자크 랑시에르의 문학의 정치의 재맥락화: 진은영의 문제제기를 중심으로

정의진 ( Eui Jin Jung ) 국제비교한국학회 2015 비교한국학 Comparative Korean Studies Vol.23 No.2

Eunyoung Jin`s “The Re-distribution of the Sensible: On Poetry of the 2000s,” which was published in the journal “Creation and Criticism (Winter, 2008)” caused a great stir in Korean literature and triggered various follow-up discussions. In this piece, Eunyoung Jin made references mostly from “Politics of Aesthetics: The Distribution of the Sensible” by Jacques Ranciere, a French scholar of politics and aesthetics. Her referential focus was to newly consider the relationship between literature and politics. Even afterwards, Eunyoung Jin had drawn from Ranciere new thoughts that could turn a dichotomously contrasting relationship between a poet’s participation in reality and poetry’s artistic value into a (more) productive interactional relationship. In order to plan and practice a reformation of senses and thoughts whose literary and artistic creativity are based on social customs and on a larger scale, a new reformation of the society’s political geography, Eunyong Jin underwent various activities to re-contextualize Ranciere’s argument on constant reformation of “The Aesthetic Regime of Art” for situations in Korea. Writers who actively engaged in situations such as the Yongsan disaster and the Duriban struggle, while choosing to share various poetic tendencies and texts that hover between a so-called dichotomy of art and society are one good example. Ensuring that poetry and literature will maintain a continuous openness toward fluid and complex realities of the society, thereby giving the sensibility of a poet himor herself new artistic and political motives and reset the relationship between literature and politics above a new horizon was the position held by and practiced by Eunyoung Jin. Looking back at Eunyoung Jin’s work from a socio-economic context, her work is interlocked with the need to fundamentally change the way of thinking in respect of Korean society and the current economic system based on capitalism and a series of domestic and foreign situations such as the 2008 Candlelight Protest (in South Korea), the Financial crisis of 2008 that originated in the U.S. subprime mortgage crisis and the bankruptcy of Lehman Brothers and later spread worldwide and the Yongsan disaster in the beginning of 2009. These situations provided an opportunity to newly refresh in mind the Korean literature’s history of rapid advancement along with the modernization process of and also of rapid decline in the 1990s, i.e., the memory of literature`s revolutionary tendency. However, this memory is also connected with the evils of thought and practice that treat literature as a tool for revolutionary movement(s). Literary practice to confront the socio-economic contradiction that was structural and fixed from an abstract social-scientific perspective often simplified the reality of society where more diverse, complex and foreign situations coexisted and interpenetrated one another. In this regard, the reason Eunyoung Jin actively accepted Jacques Ranciere’s argument that emphasized the independent and creative confrontation of literary works, at least to overcome the abovementioned issue, rather than obsessing over the socio-economic foundation and the structural contradiction can be understood. In the end, regardless of the different socio-economic contexts between France and Korea, (it is clear that) the main idea for both Jacques Ranciere and Eunyoung Jin is the study and practice of possibilities. Eunyoung Jin is faithful to Ranciere’s fundamental principle that there is no pre-determined truth. Therefore, although the task of critically reviewing Eunyoung Jin`s understanding of Ranciere from a perspective of theoretical accuracy is necessary and has meaning, but is not without limitations as the focus of the problem is the study and practice of possibilities.

표암 강세황 가(家) 관련 필첩(筆帖) 자료 탈초·번역 및 해제(1) - 『가서첩(家書帖)』을 중심으로

정은진 ( Jeoung Eun-jin ) 우리한문학회 2021 漢文學報 Vol.44 No.-

Currently, Pyoam Yugo, the author of Kang Sehwang(1713-1791), is transcribed as a manuscript, but there are many poems and prose that are not included here. In consideration of the material characteristics of this Pyoam, the purpose of this study is to change the 草書(the very cursive style of writing Chinese characters) into (the correct form of a character), 正字translate, and give a bibliographical explanation of the pyoam-related album, which was collected by descendant Kang Gusoo. The Gaseocheob was made by Pyoam’s grandson, Kang Gusoo, and he collected a total of 14 poems and prose after saying in the postscript that it was regrettable that the relics of Pyoam were disappeared. However, according to the actual handwriting, only seven of them were produced by Kang Sehwang, and the other seven were by Kang Gusoo’s father, Daeshan Kang Jin. In terms of volume, however, Kang Sehwang had far more works than Kang Jin’s. According to the analysis of the contents of Gaseocheob, Kang Sehwang’s works were 1 Suseo(congratulations on longevity) and 6 Letters, while Gang Jin’s works were 2 letters, 1 poem mixed with letter, and 4 poems. In Chapter 3, Kang Sehwang and Kang Jin’s works were divided into Suseo and letters, and Kang Jin’s works were divided into Chinese poems and letters. Kang Sehwang’s Suseo was written in 1754 for his mother-in-law’s 60th birthday. It was a material to explore the interrelationship between literature and writing patterns, literature and painting styles of Kang Sehwang in the early youth. The letter depicts Kang Sehwang, who was worried about his family’s debt, wanted to make soy sauce for his children, prepared his own medicine for his children’s illness, arranged a seat for a master of music at the request of an acquaintance, and was busy with government posts. The materials of Kang Jin’s poems are divided into records related to the travel with the Pungyang Cho family in 1842 and 1843, and poems written while serving as a book inspector. Poems related to tours to Kumgangsan are also included in Daesanjib, and five poems written while serving as a book inspector are omitted from Daesanjib. In this poem, the exchanges and special relationships with Kang Jin, Cho Man-young, Jo Inyoung, and Cho Byunghyun, the image of Kang Jin as a book inspector, and the poetic aspect of Kang Jin, which is described as clean and sensuous, are well revealed. The letter is an important prose work of Kang Jin. The daily appearance of his career as a book inspector and the excitement of going on a trip to Kumgangsan are expressed, complementing the Daesanjib which is composed only of Chinese poems.

노백헌 정재규의 주리적 심학의 형성 과정 - 한주학단과의 교유를 중심으로 -

김낙진 ( Kim Nak-jin ) 한국철학사연구회 2021 한국 철학논집 Vol.0 No.68

기정진의 3대 고제 중 한 사람으로 평가되는 정재규는 이이의 이기론을 주기적으로 해석한 전통에 반대하고 주리론적 해석을 제창하였으나, 여전히 이이의 주기철학이 주력했던 극기의 정신에 충실하던 기정진의 가르침을 받았다. 또 이진상 및 그의 문인들과 교유하면서 주리 철학의 영향도 받았다. 이진상과 기정진의 학문은 이황과 이이에게로 연원이 소급되는 것이었기에, 두 전통 있는 학문정신을 결합한 것이 그의 학문이다. 그의 학문은 역동적인 과정의 산물임을 가정하고, 본고는 성립 과정을 해명하는 데 목표를 둔다. Ⅱ장에서는 명덕 논의에 있던 퇴계학과 이진상, 기정진의 견해 차이를 경험했던 정재규의 고뇌를 짐작해 본다. Ⅲ장에서는 서신 토론을 통해 이진상이 그에게 피력했던 지각론의 내용을 살핀다. Ⅳ장에서는 이진상의 학설을 수용하면서도 기정진의 학문정신을 결합하여 새롭게 사상의 체계를 가다듬었음을 밝힌다. Ⅴ장에서는 그런 결합이 지닌 철학적, 시대적 의미를 추정해 본다. One of Ki Jeong-jin's three great disciples was Jeong Jae-gyu. He received the teaching of Ki Jeong-jin, who was faithful to the spirit contained in Yi I's Juki philosophy. In addition, he also was influenced by the philosophy of Juri while interacting with Yi Jin-sang and his students. Because the scholarships of Yi Jin-sang and Ki Jeong-jin were traced back to Yi Hwang and Yi I, he establishes new mind philosophy, which combines these two contradictory traditions. This paper assumes that his scholarship was the product of a dynamic process, and aims to explain the formation process. In Chapter Ⅱ, I guess Jeong Jae-gyu's agony. It is presumed that he was troubled among several theories in illustrious virtue theory. In Chapter Ⅲ, I explain the theory of perception that Yi Jin-sang revealed toward him. In Chapter Ⅳ, I explain that while accepting the theory of Yi Jin-sang, he did not abandon the academic spirit of Ki Jeong-jin. In Chapter Ⅴ, I estimated the philosophical and periodic meaning of such a combination.

1630년대 심양 사행일기의 면모 -<심양사행일기>와 <심양왕환일기>를 중심으로

신해진 ( Hae Jin Shin ) 택민국학연구원 2015 국학연구론총 Vol.0 No.16

선약해(宣若海)의 <심양사행일기(瀋陽使行日記)>와 위정철(魏廷喆)의 <심양왕환일기(瀋陽往還日記)>의 연구를 통해 1630년대 심양 사행일기의 구체적 면모와 전반적특징을 살피고자 하였다. <심양사행일기>는 1630년 선약해가 위문사(慰問使)로서, <심양왕환일기>는 1631년 위정철이 회답사(回答使)로서 심양에 다녀온 일기이다. 둘다 사신으로서 공식 임무를 수행한 일지이자, 중원의 정세 정탐보고서이기도 하다. 먼저, 사신으로서 공식 임무 수행 과정에서는 공격적인 불손한 후금인들을 상대하며 목숨을 내놓고 임무를 수행하는 사신의 모습을 만날 수 있었다. 선약해는 ‘가도(가島)의 명군에게 쌀 제공 여부’를 놓고 집중적으로 추궁을 당하면서 또한 ‘변발한 사람을 쇄환하는 일, 후금의 잠상(潛商)들을 정벌한 일, 군사를 빌려주는 일’ 등에 대해 갈등과 마찰을 빚는 가운데 조선의 국서 전달 및 후금의 분노를 달래는 임무를 수행하였다. 반면, 위정철은 ‘가도의 변란 뒤에 일어날 상황’에 대한 관심을 갖고 있으면서 ‘예물의 감소에 대해 불만’을 품고 있으며 ‘변발한 사람의 쇄환’을 요구하는 후금에게 당당하게 대응하기도 하고 옹색한 사정을 들어 달래기도 하고 어쩔 수 없이 요구를 들어주기도하면서 조선의 국서 및 예물을 전달하는 임무를 수행하였다. 게다가 위정철은 후금으로부터 대금을 받고 약재(藥材)을 거래하기도 하고, 후금에 귀순한 조선인의 쇄환을 요구하기도 하였다. 하지만 둘 다 후금의 회답국서를 받지 못한 채 귀국해야 했다. 다음으로, 다양한 방법으로 명나라와 후금의 정세 등을 정탐한 첩보의 구체적 양상을 알 수 있었다. 뇌물을 주고 호인을 매수하기도 하고, 길에서 만난 농부에게 은근슬쩍 돌려 묻기도 하고, 호인들끼리 하는 말을 엿듣기도 하여 얻은 정보를 빠짐없이 기록하고 있다. 뿐만 아니라, 포로로 잡혀간 조선인들, 조선에서 죄를 짓고 후금에 투항한 자들의 근황에도 촉각을 세우고 있다. 향후 조선의 정치적 외교적 행보를 결정하는데 중요한 단초를 마련하고자 명과 후금의 정세를 상세하게 기록하고자 한 것이다. 그리고 <심양사행일기>와 <심양왕환일기>는 모두 후금의 차사들과의 대화를 그대로 옮겨놓음으로써 사신들의 고충과 노력에 대한 형상화를 극대화할 수 있었고, 포로조선인 및 후금인들과의 대화나 제보를 그대로 옮겨놓음으로써 첩보의 신빙성을 높일수 있었으니, 이는 사실성을 확보에도 기여하는 것이어서 실기로서 그 가치가 인정된다 하겠다. This paper studies Seon Yak-hae(宣若海)``s <Simyang sahaeng ilgi> (Consolation Messenger``s Diary about Shenyang Travel), and Wi Jeong-cheol (魏廷喆)``s <Simyang wanghwan ilgi> (Reconciliation Messenger``s Diary of Shenyang Travel) to examine Simyang sahaeng ilgi in the 1630s. <Simyang sahaeng ilgi> was written in 1630 by Seon Yak-hae after he visited Simyang as a consolation messenger, and <Simyang wanghwan ilgi> was written in 1631 by Wi Jeong-cheol after he visited Simyang as a reconciliation messenger. Both are diaries on official missions and intelligence reports on China at the same time. Seon Yak-hae was intensively questioned about whether Joseon(朝鮮) provided rice to Ming(明) troops in Gado(가島), and faced conflicts and confrontations over the repatriation of pigtailed people, subjugation of Later Jin (後金) smugglers(潛商), and the lending of troops, and yet carried out his missions of delivering Joseon``s credentials and appeasing Later Jin``s wrath. On the other hand, Wi Jeong-cheol boldly responded to Later Jin which was deeply concerned about possible civil war in Gado, which was dissatisfied over the reduced tributes, and which requested the repatriation of pigtailed people. He listened to their mean excuses and appeased them, reluctantly accepted their demands, and yet carried out his missions of delivering Joseon``s credentials and tributes. They as emissaries carried out their official missions, even risking their lives, as they handled the aggressive, impolite Later Jin officials. Seon Yak-hae and Wi Jeong-cheol tried to get the intelligence about the political situations of Later Jin and Ming in diverse ways. To do that, they bribed people, asked farmers on the roads, eavesdropped on the Chinese. In this way, they gathered and recorded all these intelligence. They also were keen about the captured Joseon people and Joseon people who defected to Later Jin after they committed felonies in Joseon. To determine Joseon``s future political and diplomatic strategy, the two emissaries recorded the political situations of Ming and Later Jin in detail. <Simyang sahaeng ilgi> and <Simyang wanghwan ilgi> recorded the emissaries`` talks with Later Jin``s officials to fully show their difficulty and efforts. They also recorded the talks with and intelligence about the captured Joseon people and Later Jin people so as to boost the reliability of the intelligence, but also contributed to securing the factual truth, offering tremendous values as actual records(實記).

진도 북춤과 밀양 오북춤의 비교연구

박진희 韓國舞踊敎育學會 1998 韓國舞踊敎育學會誌 Vol.9 No.2

This study analyses the comparison of the southern west Jin-Do drum dance and the southern east Mil-yang give drum dance which has its own locational distinction and developmental procedure. The origin of Jin-do drum dance comes from the last act of the theatrical dance Jin-Do Dasire during the three nations period. It had formed as a recreational role but had been influxed into field hymn to enhance the field labor by following the drumbeats. Mil-Yang five drum dance had formed during the three provincial period as a ritual ceremony for the supplication of the harvest. Also it had formed as a recovery of the healthy life by dissolving the repression from the ruler by beating the drum. Both of these drum dances have similarities but have different origin motivations. In the form of Jin-Do drum dance, there are variety of patterns, subtle rhythms and high technical skilled movements, in which artistic value is hidden. On the other hand, in the Mil-yang five drum dance there are simple movement patterns with one count of beating, but the movements possess natural simplicity and dynamics. Performing Jin-Do dance, a drum is carried in the same way like so called Jang-Go. Instead of two drum sticks are used in Jin-do dance, in Mil-Yang dance there is only one stick is being used. These instrumental differences indicate that the Jin-Do dance reflects the social environment. In Jin-do Drum dance, there is no limitation not only of the number of members and the number of drums but also no differentiation of the gender as well. Contrary in Mil-Yang five Drum dance only men can attend, and there is storing limitation of the playing participants. However, besides the differences, two dances share some similarities. praying the nature's harvest and reflects the simplicity of peasant's movements. Beating drum, farmers threw away their labor repression nad sublimating to the tool of play.

염상섭 장편 『화관』의 인물 연구 - 타락녀 최봉순을 중심으로 -

김정진 ( Kim Jung-jin ) 국제어문학회 ( 구 국제어문학연구회 ) 2018 국제어문 Vol.0 No.76

염상섭의 장편소설 『화관』에는 대조적인 여성 캐릭터 영숙과 봉순이 등장한다. 진호를 유혹하는 봉순이라는 캐릭터는 애욕을 추구하는 타락한 여성이다. 봉순은 염상섭이 전후사회의 혼란한 현실에 대한 우려를 형상화한 의도적인 캐릭터라고 할 수 있다. 봉순의 욕망실현 양상은 단계적으로 나누어 진행된다. 첫째, 봉순이 결혼을 앞둔 진호에게 적극적으로 애정공세를 퍼붓는 단계이다. 그녀는 중년의 사장들과 어울리면서도 연하의 진호를 육체적으로 유혹한다. 이때 봉순은 극도의 이기주의를 보인다. 둘째, 진호와 동거에 들어간 봉순은 영숙이가 진호를 포기하도록 만들면서 동시에 사장들과 모종의 모의를 한다. 이 단계에서 봉순은 아내로서의 일상보다는 화류계에 종사했던 모습을 보인다. 그 때문의 그녀의 비윤리성이 드러나고 그녀의 실체를 알게 된 진호가 영숙과 결혼한다. 셋째는 진호와 영숙 결혼 이후에도 그 집에 함께 살면서 다시 한일방직 사장을 유혹하다가 실패하고 떠나는 단계이다. 봉순은 문란하고 게으른 자신의 본 모습을 드러내어 영숙과 대조를 보인다. 결국 봉순은 영숙과 자신을 비교하며 자신이 결코 진호를 빼앗을 수 없다는 것을 깨닫는다. 봉순은 일련의 행위를 통해 전후 미망인이 자신의 생계를 유지하기 위해 술집이나 댄스홀 출입, 미군상대 혹은 재혼을 위한 사교 등의 일을 벌이고 다니는 모습을 보여준다. 그것은 바로 염상섭이 염려하는 미망인이 길을 잘못 드는 것을 그대로 형상화한 것이다. 작가는 아이러니를 통하여 봉순의 허위성을 드러내고 영숙을 도덕적 캐릭터로 제시하여 종국에는 영숙의 행복한 결말로 이 작품을 끝내고 있다. 그리고 고통스러운 과정을 극복한 순종적 여성 인물 영숙을 평가하고 인정하는 구세대의 입장이 노정되었다. 그것은 염상섭의 가부장적 가치관과 신세대와의 갈등에서 구세대의 중심을 잃지 않는 세계관의 반영인 것이다. In this paper, I analyzed the meaning of the role of a representative female character, Bong-sun in the Yum Sang-sup's novel ; 『A Flower Crown』. The character Bong-sun tempts Jin-ho embodies characteristics typical of a fallen woman who pursues only lust. Bong-sun is an intentional character used by the author to portray concerns about the turbulent reality of postwar society. Bong-sun's desire is realized in several stages. First, Bong-sun actively pursues affection for Jin-ho, who is about to marry. She physically attracted younger Jin-ho while meeting with the company's bosses. Second, Bong-sun, who has been living with Jin-ho, cooperates with the corporate CEOs while she forces Yong-suk to give Jin-ho up. At this stage, Jin-ho realizes Bong-sun's true motivation and marries Young-suk. Third, after Jin-ho and Young-suk married, she lived together with them in the same house and tempted the boss of a Korea-Japan textile company again and failed. Gradually Bong-sun reveals the reality of her vanity and contrasts of behavior of Young-suk. In the end, Bong-sun compares herself to Young-suk and realizes that she will never win Jin-ho. Bong-sun is shown as a widow who struggles while working in a pub, in a dance hall, and must either meet US military or remarry to maintain her livelihood. For this reason Yum Sang-sup was concerned the misguided ways of widowhood. Through the use of irony, the writer reveals the falseness of Bong-sun, presents her as an immoral character, and finally concludes this work with a happy ending. With this story, the position of the older generation, which appreciates and acknowledges the obedience of the female character, Young-suk, who survived the painful process, was brought to life. This story is a reflection of the world view that retains focus on the older generation in the midst of conflict between the patriarchal values of Yong Sang-Sup and the new generation.

『흑치상지』론 : 민족을 상상하는 방식에 관하여

양진오 한국어문학회 2005 語文學 Vol.0 No.87

Hyun Jin Gun's literary practice excels in the colony modern writers who think the narrative writing of a nation. Hukchisangzy which includes the value of the theme about the opposition to Japan's imperialism asks the attention of researchers, although it is an incomplete literary work. This essay explains about Hukchisangzy's literary character and meaning, expecially, it concentrates upon the imaginable way of a nation. Originally, the nation is a product of the modernity, but Hyun Jin Gun thinks that the nation is an organic community. He judged the purity of an organic community is defamed by the plunder of Japan's imperialism, and he tried to restore the defamation through the work. The nation, the organic community, includes the energy of the creation and collapse, and the opportunity of the destruction and restoration at the same time. Hyun Jin Gun thinks that the present nation is destructive and the nation in the future can be creative and revivable, if the nation in the past was creative and revivable. In short, he believes that the nation is the systematic organism. However, Hyun Jin Gun limits the category of the organic community is the formation of the paternalism community. In detail, it illustrates that Hukchisangzy is the nation hero who leads the paternalistic community, and madame, Chang-Hwa, is exacted by the system of community. To sum up, Hyun Jin Gun, who thinks the nation through the way of the sexual distinction, separates that roles of the men and women are the subjective role and the conciliatory role. In this point, Hyun Jin Gun's nation narration could be criticized, because it grasps that the relationship of men and women is in the grade of ranks. In conclusion, although Hyun Jin Gun's nation narration has a problem, it has the literary significance and effect which oppose to Japan's colonization.

신라 중고기골제(中古期骨制)의 성립과 운영

박수진 ( Soo Jin Park ) 수선사학회 2011 史林 Vol.0 No.39

The Golpum system was the unique form of the status system in the Silla dynasty in Korea. It was a typical ancient Korean society`s status system which has been investigated field in the academia. In particular, a kinship system, which is composed of Seong-gol and Jin-gol, is the most hottest issue in the Korean academic circles. However, there is a no point of agreement whether Seong-gol was the reality or not, and concerning about its management and times. This research has a purpose to investigate how the status system established and guaranteed in the society. The Buddism has attracted public attention as a theoretical basis of the status system. The Samkuksagi (The chronics of the three nations) described the Buddism as a state religion while it did not focus on the myths about the Buddism. We assume that the Buddism was the meaningful political controller in the Silla dynasty. Seong-gol was regarded as the royal familiy, and it was available when the King had the superiority over the nobility. The Kings of Sylla dynasty had been called the Great King with a qualifier ``saint`` when the Buddism instituted a state religion. It means that Seong-gol (the saunt family) was established based on the Buddism. Jin-gol also entered a field of history similar times to Seong-gol, and both two terminologies was established the same period in terms of the Buddism terminology. Seong-gol guaranteed a royal family`s prestige through the change of ennoble system Galmun King and the use of the Great King title. The King`s brother, who were Seong-gol, secured the superiority over the nobility by getting the title of ennoblement. The Kings also solidified their status through the ennoble system, and they monopolized political power because the kings restrained the right of succession only kings heirs. Jin-gol also guaranteed their political prestige after established Daedeung. The House of Lords in Silla dynasty limited the qualification only who had the title of Daedeung. Jin-gol class took the reins of the nobility through only Jin-gol getting the title of Daedeung.

진주 촉석루 제영시의 제재적 성격

하강진(Ha, Kang-Jin) 한국문학회 2008 韓國文學論叢 Vol.50 No.-

촉석루 제영시는 진주 지역의 문학성을 대표하는 문학 갈래로서 인정받고 있다. 촉석루는 역사적으로 흥폐를 반복했고, 누각 존립의 실태에 따라 형상화된 시적 의미도 다양한 편폭을 지니고 있다. 이는 촉석루 시를 이해할 때 치밀한 제재 분석이 전제되어야 함을 의미한다. 제재로서의 촉석루는 누각들의 변천 과정, 누각의 배치 형태, 누각의 심미적 요소 등의 특징을 포괄하는 개념이다. 기존의 연구에서도 이를 검토했지만, 결과가 불충분하거나 역사적 실체와 합치되지 않은 점이 더러 있다. 따라서 여러 문헌과 자료를 통해 본고에서 규명한 새로운 결과는 제재 접근에 있어서 중요한 정보를 제공할 것이다. 촉석루는 여러 차례 중수를 거쳤는데, 기존의 경우 일곱 번으로 보고 있으나 1786년과 1887년 두 차례 더 중수가 있었던 사실을 추가로 밝혔다. 이로써 18세기 이후 200여 년간의 중수 공백을 채울 수 있게 되었다. 그리고 1593년 제2차 진주성 전투에서 성이 함락될 때 촉석루는 전소되지 않았고, 일부가 훼손된 것으로 보는 것이 실제에 부합함을 알았다. 촉석루는 단독 건물로 존재한 것이 아니라 서각과 동각을 부속 누각으로 거느린 웅장한 건물 구조였음을 구체적으로 밝혔다. 흔히 이를 간과하고 있지만, 임란 전까지만 해도 촉석루는 쌍청당과 임경헌을 서각으로, 함옥헌과 청심헌을 동각으로 거느렸다. 부속 누각은 임란 때 모두 소실되었는데, 서각은 끝내 복구되지 않았고, 동각은 곧바로 중수되었다. 이중 청심헌은 적어도 1757년 이전에 벌써 훼철되었고, 함옥헌만 유일하게 존속되다가 20세기 초에 사라졌다. 이는 촉석루 본루만 기억되는 현재의 고정 관념과는 아주 다름을 보여준다. 촉석루는 부속 누각의 존재로 승경에 대한 심미적 흥취가 더욱 배가되었다. 한편 임진왜란의 특수한 경험은 촉석루의 제재 영역을 확장하고 주제의식을 전환시켰다. 즉 왜적에 대한 집단적 적개심, 전후 누각 중건에 따른 희열과 민족 자부심 등은 촉석루 제재에서 발견한 새로운 인식 내용이다. 특히 임진 사적을 대표하는 의암, 의암사적비, 의기사 등에 상징화된 충의 정신은 근대에도 여전히 촉석루 제영시에 적극적으로 수용되었다는 점이다. 의암사적비는 의암 위 언덕의 비각 안에 세워져 있다. 하지만 이 비석은 원래 촉석루의 부속 누각인 동각 위에 건립되었는데, 옛 지도나 개인 일기를 통해서 그 실재를 최초로 입증했다. 이보다 약간 뒤에 나라로부터 사액을 받아 의암 위에 정려각을 건립했는데, 19세기 이후 어느 때에 현 위치로 비석을 이전함으로써 지금과 같은 의외의 형태로 되었을 뿐이다. 이로써 의기 정표로서 의암사적비는 거의 동시대에 정려각과는 따로 존재했고, 애초의 위치는 지금의 장소가 아닌 촉석루 위쪽이었음이 새롭게 드러났다. 촉석루가 역사적으로 변천한 실체에서 보듯이 제재에 대한 치밀한 분석은 작품 해석과 감상의 기초적 단계로서 의의가 있는데, 본고를 통해서 충분히 다루지 못한 부분은 앞으로도 계속 논의할 필요가 있다. The Chok-seok Pavilion(矗石樓) was a subject material of many poems because the Chok-seok Pavilion, located on a cliff beside the Nam River(南江) in Jin-ju(晉州), had an excellent view and historicity at various times. It is necessary to understand the historical transition process of the Chok-seok Pavilion to appreciate highly literary poems on the Chok-seok Pavilion which is representative of Jin-ju. The Chok-seok Pavilion has been rebuilt nine times since it was founded about the middle of the time of Gor-yeo(高麗) dynasty at first time. Most literatures have described that the Chok-seok Pavilion was totally destroyed by fire during the second Jin-ju castle combat in 1593. It was adequate that the Chok-seok Pavilion was destroyed in part at that time. The Chok-seok Pavilion was a huge scale with annexes. The annexes in the east werethe Harm-ok Pavilion(涵玉軒) and Chungsim Pavilion(淸心軒).There were the Ssang-chung House(雙淸堂) and the Im-kyeong Pavilion(臨景軒) in the west at different periods. The pavilions in the west destroyed by fire during the Im-jin war(壬辰亂) have never rebuilt. The Harm-ok Pavilion continued to exit for about 400 years and, however, was disappeared at the beginning of the 20 century. This fact was mentioned in the article for the first time. The main themes of the poems on the Chok-seok Pavilion were the gusto of refined taste due to the aesthetic characteristic of the Pavilion and the pride of Jin-ju. After the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1593, many poems expressed the collective hostility against the enemy Japan, the delightful feelings about the reconstruction of the Chok-seok Pavilion, and the ethnical pride. This characteristic change of the topics diversified the subjects of the works. The representatives of the characteristic change were specific None-Gae's historical relics(論介事蹟) such as the Public-spirited Rock(義巖),the Monument of the Public-spirited Rock(義巖事蹟碑),the Shrine of Public-spirited Gisaeng(義妓祠). They became the symbolic spaces giving literary men deep impression. Owing to this, the topics of the Chok-Seok Pavilion extended to the integrated image of a beautiful scenery and fidelity to the country and deepened the subjects of the poems on the Chok-Seok Pavilion.

고려 동북 9성의 범위와 ‘公嶮鎭 立碑’ 문제

윤경진(Yoon, Kyeong-Jin) 역사실학회 2016 역사와실학 Vol.61 No.-

이 논문은 고려 예종대 동북 9성의 개척과 관련하여 개척 범위를 파악하고 각 城들의 구체적인 위치를 비정하는 한편, 公嶮鎭에 비를 세워 경계로 삼았다는 사적에대해 비판 검토한 것이다. 현재 동북 9성의 개척 범위에 대해서는 함흥평야에 국한된다는 설에 대해 두만강 북쪽까지 이르렀다는 설이 제기되고 있다. 반면 길주 이남에 분포한다는 실학자들의 주장은 크게 주목받지 못했다. 그러나 『고려사』 지리지에서 동북 9성과 연결된 咸州와 吉州, 端州 연혁의 자료적 근거와 「英州廳壁上記」의 “方 300리” 기록, 그리고 당시 작성된 墓誌銘과 주요 전투 기록 등을 종합해 보면, 동북 9성은 吉州 이남 지역에 분포한 것으로 보는 것이 타당하다. 또한 윤관이 개척 후 공험진에 비석을 세워 경계로 삼았다는 기록은 「영주청벽상기」에서 개척 지역이 본래 고구려 땅임을 입증하기 위해 인용한 ‘高句麗 古碑’를 근거로 생성된 것이다. 이 고비는 개척 지역에 있던 진흥왕의 摩雲嶺碑를 이용해서 제시한 것이었다. 공험진은 바로 마운령 지역에 위치하고 있었다. 고려말 이 지역을 다시 개척하면서 이 비는 “공험진에 있던 고구려 고비”에서 “공험진에 세운 고려 비”로 바뀌면서 동북 9성의 경계를 나타내는 것으로 간주되었던 것이다. Examined in this article is the overall range that was covered by the installation of “ine Nthe fortresses in the Northeast region of the Korean peninsula,(동북 9성)” during the reign of king Yejong of Goryeo, as well as the exact locations of those fortresses. The record that says ‘A stone monument was erected at Gong’heom-jin(公嶮鎭) so that it could serve as a marker for the borderline’ is also critically reanalyzed. The Joseon dynasty Shilhak scholar’s past argument that the Northeast Nine Fortresses were actually installed in regions below Gilju(吉州) area was not that well received by modern scholars for decades. But analysis of various historical resources lead us to conclude that the Northeast Nine Fortresses were indeed positioned below Gilju. Also, the record of a stone monument having been erected at Gong’heom-jin(公嶮鎭) to serve as a border marker seems to have been created based upon the contents of an ancient Goguryeo stone tablet which had been earlier cited -inside a record titled Words on the Yeongju Office wall(“Yeongju-cheong Byeoksang-gi, 英州廳壁上記”) - to argue that the newly covered area (by Yun Gwan’s Nine fortresses) had originally been part of the Goguryeo territory. This ancient tablet, however, was actually the Ma’un-ryeong-bi tablet(stone monument at the Ma’un-ryeong mountain range, 摩雲嶺碑) erected by king Jin’heung-wang of Shilla, which happened to be inside the newly covered region. When this region was newly claimed by the Goryeo government at the end of the dynasty, this tablet was believed (or at least newly called) as the “Goryeo tablet erected at Gong’heom-jin,” and was considered as marking the borderline of the Northeast Nine Fortresses.