러시아의 대외 군사·안보정책 결정과정 : 대한반도 정책에 미치는 영향 Its Effects on Policy toward Korea

김병기 한국전략문제연구소 1998 전략연구 Vol.5 No.3

When Boris Yeltsin was elected President of the Russian Federation in 1990. the former Soviet republic lacked those crucial political institutions necessary for consolidating his power and authority. These organs-which existed in other republics. which thereby enhanced the political consolidation of former Communist Party members who came into power-constituted the republican Committee on State Security (or the KGB). the Ministry of International Affairs. and even Academy of Sciences and radio/television channels. Lacking the institutional bases for effective rule, Yeltsin on the other hand, inherited Soviet power ministries with whom he had to struggle to "Russianize" it. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation, and the Liberal Democratic Party which inhetrited the balk of the organizational and ideological remanants of the powerful Soviet Communist Party apparatus. moreover, generated major barriers towards institutionalization of Yeltsin's presidency. Such difficult situation, on the whole. helped generate the bloody suppression of the Parliament on October of 1993, the consolidation of the anti-center oriented Siberian Agreement of 1994, and even the Chechen crisis from the same year. Andrei Kozyrev followed a policy of full and complete Westernization in 1992, agreeing on all major issues which NATO and the United States positively thought. including the joining of the military coalition against Irag--a former ally of the Soviet Union. Such policy, however, brought not full economic, political and military integration with the West, but isolation and new ideological division along the shrunken border of the Russian Federation with the Baltic countries, and the CIS. Contrary to expectations, former members of the now defunct Warsaw Pact Organization began to join NATO, while even members of the former Soviet Union begin to seek membership. Kozyrev, all in all, ignored not only Russia's strategic interests vis-a-vis the West, but also, its immediate concerns in the Near Abroad where millions of ethnic Russians resided, who were facing daily economic, social and even political threats to their security. These problems were seriously politicized; the Communists and the Liberal Democrats along with the scattered Russian armed forces began to call for a turn towards "within" and the much ignored "Near Abroad." Between the years 1992 and the beginning of 1996, Kozyrev was forced to follow the lines of the domestic conservatives, thereby weakening the institution of the Presidency, and generating the popular image of a weak-willed administration. At the beginning of 1996 Yeltsin appointed Yevgeny Primakov--then the Director of Counter- Foreign Intelligence Agency--as Foreign Minister. A Middle Eastern expert by training and a long-time bureaucrat in the Propaganda Department of the Central Committee he began to reorient Russian foreign policy away from US/West Europe to the Near Abroad. In the national security concept developed in 1998, for example, the predominant emphasis is placed on domestic dimension, namely, stablized economic transition towards market economy, and parellel social conditions. In the field of external policy, Primakov proved instrumental in preempting a formation of second military coalition against Iraq--with the help of France and China. In fact, Primakov is reportedly supplying Iraq with nuclear technology for energy purposes. Primakov also actively opposed the expansion of NATO, pressuring the Baltic countries not to join the military bloc. Parenthetically, such show of pressure against the West meant that within the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) no outside forces can interfere: moreover by exporting missiles to Northern Cyprus, an area controlled by Greece. which has a confrontation with Southern Cyprus. an area controlled by Turkey. Primakov intends to weaken NATO internally. by accelarating tension among the two members. The contraction of the border in the Western frontier. and threat of NATO toward it has forced Russia to seek compensation in the Southern frontier. In the Caucasus. Moscow was successful in forcing Georgia to join the CIS by supporting the Abkhazian seperatists as was also with Azerbaijan whose enemies Armenia and its seperatists in contentious Nargono-Karaback it also supported. Moscow felt threatened by the ethnic-disturbances in the Caucasus and the geopolitical encroachements being made by Turkey. a strong ally of the United States. Primakov is reinforcing Russia's relations with Iran for three reasons: (1) to offset Turkey. China and the US' influence in the Middle East and Central Asia: (2) to deny US rapproachment with Tehran with whom Washington desires closer trade and political relations: and (3) to export, like towards irag. nuclear related technology for energy purposes. In Kosovo. moreover. Primakov has intervened on behalf of the Serbs against the Albanians. whose forces are supported by the Western diplomatic community. These policies have earned Primakov not only the support of the Communists and the Liberal Democrats who form the majority in the Duma, but also, have strengthened Yeltsin's. domestic position through essential conservatization of Russia's foreign policy. It is support for these feats that Yeltsin awarded the highest medal of public service to Primakov as well as personally visiting him at the Foreign Ministry this year. Primakov has also recently engineered the breakthrough in the reestablishment of talks with Tokyo for normalizing its relations. a moved aimed at weakening the US grip on Japan. Moscow knows and appreciates the markedly grown influence of China in both Koreas: it also worries the recent improvement of US-Sino relations. Only by improving its relations with Pyongyang can Moscow redress its imbalnce on the Korean peninsula; but given the five years of freeze in its relationship. Moscow had no means of approaching Pyongyang other than by way of kicking out the South Korean diplomat as a way of showing Pyongyang that it is ready to deal more equally with North Korea. Given the current freeze in North Korean-US. North Korean-Japanese and inter-Korean talks. Seoul must be ready to exercise more independent initiative in its foreign policy.

[신앙의 명가를 찾아서_평신도편] 김병기 · 병인박해 순교자 김보현(요한) 4대손, 고 김수환 추기경 친조카

김병기 미래사목연구소 2016 사목정보 Vol.9 No.2

綜合討議

김병기,임병락,양한성,문기식,이은주,오종용 서원대학교 미래창조연구원 1989 서원대학교 미래창조연구원 학술대회지 Vol.1989 No.5

연구개발투자 증가기업의 장기성과에 관한 연구

김병기 한국기업경영학회 2009 기업경영연구 Vol.16 No.2

The purpose of this study is to investigate the long-term abnormal performance of firms substantially increasing R&D expenditures. It is more appropriate to focus on the change of R&D than to focus on the intensity of R&D, as the latter is affected by the industry to which the firm belongs. To be included in our sample firms, the firm must increase not only its R&D amount but also its R&D intensity both by at least 10%. An R&D intensity is measured by the ratio of R&D to total assets. To calculate abnormal performance properly, matching firms not increasing R&D substantially are needed. Matching firms are defined as firms of which profitability or book-to-market ratio is closest to those of sample firms. The long-term abnormal performance is measured by buy-and-hold abnormal stock returns as well as accounting operating performance such as profitability, productivity, and growth. In examining the long-term abnormal performance, we differentiate more market-oriented R&D from less market oriented R&D. In addition, we also explore the possibility that the long-term abnormal performance of firms increasing R&D may be affected by industry characteristics. We analyze listed Korean companies’ R&D increases during the period of 2001 to 2004. However, we need to collect data in the period of 1999 to 2007 as we calculate the abnormal performance of two-year period before and three-year after the R&D increase year. Empirical evidence does not support the hypothesis that sample firms increasing R&D improve long-term abnormal operating performance after their increases on R&D expenditures. However, there are statistically significant buy-and-hold abnormal stock returns for some groups of firms increasing R&D expenditures. Such groups include large firms, low book-to-market firms, non high-tech firms, and non-manufacturing firms. In addition, we find that profitability, growth, and industry type are useful variables in explaining the variations of buy-and-hold abnormal stock returns caused by R&D increases. 무형자산의 가치창출에 대한 관심이 전에 없이 높아지고 있으며 이에 따라 R&D투자의 성과를 다각도로 분석하기 위한 연구가 최근 활발히 진행되고 있다. R&D투자성과는 수익성, 생산성, 성장성 등의 경영성과의 개선으로 나타날 수도 있고 또한 시장의 가치평가에 반영되어 나타날 수도 있다. 그런데 R&D투자는 그 성과가 장기적으로 나타난다는 특성 때문에 단기성과보다는 장기성과를 측정하는 것이 보다 타당하다. 또한 R&D투자는 기업이 속해 있는 산업에 영향을 많이 받기 때문에 R&D집중도에 따른 초과성과보다는 R&D투자변화에 따른 초과성과를 측정하는 것이 보다 적절하다. 본 연구에서는 R&D투자를 경제적으로 의미 있게 증가시킨 기업들이 그렇지 않은 기업과 비교하여 장기적으로 얼마나 초과성과를 실현하고 있는가를 분석하였다. 이를 위해 연구개발투자비를 10% 이상 증가시키는 동시에 연구개발집중도 또한 10% 이상 증가시킨 기업을 표본기업으로 선정하였다. 또한 그렇지 않은 기업들 중 표본기업과 매출액영업이익률 또는 장부가/시가비율에 있어 유사한 비교기업을 일대일로 선정하여 표본기업과 비교기업의 성과차이를 살펴보았다. 성과차이는 회계자료를 이용한 경영성과의 차이와 함께 월별 수익률자료를 이용한 보유기간수익률 차이로 알아보았다. 표본기간은 2001년부터 2004년까지 4년 간이지만 R&D 증가 기준년도 전 2년부터 후 3년까지를 살펴보기 때문에 실제자료는 1999년부터 2007년까지 9년 간의 자료를 포함한다. 1999년도가 자료수집 시작년도가 되기 때문에 1998년 말 R&D에 대한 회계기준변경과 1997년 말 외환위기를 적절히 통제할 수 있다는 장점이 있다. 분석결과를 보면 R&D 증가기업이 비교기업에 비해 R&D 증가 이후에 수익성의 개선이 있다는 증거는 발견할 수 없었다. 그렇지만 R&D 증가기업에 대한 시장의 반응은 호의적인 경우가 많았다. 구체적으로 대기업, 장부가/시가비율이 낮은 기업군, 비첨단산업, 비제조업에서 R&D를 증가시킨 이후 3년 동안에 정(+)의 보유기간초과수익률을 관찰할 수 있었다. 또한 산업유형에 따라 R&D 증가에 대한 시장 반응에 차이가 있었으며, 수익성 및 성장성이 장기초과수익률 차이를 유의하게 설명하고 있다.

학생 설문을 통한 가상현실 치아우식 시뮬레이션의 평가

김병기,류지헌,김재환,김선미,최남기 대한소아치과학회 2020 大韓小兒齒科學會誌 Vol.47 No.3

The purpose of this study was to evaluate the applicability of virtual reality simulation after experience of dental caries diagnosis for dental students before exposing to clinical pediatric practice. A pediatric patient model of a five-year-old child with primary dentition was developed and a caries model that is amenable to VR(virtual reality) diagnosis was organized and set-up. The dental student’s were allowed to use the simulated model for fifteen minutes and their experiences were evaluated using a self-reported questionnaire to evaluate presence and usability of this application. Overall, virtual presence and appearance area of the simulation were highly scored. The result indicates that the VR model has no significant difference from the actual clinical caries regardless of grade of students, gender and VR experience. If the prototype is continuously advanced, its applicability in dental education will increase. 이 연구의 목적은 가상현실 시뮬레이션을 이용한 소아환자 치아우식 진단 경험에 대한 설문조사를 통하여, 임상 실습 전 단계의 치의학 전공 학생들을 대상으로 소아치과적 교육에서의 활용 가능성을 평가하는 것이다. 소아 환자 모델로 유치열기의 5세 여아를 개발하였고, 가상현실 속 진단을 위한 치아 우식 모델을 제작하였다. 치의학 전공 학생들은 15분에 걸친 치아 우식 진단 시뮬레이션을 경험한 뒤, 설문지를 통하여 프로그램 사용 경험을 통한 실재감 및 응용 가능성을 평가하였다. 그 결과, 가상실재감과 외양 평가에서 높은 점수를 얻었다. 또한, 가상현실을 통한 치아 우식 진단 시뮬레이션은 임상 실습 전, 후의학년, 성별, 가상현실 체험 경험의 유무에 따른 유의미한 차이가 없다는 설문 결과를 얻었다. 이 프로그램을 지속적으로 발전시킨다면, 치의학 교육 분야에 응용 가능성이 높아질 것이다.

CO₂ hydrogenation to hydrocarbons over MOF(ZIF-67)-derived catalysts

김병기,배종욱 한국공업화학회 2022 한국공업화학회 연구논문 초록집 Vol.2022 No.-

[책 소개(8)] 《레닌의 종교론(Religion by Lenin)》

김병기 노동사회과학연구소 2020 정세와노동 Vol.- No.168

《러시아 여성과 사회주의 건설(Russian women in the building of socialism by Anna Razumova)》

김병기 노동사회과학연구소 2021 정세와노동 Vol.- No.170

중국문학과 古書畵 鑑識의 相關性 연구 -국내 개인 소장본 東坡畵像 2幅과 秋史의 일부 서예작품에 대한 분석을 통하여

김병기 한국중어중문학회 2003 中語中文學 Vol.33 No.-

21세기 동아시아 서예의 세계적 확산 가능성과 ‘韓紙’의 가치

김병기 한국중국문화학회 2015 中國學論叢 Vol.46 No.-