만삭 임신부에서 Misoprostol(PGE1)과 Dinoprostone(PGE2) 질정이 자궁경부 숙화 및 분만유도에 미치는 영향

박태형 ( Tae Hyoung Park ),김경원 ( Kyoung Won Kim ),조재훈 ( Je Hun Jo ),박영복 ( Young Bok Park ),김승만 ( Seung Man Kim ),김도균 ( Do Gyun Kim ),김종호 ( Jong Ho Kim ),양회생 ( Hoe Saeng Yang ),심재철 ( Jae Chul Sim ),윤혜원 ( 대한주산의학회 2001 大韓周産醫學會雜誌 Vol.12 No.3

한국임상암학회 전이성 전립선암 치료 지침

박인근 ( Inkeun Park ),강병욱 ( Byung Woog Kang ),고수진 ( Su-jin Koh ),김경하 ( Kyoung Ha Kim ),김세현 ( Se Hyun Kim ),김찬규 ( Chan Kyu Kim ),김호영 ( Ho Young Kim ),박권오 ( Kwonoh Park ),박세훈 ( Se Hoon Park ),오성용 ( Sung Y 대한내과학회 2017 대한내과학회지 Vol.92 No.2

The management of advanced prostate cancer has evolved rapidly. Androgen deprivation therapy, via surgical or medical castration, is the first-line therapy for hormone-naive metastatic prostate cancer. For approximately a decade, docetaxel-based chemotherapy was the only approved agent to show a survival benefit for castration-resistant prostate cancer. However, over the last 5 years, significant advances in the field have led to the approval of several new agents with different mechanisms of action, such as the new androgen pathway inhibitors abiraterone and enzalutamide, a new cytotoxic agent, cabazitaxel, and new bone-seeking agents such as radium-223, which have all been associated with improved quality of life and pain palliation and an increase in survival. However, there has been no Korean treatment guideline for metastatic prostate cancer which is developed based on thorough search for relevant articles, including recently developed agents, and adequate review and assessment of evidences, and thus, a guideline adequate for domestic circumstance is eagerly needed. Experts from the Genitourinary Oncology Committee of the Korea Cancer Study Group developed clinical recommendations for the treatment of metastatic prostate cancer based on 19 key questions. The Korean Association for Clinical Oncology, the Korean Prostate Society, the Korean Urological Oncology Society, and the Korean Society of Pathologists reviewed and endorsed the guidelines. These are the first Korean treatment guidelines developed specifically for metastatic prostate cancer. (Korean J Med 2017;92:124-141)

차량 내비게이션 표본자료를 이용한 통행수요 패턴 분석

박경선(Park, Kyoung Seon),남대식(Nam, Dai Sik),이충식(Lee, Choong Shik),천승훈(Cheon, Seung Hoon),김현명(Kim, Hyun Myung) 대한교통학회 2015 대한교통학회 학술대회지 Vol.73 No.-

현재 교통 계획 및 수요 분석에서 기종점간 통행량 자료(OD matrix)는 필수 요소이다. OD의 추정은 가구통행 실태조사 등의 샘플 조사를 통해 이루어지는데, 비용제약으로 많은 샘플을 확보하기 어려운 단점이 있다. 이에 분석데이터의 정확도에 대한 많은 논쟁이 있어왔다. 이러한 자료상 문제를 극복하기 위해 다양한 연구가 계속되고 있으나 통행자들의 실제 통행수요 패턴을 정확히 반영하지 못하고 있다. 하지만 최근 정보통신 기술이 발전하면서 교통계획 연구에서 활용할 수 있는 차량 내비게이션 자료가 장기간 반복적 으로 수집되고 이를 통해 신뢰성 있는 통행수요의 패턴 분석이 가능해지게 되었다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 차량 내비게이션 표본자 료를 이용하여 국가교통데이터베이스 OD의 정확도 평가 및 표본 OD 전수화 기법을 개발하고 통행 수요량 및 통행수요 패턴 분석 을 실시하였다. 본 연구를 시작으로 차량 내비게이션 자료는 향후 교통수요 OD 구축 및 검증 등 다양한 교통계획 분야에서 활용도 가 높아질 것으로 기대된다.

刑政 운용을 통해 본 조선 전기의 가족 정책

박경(Park Kyoung) 한국사학회 2008 史學硏究 Vol.- No.90

이 논문에서는 15세기 夫妻간의 폭력 사건에 대한 처벌 실태를 분석함으로써 당시 조선 정부가 유교적 가족질서를 어떠한 방식으로 정착시켜 나갔는지에 대해 논증하였다. 조선에서 형률로써 이용하였던 『대명률』은 유교적 가치체계를 담고 있었다. 부처간의 폭력에 대한 처벌 조항에서도 이러한 점이 분명하게 드러난다. 처가 가해자인 경우에는 폭력을 행사했다는 사실만으로도 처벌이 가능하였고, 일반 폭력 사건에 비해 加刑되었다. 반면에 남편이 가해자인 경우에는 이 하나가 부러지거나 손가락 하나가 부러지는 등 처가 折傷 이상의 상해를 입어야 처벌이 가능하였고, 일반 폭력 사건에 비해 감형되었다. 또한 이 조항에는 형량 뿐 아니라 親告罪 적용 범위와 이혼에 관한 내용도 규정되어 있다. 그런데 이 조문 역시 가해자가 남편인지 처인지에 따라 차별적으로 적용되는 규정이었다. 이와 같이 『대명률』에 규정된 부처간의 폭력에 대한 처벌 규정은 夫가 綱이 되는 부처관계를 지향하고 있었다. 조선에서는 폭력을 사용하여 배우자를 살해한 경우 『대명률』 규정을 적용하여 무겁게 처벌함으로써 夫가 중심이 되는 가족질서를 확립하고자 하였다 그리고 전ㆍ현직 관원들이 처가 아닌 다른 여성을 사랑하여 처에게 폭력을 행사한 사건들에 대해서는 폭력행위 자체에 대해 처벌하기보다는 부부의 義를 손상시키는 행위를 했다는 점에 초점을 맞추어 처벌하였다. 피해자의 입장이나 『대명률』 규정보다 올바른 부처관계 정립이라는 명분이 더 중시되었던 것이다. 또한 15세기 후반으로 갈수록 남편의 심한 폭력에 시달리는 여성이 고소나 이혼으로 그 상황에서 벗어날 수 있도록 하는 조치를 취하는 것보다 처의 남편에 대한 도리를 중시하였다. 이상과 같은 사실을 통해 15세기 가족 정책의 특징을 두 가지로 정리 할 수 있다. 첫째 조선 정부의 정책 방향을 결정하였던 왕과 고위관원들은 『대명률』을 기본적인 형률로 이용하면서도 이를 절대적인 규정으로 여기지 않고 유교적 가족질서 확립이라는 명분을 실현하는 도구로 이용 하였다. 둘째 부처간의 폭력에 대한 형률 적용에 있어서 유교이념에 부합하는 부처관계를 정립한다는 대의명분이 피해자에 대한 보상이나 폭력 근절 등의 가치보다 우선하였다. In this article, how the authorities exacted punished upon violent actions committed between people engaged in spousal relationship in the 15th century is examined, in order to determine through what kind of processes the Joseon government would have tried to establish the Confucian order of family inside the Joseon society. 『Dae-MyeongryuK(大明律)』, which the Joseon government consulted and utilized in its penal administration, was as we all know based upon a Confucian set of values. We can see that from articles that are meant to address occasions of spousal abuse. In the authorities' dealing with such cases, female offenders were punished even by the fact alone that they resorted to the act of violence, and were punished even harsher than persons involved in other ordinary cases of violence. Yet male offenders were only punished when the female was left with injuries like losing a tooth or a having a broken finger (in other words, when the female was left with 'Jeolsang'/折傷-type damages), or left with injuries even more serious. And added to that, only received weaker punishments. In the meantime, the articles which contained these instructions also contained instructions regarding the range of offenses which would be punished only with the victim's own filing a complaint(親告罪), and instructions regarding the issue of divorce. And those instructions were implemented discriminatively, depending upon the gender of the offender. We can say that the articles which addressed the spousal violence issue at the time were based upon a familial relationship which granted the husband with a superior status. The Joseon government applied laws inside 『Dae-Myeongryuhl』 to cases in which spousal violence led to the demise of one of them, and tried to establish a 'husband-based' order inside the family. And present or former governmental officials, who were in love with females other than their wives, happened to use violence against their wives, and in those occasions, they were punished not on the charge of committing violence, but on the charge of hurting the ideal spousal relationship laid out by the Confucian teachings. Not the condition of the victim, and not the articles inside 『Dae-Myeongryul』, but the cause of establishing a rightful spousal relationship, was considered as top priority by the government. And entering the latter half period of the 15th century, instead of providing the female victims with legal means to file a lawsuit or seek a divorce which would enable them to escape from the violent and oppressive situation, the government kept merely emphasizing the 'wife's obligation to the husband'. The characteristics of the 15th century Joseon government's familial policy can be summed up in two things. First, the kings and high ranking officials, who were in the position to determine the policy direction of the Joseon government, used 『Dae-Myeongryul』 as the main legal basis for penal administration, yet did not consider it as an unflexible, absolute standard for exacting punishment, and only used it as a device for establishing Confucian familial order. Second, in exacting punishment on cases of violent actions between the husband and wife. the cause of establishing a spousal relationship. based upon Confucian values and teachings, was considered more important than tending to the needs and interest of the victims.

애호박 중 Chlorpyrifos의 잔류특성 및 수확전 잔류량 예측

박효경(Hyo Kyoung Park),노현호(Hyun Ho Noh),이광헌(Kwang Hun Lee),이재윤(Jae Yun Lee),박영순(Young Soon Park),강경원(Kyung Won Kang),이은영(Eun Young Lee),윤상순(Sang Soon Yun),진충우(Chung Woo Jin),경기성(Kee Sung Kyung) 한국농약과학회 2011 농약과학회지 Vol.15 No.4

제2돌산대교 시공중 계측을 통한 풍환경 평가

박주택(Park Joo Taek),김성호(Kim Sung Ho),이경재(Lee Kyoung Jae),박성모(Park Sung Mo) 대한토목학회 2010 대한토목학회 학술대회 Vol.2010 No.10

국소 진행된 비소세포 폐암에서의 병합치료에 대한 연구

박상기(Sang Ki Park),김근화(Geun Hwa Kim),정성수(Seong Su Jeong),신경상(Kyoung Sang Shin),김애경(Ae Kyoung Kim),서지원(Jee Won Suhr),김재성(Jae Sung Kim),조문준(Moon June Cho),김주옥(Ju Ock Kim),김선영(Sun Young Kim) 대한내과학회 1997 대한내과학회지 Vol.53 No.6

N/A Background: The majority of patients with locally advanced, unresectable, non-small cell lung cancer(NSCLC) were treated with conventional thoracic radiation therapy Throcic radiation therapy produces tumor regression in most patients but few cures and dismal 5-year survival rate. Several randomized studies have demonstrated that systemic chemotherapy controls micrometastasis and improve survival ratNes for patients who have locally advanced NSCI.C. Hut the optimal frequency of chemotherapy and sequence for chemotherapy and radiotherapy are yet to be determined. In this study, we analyzed response rate, median survival time, side effects and prognostic variables according to the frequency of chemotheray in locally advanced NSCLC patients, Methods: We separated locally advanced, unresectable, NSCLC patients into two groups according to given number of chemotherapy cycles. Among 28 patients evaluated, eleven patients were classified to group A, receiving above 3 cycled chemotherapy and seventeen patients, classified to group B, receiving 3 cycled chemotherapy. In both groups, thoracic irradiation of 5940 cGy was given to all patients after chemotherapy. Results: 1) Median survival time was 12.9 months for group A, 12.8 months for group B but there was no statistically significant difference(P>0.05), 2) Overall response rates were not significantly different between two groups(P>0.05). 3) Frequency rate of local failure and distant metastasis were not significantly different between two groups (P>0.05). 4) The grade and frequency of toxicities during treatment were not significantly different between two groups (P>0.05). 5) Clinical stage was the only major prognostic factor for overall survival (P<0.05). Conclusion: Median survival time, response rate, toxicities and frequency of local failure and distant metastasis were not significantly different between two groups. So, when we treat locally advanced, unresectable, NSCLC patients in sequential combined treatement, we should consider planned therapy(limiting chemotherapy cycles given), because planned therapy reduces many troubles of patients, that is, economic loss and time consuming, psychiatric anxiety etc, during treatment period. The optimal frequency of chemotherapy is remained to be validated in large scale study in the future in the setting of combined treatment.

『恒茶飯』 소지 사례집을 통해 본 조선 후기 官의 역할

박경(Park, Kyoung) 한국고전번역원 2022 民族文化 Vol.60 No.-

18세기 말∼19세기 전반 사이에 편찬된 『항다반』 소지 사례집의 성격을 검토하고, 조선 후기 관의 역할에 대해 살펴보았다. 이 소지 사례집은 수령이 자신이 활용하기 위해, 혹은 수령이나 수령을 역임했던 사람이 지방관이나 향리들이 참고하도록 하기 위해 편찬한 것으로 판단된다. 특히 『항다반』에 수록된 소지의 뎨김에는 백성들의 호소 내용에 대한 수령의 판단이 비교적 자세하게 기술되어 있어 편찬자가 추구했던 각 사안별 소지 처리 원칙과 수령의 대민 통치관을 파악할 수 있다. 한편, 이 사례집은 정소자가 소지를 작성하는데 참고하기 위해 활용하기도 했다. 수록된 소지의 청원 및 뎨김 내용에는 이 소지 사례집 편찬자가 상정했던 수령의 역할이 드러난다. ‘풍속 교화’라는 단어로 통칭되는 유교적 질서의 정착과 신분 질서의 보호는 조선시대 대민 통치의 주요 지향점이었다. 이 사례집에서도 반상, 남녀, 장유의 질서를 수호해야 한다는 인식이 반영되어 있다. 양반층뿐 아니라 상민 이하의 계층에서도 남녀유별의 가치를 보호해주어야 한다고 인식했으며, 常漢이 양반을 욕보인 행위만으로 처벌하는 등 신분 질서를 적극적으로 보호했다. 그러나 양반이 상한의 재산권을 침해했을 때, 특히 그들의 생계에 위협을 가했을 때 관에서는 그 피해액을 추심해 주는 등 상한의 재산권을 보호해주는 역할을 했다. 관권으로 재산권을 보호해주는 조치는 사회 구성원 일반을 상대로 제공하는 공공성을 띤 역할이었던 것이다. 한편, 농사철에 임하여 경작자를 바꾸거나 임대한 소를 빼앗아 가 농사를 짓지 못하게 하는 경우 농민의 생계를 위협하는 일로 여겨 소유권을 제한하는 것을 관권 행사의 정도로 여겼다. This study reviews the characteristics of the petition cases in Hangdaban compiled between the late 18th century and the early 19th century, and investigates the role of local government in late Joseon. This petitions(soji: 所志) seem to have been complied by a local governor for his own use or for offering a reference to local officials. In particular, the responses(jaeeum: 題音) to the petitions by local governors in Hangdaban described their judgements to the people’s appeals in detail, providing the principles of handling individual cases of the petitions by the compilers and the local governor’s perspective to rule people. And this collection was used by petitioners who referred it in order to compose one’s petition. Therefore the contents of the petitions and the local governor’s responses in the sojis in the book present the role of a local governor supposed by its compilers. The establishment of the Confucian order and protection of its social class system, summarized with the term ‘edification of customs(風俗敎化)’ were the main agenda to rule people in Joseon. This casebook reflects the perception to protect the orders between noble and lower classes, men and women, and old and young people as well. For example, it was perceived to protect the value of differences between men and women even in the lower classes and the social class system was positively protected by punishing an act to insult a nobleman by that from the lower class. However, when a nobleman impaired the property rights of a humble man, especially, in case of threatening their living, the local government played a role to protect their rights, such as collecting and giving the damaged amounts to the humble man. The measure to protect the property rights with the governmental authority was an act of public role for general members of the society. On the other hand, when a landowner replaced tenant farmers or a cattle owner took the rented cattle away, which resulted in interrupting farming in the seasons, the governmental authority considered them as a threat against farmers’ living, restricted their ownership and punished them.

18세기 기사 남인의 복관작(復官爵) 청원을 통해 본 양반 격쟁(擊錚)의 정착 -목내선(睦來善), 이현일(李玄逸) 후손들의 복관작 청원을 중심으로-

박경 ( Kyoung Park ) 고려대학교 역사연구소 2015 사총 Vol.86 No.-

This article examines the gyeokjaeng (擊錚) employed by the descendants of Mok Nae-seon and Yi Hyeon-il-both of whom had been punished in the purge of 1694 for their key roles in the Nam’in (南人) administration of 1689-1694 - in appealing for the restoration of the position-and-rank (復官 爵) of their ancestors. In doing so, the paper traces back the institutional, social, and political reasons for the process through which gyeokjaeng were solidified into a particular form of yangban appeal in late Joseon. Gyeokjaeng were primarily a means by which lower-status members of Joseon society were able to communicate orally to the king their sense of having been wronged. But in the 18th century, large numbers of yangban attempted gyeokjaeng appeals primarily over the issues of clearing the name (伸寃), or restoring the position-and-rank, of their ancestors; disputes over burial sites (山訟); and naming of successors (立後). Appeals for the exculpation-or the restoration of the position-and-rank-of ancestors were especially notable in that the yangban choosing to make their cases through gyeokjaeng outnumbered those doing so using the yangban’s own sang’eon (上 言) format. Indeed, it was with gyeokjaeng that the descendants of Mok Nae-seon and Yi Hyeon-il made their appeals for the restoration of the position-and-rank of their ancestors. Careful examination of these 18th century position-and-rank restoration appeals, made on behalf of ancestors and sustained using the gyeokjaeng format, makes it possible to explain the factors driving the establishment and consolidation of the yangban gyeokjaeng format in this period. In the late 17th and early 18th centuries, even as efforts were made to prevent abuse gyeokjaeng of the appeal format, a system resulting in expansion of the acceptable grounds for such appeals was organized, and the legal foundations for the revitalization of the gyeokjaeng appeal were laid. Moreover, Joseon’s government instituted protocol governing the receipt of and formality-punishment (例刑: a light, nominal punishment administered to all gyeokjaeng appellants) for gyeokjaeng made by those of government-official background. In addition, receipt of non-oral, document-based gyeokjaeng appeals became possible. This rationalization of the gyeokjaeng system had the effect of increasing the options available to yangban. In addition to these institutional developments, the social and political conditions of the time facilitated the consolidation of the gyeokjaeng as a particular form of yangban appeal. First, as a result of the growth in the social and legal importance of the Three Bonds and Five Constants (綱常) ethics, as well as of the development of lineage organizations, the act of risking punishment in order to seek vindication for an ancestor’s having been wronged came to be seen as a virtue. Second, unlike the sang’eon format, gyeokjaeng- for which there were no limits on the number of times an appeal could be raised-proved to be particularly effective means for dealing with issues that were difficult to settle in short periods of time, and that required instead extended and vigorous petition. Whereas appealing politically-sensitive matters via memorial (上疏) initiated an official deliberation, electing instead to use the gyeokjaeng format-a tool designed to relieve the personal frustrations of a single individual-offered a substantially reduced risk of inciting political turmoil. Third, because yangban gyeokjaeng were primarily employed in order to achieve some shared, pressing ambition of an entire patriarchal relative group, even the punishment that an appellant received for a gyeokjaeng would not impact his social standing. What’s more, the actions of Mok Nae-seon and Yi Hyeon-il reflected a desire shared by 18th century kings Yeongjo and Jeongjo to bolster elements capable of checking the power of the Noron (老論) group that controlled government. Thus, even when authorities found fault with the contents of the gyeokjaeng made by the descendants of Mok and Yi, and even when these men were sent into exile, very little time passed before they were released again. This study has shown that 18th century Joseon saw the creation of political and social conditions that permitted a yangban largely isolated from central power to appeal directly to their ruler. In particular, in finding that even instances of sensitive political issues being appealed through a format designed to provide recourse to individuals who had been wronged personally went largely undisputed, this study reveals a means by which a marginalized yangban, and a king and central ruling elite, were able to coexist within the Noron-dominated political climate of the 18th century.

Comet Assay를 이용한 Flavonoids와 항산화 비타민의 인체임파구 세포 DNA 손상 보호 효과

박유경(Park Yoo Kyoung),전은재(Jeon Eun-Jae),강명희(Kang Myung-Hee) 韓國營養學會 2003 Journal of Nutrition and Health Vol.36 No.2