國民政府의 勞動政策과 上海 勞動界

李丙仁(Lee Byung-in) 동양사학회 2001 東洋史學硏究 Vol.75 No.-

The key policies of the Nationalist Government (NG) was to bring up 'tamed' labor-unions ("the control") and to mobilize workers in industrial development("the mobilization"). The Control meant the construction of labor unions which would be obdient to the NG. The NG, that had just marched into Shanghai, made every endeavors to unify various labor unions to put the unions under its unitary control system. However, its effort did not make such an achievement, which was due to the compulsory method to treat laborers and the factional struggles within the NG. On the other hand, the control with the labor-laws made a remarkable achievement. The Nationalist Government succeeded in controlling the labor movement by enforcing a compulsory arbitration system for laborer-capitalist disputes. It looked like all peace in industry. The second purpose of the NG labor policy was to mobilize laborers in industrialization. The NG articulated the goal of labor union as increasing production, promoting the life standard of laborers, and so on. The Nationalist took it for granted that any groups or ideas with regional identities, which might be an obstruction to the mobilization of laborers, should be extinguished. Yet the laborers, who came to find the deteriorating labor conditions under the guise of class-harmony, didn't follow the policy of the Nationalist Government any more. They still depended on spontaneous gangs(幇) embodied with regional identity to protect their interests. The gangs flourished much more. Eventually the NG permitted one labor union per one district or one industry, abandoning its control over factory-unit labor unions and gangs. Although the NG was with limitation in mobilizing workers excluding factory-unit unions, it achieved 'formally' its original intention by making a single labor union system. The labor unions was awarded the right of representation of its constituents in compensation for accepting the control. It was a institutionalization of 'the control and the mobilization.'

마늘이 개의 조직내 카드뮴축적 및 혈액상에 미치는 영향

이병제,성은주,이미순,장인호,이현범,Lee, Byung-je,Sung, Eun-ju,Lee, Mi-soon,Jang, In-ho,Lee, Hyun-beom 대한수의학회 1994 大韓獸醫學會誌 Vol.34 No.3

The environmental pollution by heavy metals has become a significant hygenic problem. Recently it is said the garlic supplementation in diet have protective effect on the heavy metal accumulation in tissue of rat by a researcher. In this study two experiments were undertaken. Firstly, dogs were fed diet supplemented with cadmium of cadmium plus 7% of raw garlic for 50 days. on the 50th day of experiment all dogs were euthanasied and the cadmium content of various tissue were measured by atomic absorption spectrophotometeric method. Secondly, in order to find out the toxic effect of garlic dogs were fed diet supplemented with 7% of raw garlic for 50 days and hematological or hematochemical observations were undertaken at 10 day intervals. The results obtained from these experiments were summarized as follows; 1. In dogs treated with cadmium and cadmium plus garlic cadmium was accumulated in renal cortex, liver, and muscle. However the concentrations of cadmium showed no significant between the two group. 2. In dogs fed diets supplemented with 7% of raw garlic significant decrease of erythrocyte count, packed cell volume and hemoglobin content and significant increase of Heinz body erythrocyte and reticulocyte count were recognized. 3. The garlic-treated dogs and control dogs had normal asparate aminotransferase, alanine aminotransferase, alkaline phosphotase, blood urea nitrogen value. The value showed no significant difference between the two group. 4. From these results it may be concluded that the garlic have protective effect for cadmium accmulation in tissue and excess garlic in diet could induce hemolytic anemia in dogs.

恐慌과 南京國民政府의 棉業統制政策

李丙仁(Lee Byung-In) 역사교육연구회 2001 역사교육 Vol.80 No.-

During the Depression in the 1930s the cotton industry in China suffered a lot. Both the enterprisers and the Nationalist government agreed to rejuvenate the key industry in China, the cotton industry from the depression. Both sides, however, disagreed on the other matters such as the causes of the depression in this industry and its solutions. The owners who were charging of this industry, on the one hand, insisted that the taxes and customs along with the lack of finance kept the Chinese cotton industries in the swamp of the depression. Therefore, they were convinced that the government should provide administrative supports including the revision of taxes and customs, and financial help. The Nationalist government, on the other hand, attributed the underdevelopment of this industry in China to mainly internal problems such as worn-out machines, out-dated accounting system, mis-management as well as ill-coordination within the industry. In this light, the government gave little weight to lightening of tax burdens and executing protective tariff which were prescribed by the private sector. The demands of capitalists could not persuade the decision-makers in the government. The government favoured a controlled-economy in which the industry was to be controlled with direction toward the rationalization and co-ordination within the industry. That is, this meant the stepping-up of the governmental intervention and the increasing vulnerability of the private management. However, it was not easy for the government being in short of financial resource to force the cotton industry into under control with a few successful attempt in the sphere of agriculture. Despite of the committment to the controlling of the economy, the government would not take any administrative measure in order to relieving the stagnation of the cotton industry. As the depression deepened, in the end, there was no alternative for the cotton industrialists but to accept the intervention of the government into the private sector, which was to be a strong foothold for the government to excise the power in the later stage. This basic framework of the control policy of the cotton industry evolved during the period of the anti-Japan campaign into all the more active intervention of the government in economy: concentrating economic resources and nationalizing many enterprises in the anti-Japan war period and after.

논문(論文) : 세계사 지식 체계의 변화와 교육과정 -2007, 2009 세계사 교육과정을 중심으로-

이병인 ( Byung In Lee ) 이화사학연구소 2012 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.45

This article addresses the changes of the knowledge of world history and their ensuing problems in drafting National World-history Curriculum(NWC). There exist varied systems of knowledge to interpreting world history. Most outstanding among them are Euro-centric system and its critical one, both of which cannot completely overwhelm its counterpart. New knowledges have been accumulated in their mutual criticism. Lately, NWC has undergone two changes. 2007 NWC, arguing for overcoming Euro-centric perspective, placed its emphasis upon the interaction based on exchange and trade. The Curriculum presented a lot of views on world history distinct from ``established`` ones, causing not a few criticisms towards its content structure. 2009-revised NWC revitalized ``traditional, Euro-centric`` views in its content structure. In the 2009 revision, the understanding of independent development of individual Civilization was re-called as educational goal of NWC and also global historical meanings were given to Exploration of New Trade Routes and other historical events. These show us that two main perspectives on world history compete with each other in NWC. The change of curriculum from 2007 to 2009 revision raised some issues which need our deep thinking. Considering that there co-exist plural academic systems of reading world history, we need to think: which knowledge system should be officialized by NWC and how to legitimize NWC; the possibility of co-existence of plural NWCs; and the problems caused by the application of a particular knowledge system to class education. Also we need to put under critical review the knowledge system constructed by anti-Eurocentric academism as we do the Euro-centric knowledge system.

Droop Method를 이용한 50[W]급 태양전지 가상구현장치의 다중병렬연결 출력특성에 관한 연구

이병인(Byung-In Lee),이상용(Sang-Yong Lee),정병환(Byung-Hwan Jung),최규하(Gyu-Ha Choe) 전력전자학회 2003 전력전자학술대회 논문집 Vol.2003 No.11

For increasing power of photovoltaic systems, serial and parallel connection needed. In parallel connection, a desirable characteristic of parallel-supply system is that individual converters share the load current equally and stably. The current sharing(CS) can be implemented using two approaches. The first one, known as a Droop method, and the other is Active current-sharing. In Droop method, current distribution characteristics relies on the high output impedance of each converter. This scheme is more simple and no need interconnections. but also has a disadvantages of degrading current sharing characteristics. In this paper, using droop method at multiful-parallel connection with it's convenience and simplicity.

20세기 전반기 중국 상회법의 변화와 상회 관리

이병인 ( Lee Byung-in ) 호남사학회(구 전남사학회) 2018 역사학연구 Vol.71 No.-

상회법을 통해서 본 상회와 정부와의 관계는 각 시대의 과제, 그리고 정부의 통제 능력에 따라 변화했다. 청 정부는 상회 설립에 많은 도움을 주고, 상회(상무총회, 분회, 분소)에 지역 상인과 경제를 관리하는 역할을 부여했다. 아울러 중앙의 상부는 상회가 지방정부를 거치지 않고 직접 정보를 교환할 수 있도록 법적으로 상회에 상당한 자율적 활동 공간을 제공했다. 즉 청 정부는 ‘중앙의 상부’와 ‘지방의 상회’가 협력하며 상인을 관리하고 경제 문제에 함께 대처해 가는 관상 협력 체제를 구축했다. 북경정부는 1914년 상회법을 공포하여 상회의 자율성을 축소하고 상회에 대한 지방정부의 감독과 개입을 제도화하려고 했다. 상회는 반발했다. 특히 총상회를 상회연합회로 대체하고, 지방 관청과 상회를 위계 관계로 표현한 조문에 집중했다. 정부와 상회의 의견은 절충되어 1915년 상회법이 수정되었다. 수정된 상회법은 지방정부가 상회에 개입하고 감독할 수 있는 조항을 넣으면서도 총상회 중심의 상회 네트워크를 인정하는 조항을 남겨두었다. 1915년 상회법은 지방 정부의 ‘개입’과 상회의 ‘자율’이 공존하는 체제였다. 국민정부는 상회에 대한 지방정부의 감독과 상회 조직의 변경을 관철시켰다. 당의 일반적 지도 방침과 함께 국민정부는 중앙과 지방 정부의 상회 관리를 명문화했다. 조직 측면에선 국민정부는 총상회를 없애 성급 차원에서 상회의 조직 역량을 분산시키고 약화시켰다. 반면에 상회가 담당해야 할 역할은 오히려 확대했는데, 이는 현과 시급의 상회가 지역 상인과 경제를 관리하는 역할을 강화하는 것이었다. 정부의 상회 관리 형태는 각기 달랐지만, 상회법의 변화 방향은 정부가 상회와 협조적인 관계를 유지하면서도 상회를 관리하고 동원할 수 있는 주도권을 유지하거나 강화하는 것이었다. The relationship between the Chamber of Commerce and the Government from the perspective of the Law of Chamber of Commerce had changed according to the task of times and the government's control capacity. The Qing(청) Government helped merchants establish the Chamber of Commerce and gave the role of managing local merchants and economy to the Chamber of Commerce(General Association of Commercial Affairs(商務總會), Branch(分會), Branch of Branch(分所)). At the same time, the Ministry of Commerce(商部) provided a way for the Chamber of Commerce to exchange information directly without going through local government. This legally provided the autonomous activity space for the Chamber of Commerce. In other words, the Qing government established a governance order that “the Ministry of Commerce in central government” and “the Chamber of Commerce in local society" co-operate to manage merchants and to deal with economic problems. The Beijing government promulgated the Law of Chamber of Commerce in 1914 to reduce the autonomy of the Chamber of Commerce and to institutionalize the supervision and intervention of the local government to the Chamber of Commerce. The chamber of commerce immediately opposed that law. In particular, the Chamber of Commerce objected to regulations that substitute the General Chamber of Commerce(總商會) for the Federation of Chamber of Commerce(商業聯合會) and regard the Chamber of Commerce as like a sub-organization of local authorities. This Act was amended in 1915. The revised law included provisions allowing local governments to intervene and supervise the chamber of commerce, while also recognizing a network centered on the General Chamber of Commerce. The Chamber of Commerce Law in 1915 was a system in which intervention of local government and autonomy of Chamber of commerce could coexist. The Nationalist government completely accomplished the supervision of the local government and the change of the organizational structure of chamber of commerce. Along with the general guiding principles of the Party, the Nationalist Government stipulated supervision of central and local governments to chamber of commerce. In organizational aspects, the government dispersed its organizational power by abolishing the General Chamber of Commerce, while broadening the role of the Chamber of Commerce. In other words, the Nationalist Government intended to weaken the organizational power of the Chamber of Commerce in the provincial level(省級) and expanded the role of the Prefectural and Municipal Chamber of Commerce(縣市商會) to manage the local merchants and the economy. The Tendency of change in the Chamber of Commerce Law from the Qing to the Natioalist Government was to make cooperative relations with merchant and to strengthen initiatives for the government to manage and mobilize the Chamber of Commerce.

해외 화인자본의 형성과 과국(跨國) 네트워크

이병인(Lee Byung-In) 역사학회 2011 역사학보 Vol.0 No.212

The overseas Chinese community, initially emerging in the period between the 16th and 18th centuries, developed with great rapidity in the 19th century. The increased demand for labor led more Chinese to migrate to other countries, especially within Southeast Asia. They developed their businesses and settled, resulting in local demographic changes. In terms of their occupations, most ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asia pursued business, some worked in industry and mines, and a few took up farming. Their businesses were usually small, owned and managed by family, relatives, or local natives. Local native networks played a significant role in funding, managing, marketing, and even in career decision to the extent that specific occupations were held by specific local native populations and factions. Besides remittance to and investment in their homeland, ethnic Chinese formed international several trade networks. The networks were connected through seaports located at the center of each network. The trading networks were simultaneously influenced by both local and Chinese economic situations and government policies. From the point of networking, ethnic Chinese were transnational beings that were changed and influenced beyond national boundaries. Given their trans-nationality, nations should consider ‘administrating’ ethnic Chinese rather than forcing them into conforming to a single national identity.

농어촌지하수 관측망

이병선,김영인,최광준,송성호,김진호,우동광,설민구,박기연,Lee, Byung Sun,Kim, Young In,Choi, Kwang-Jun,Song, Sung-Ho,Kim, Jin Ho,Woo, Dong Kwang,Seol, Min Ku,Park, Ki Yeon 한국지하수토양환경학회 2014 지하수토양환경 Vol.19 No.4

Rural groundwater monitoring network has been managed by Korea Rural Community Corporation (KRC) since 1998. The network consists of two kinds of subnetworks; rural groundwater management network (RGMN) and seawater intrusion monitoring network (SIMN). RGMN has been operated to promote a sound and sustainable development of rural groundwater within the concerned area for groundwater quality and quantity. SIMN has been operated to protect the crops against hazards by the saline water in coastal areas in which the shortage of irrigation water become a main problem for agriculture. Currently, a total of 283 monitoring wells has been installed; 147 wells in 79 municipalities for RGMN and 136 wells in 52 ones for SIMN, respectively. Two subnetworks commonly monitor three hydrophysical properties (groundwater level, temperature, and electric conductivity) every hour. Monitored data are automatically transferred to the management center located in KRC. Data are opened to the public throughout website named to be the Rural Groundwater Net (www.groundwater.or.kr). Annual reports involving well logging and hydrochemical data of RGMN and SIMN have been published and distributed to the rural water management office of each municipalities. In addition, anyone who concerns about RGMN an SIMN can freely download these reports throughout the Rural Groundwater Net as well.

양식장 용수 추가 확보를 위한 수압파쇄 적용성 평가

이병선,김영인,박학윤,조정환,송성호,Lee, Byung Sun,Kim, Young In,Park, Hak Yun,Cho, Jung Hwan,Song, Sung-Ho 한국지하수토양환경학회 2015 지하수토양환경 Vol.20 No.7

Feasibility tests for the hydraulic fracturing were conducted in order to secure additional saline groundwater for irrigating to the land-based aquaculture farm. Two boreholes were placed to the aquaculture farm A and B, respectively. A hydraulic fracturing using single packer was applied to major fracture zones within two boreholes. To identify effects of hydraulic fracturing on securing additional saline groundwater, some selective methods including well logging methods, pumping tests, and groundwater quality analysis were commonly applied to the boreholes before and after the hydraulic fracturing. Enlarging/creating fracture zones, increasing water contents in bedrock near boreholes, and increasing transmissivity were observed after the hydraulic fracturing. Even though the hydraulic fracturing could be an alternative to secure additional saline groundwater to the land-based aquaculture farm, salinity of the groundwater did not meet optimal thresholds for each fingerling in two farms: Fresh submarine groundwater discharge flowed the more into borehole of the farm A that resulted in decreasing a salinity value. Increased saline groundwater quantity in the borehole of the farm B rarely affect to the salinity. Although salinity problem of groundwater limited its direct use for the farms, the mixing with seawater could be effectively used for the fingerlings during the early stage. A horizontal radial collector well placed in the alluvial layer could be an alternative for the farms as well.

해외 화인(華人)사회의 변화와 ‘국가’, 1840-1949

이병인(Lee Byung-in) 가천대학교 아시아문화연구소 2011 아시아문화연구 Vol.24 No.-

중국인들의 해외 이주는 19세기에 전 세계적으로 노동수요가 증가하면서 급격히 늘어났다. 중국인의 해외 이주지 선택이나 화교사회의 성장에는 식민당국의 정책이 큰 영향을 끼쳤다. 일반적으로 동남아시아의 식민당국은 경제상황에 따라 간혹 이민을 제한하긴 했지만 산업 개발을 위해 비교적 적극적인 이민 유치 정책을 펼쳤다. 반면에 미국, 캐나다, 호주 등은 백인 노동자들의 반발 등으로 화교 노동자의 이주를 제한하는 정책을 펼친 경우가 많아 이들 지역에서 화교의 성장은 상대적으로 뒤쳐졌다. 해외 화인사회가 만들어지는 과정에서 중요하게 작용한 인적 관계는 동향 네트워크였다. 화인은 혈연과 지연에 따라 종친회와 동향단체를 만들어 각종 편의를 제공했다. 또한 화인은 동향관계에 따라 고향 사람을 고용하거나 거래 관계를 형성했다. 그 결과 화교사회는 同鄕?이 중요 문제를 결정하고 운영하는 특징을 나타냈다. 그런데 19세기 말에서 20세기 초에 화인사회에 몇 가지 변화가 나타났다. 가장 큰 특징은 화인사회가 민족주의의 영향을 받아 지역구분을 넘어서 단합하기 시작했다는 것이다. 그런데 화인사회의 민족의식 강화와 함께 화교 거주국 국가의 단속도 강화되었다. 그리고 민족주의 경향의 강화에 따라 원주민과 화교의 충돌도 빈번하게 나타났다. 이에 화교는 압력과 충돌을 피하기 위해 현지 정권의 실세를 후원하면서 생존을 모색하는 방식을 선택했다. 화교는 거주국과 중국의 정책에 따라 행동을 바꿔야 했고, 이런 상황변화를 야기한 것은 민족주의로 무장한 국가(중국과 화교의 거주 국가)의 정책이었다고 생각한다. In the mid-19th century, Chinese people"s moving abroad rapidly increased with the globally strengthened demands for labor force. The political bodies wielded great influence upon Chinese people when they decided which country to move to and how to develop their community. On the whole, the colonial authorities in the Southeast Asia carried out comparatively positive immigration policy, in contrast with that of the United States of America, Canada, and Australia. The native place identity played a significant role in the development of overseas Chinese communities. Ethnic Chinese employed workers and established business networks in terms of native place identity and blood relationship. In this process, native-place factions(同鄕?) made decision in the important issues related to running the community. There appeared some changes in the late 19th century through the early 20th century. As ethnic Chinese developed their nationalism, the national authorities in the Southeast Asia came to tighten its grip on the activities of ethnic Chinese. Faced with these circumstances, ethnic Chinese supported political magnate of their dwelling country for the purpose of avoiding conflict with and relieving the pressure from the authority and local people. It was nationalistic policies of the government of Chinese proper and Southeast Asia"s governments that brought froth identity problems and their ensuing clashes between ethnic Chinese and local people.