하는 장서를 보낸 후, 1910년 12월 13일에 결국 체포되어 남포 헌병주재소에 끌려가서 온갖 악형을 당하다가 후일 석방되었고, 1913년 11월 11일에 고문 후유증으로 사망하였다. 그 뒤로 2020년에 이르러 대한민국 정부로부터 건국훈장 애족장에 추서되었다. 그런데 박영철의 명백한 애국적 행보에도 불구하고, 그가 남긴 일제에 대한 저항시의 내용 검토는 아직 학술적으로 수행된 적이 없었다. 본고에서는 박영철의 대표적인 抵抗詩들을 분석하여 그 속에 서려있는 불타는 항일정신의 장절한 면모를 고찰하고자 한다. 박영철은 「기매국적시」를 통해 매국노 13인을 성토했고, 「술회」 2수에서는 테라우치 총독에게 항의서한을 제출하기 직전 죽음을 불사하겠다는 결의를 다잡았으며, 「이충무공묘참배음」에서는 거북선으로 왜적을 격퇴했던 이순신을 기리며 은연 중에 일본제국주의를 배척하는 저의를 시 속에 담기도 했었다. 그리고 192구나 되는 장편시인 「옥중작」을 통해서는 결코 굴복하지 않는 강인한 항일정신을 드러내었으며, 주재소에서 겪은 고문과 투옥 과정의 고난을 세세하게 묘사했었다. 아울러 면회를 와준 친구 윤석기에 대한 감사의 마음을 이 시 속에 가득 담았고, 항일투사였던 스승 윤석봉을 그리워하는 심사를 시 속에서 아낌없이 표출하기도 했었다. NamGye Park Young-chul(藍溪 朴永哲) was a independence fighter against the japanese empire in Boryoung, Korea. He wrote anti-Japanese writings and sent them to Terauchi Masatake[寺內正毅], the Japanese governor of Joseon, and Katsura Taro[桂太郎], the Minister of japan, to protest the japanese Emperor and imperialism. As a result, he got arrested and was tortured by the japanese military policemen. Despite facing brutal oppression from Japanese military policemen, Park Young-chul courageously wrote five anti-Japanese poems. In his poems, Park Young-chul criticized 13 Korean betrayers and expressed a death-defying will. He admired Admiral Lee Soon-shin(李舜臣), who demolished Japanese fleets during the Joseon period with his innovative turtle ship. Additionally, Park described the torture inflicted by Japanese military policemen and his experiences of imprisonment. He also spoke of his friendship with Yun Suk-ki(尹錫祺) and expressed longing for his teacher, Yun Suk-bong(尹錫鳳), who was both a scholar and a fighter against Japanese Imperialism.

천황제제국의 팽창과 일본적 근대의 기획

김백영(Kim, Baek Yung) 도시사학회 2009 도시연구 Vol.1 No.-

At the clashing conjuncture of ‘Westernization’ and ‘Japanization’ Japan’s modernity faced the expansion and disruption of ‘imperialization’. This paper examines modern Japanese urban histories through the analysis of Japan’s oversea expansion and the construction of colonial cities and therefore aims to illustrate the historical particularities of ‘Japanese modernity’. Japan’s turn to colonization and imperialization is distinguished is distinguished from other western cases since she endeavored to territorialize nearby regions. This neighbor imperialism is most prominent when we examine the urban development of colonial cities and the colonial migration and settlement. The urban structure of colonial cities revealed the strong legacy of traditional Japanese cities. Japanese empire experienced ‘great transformation’ since the early 1930’s when she colonized Manchuria and the experiemtn of Manchukuo empowered her to stand as an independent ‘Japanese empire’ shaking off the shadow of the Western imperialism. Therefore, the urban structure and architecture of Manchukuo can be said to have been the spatial realization of this new Japanese imperial ideology. Japanese imperialism underwent inner conflicts and fluctuations due to the duality of ‘assimilation’ and ‘differentiation’. This study showed that these conflicts are the results of ‘Japanization’ and ‘Westernization’ during the Japanese nation state building based on the emperor system. ‘Japanese modernity’ and ‘Japanese empire’, the complex of different and conflicting historical process, tried to confront such inner paradox by expanding external territories. However, the physical duality of urban space exposes the real nature of colonialism such as discrimination, repression and violence despite the ostensible discourse of assimilation and equality. This expansion of the emperor system ideology to that of regional integration such as ‘Asia Co-prosperity’ and ‘Great Asia’ escalated the unevenness and unconformity of imperial space and eventually such empty ideology was driven to catastrophe.