綜合討議

김병기,임병락,양한성,문기식,이은주,오종용 서원대학교 미래창조연구원 1989 서원대학교 미래창조연구원 학술대회지 Vol.1989 No.5

[신앙의 명가를 찾아서_평신도편] 김병기 · 병인박해 순교자 김보현(요한) 4대손, 고 김수환 추기경 친조카

김병기 미래사목연구소 2016 사목정보 Vol.9 No.2

러시아의 대외 군사·안보정책 결정과정 : 대한반도 정책에 미치는 영향 Its Effects on Policy toward Korea

김병기 한국전략문제연구소 1998 전략연구 Vol.5 No.3

When Boris Yeltsin was elected President of the Russian Federation in 1990. the former Soviet republic lacked those crucial political institutions necessary for consolidating his power and authority. These organs-which existed in other republics. which thereby enhanced the political consolidation of former Communist Party members who came into power-constituted the republican Committee on State Security (or the KGB). the Ministry of International Affairs. and even Academy of Sciences and radio/television channels. Lacking the institutional bases for effective rule, Yeltsin on the other hand, inherited Soviet power ministries with whom he had to struggle to "Russianize" it. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation, and the Liberal Democratic Party which inhetrited the balk of the organizational and ideological remanants of the powerful Soviet Communist Party apparatus. moreover, generated major barriers towards institutionalization of Yeltsin's presidency. Such difficult situation, on the whole. helped generate the bloody suppression of the Parliament on October of 1993, the consolidation of the anti-center oriented Siberian Agreement of 1994, and even the Chechen crisis from the same year. Andrei Kozyrev followed a policy of full and complete Westernization in 1992, agreeing on all major issues which NATO and the United States positively thought. including the joining of the military coalition against Irag--a former ally of the Soviet Union. Such policy, however, brought not full economic, political and military integration with the West, but isolation and new ideological division along the shrunken border of the Russian Federation with the Baltic countries, and the CIS. Contrary to expectations, former members of the now defunct Warsaw Pact Organization began to join NATO, while even members of the former Soviet Union begin to seek membership. Kozyrev, all in all, ignored not only Russia's strategic interests vis-a-vis the West, but also, its immediate concerns in the Near Abroad where millions of ethnic Russians resided, who were facing daily economic, social and even political threats to their security. These problems were seriously politicized; the Communists and the Liberal Democrats along with the scattered Russian armed forces began to call for a turn towards "within" and the much ignored "Near Abroad." Between the years 1992 and the beginning of 1996, Kozyrev was forced to follow the lines of the domestic conservatives, thereby weakening the institution of the Presidency, and generating the popular image of a weak-willed administration. At the beginning of 1996 Yeltsin appointed Yevgeny Primakov--then the Director of Counter- Foreign Intelligence Agency--as Foreign Minister. A Middle Eastern expert by training and a long-time bureaucrat in the Propaganda Department of the Central Committee he began to reorient Russian foreign policy away from US/West Europe to the Near Abroad. In the national security concept developed in 1998, for example, the predominant emphasis is placed on domestic dimension, namely, stablized economic transition towards market economy, and parellel social conditions. In the field of external policy, Primakov proved instrumental in preempting a formation of second military coalition against Iraq--with the help of France and China. In fact, Primakov is reportedly supplying Iraq with nuclear technology for energy purposes. Primakov also actively opposed the expansion of NATO, pressuring the Baltic countries not to join the military bloc. Parenthetically, such show of pressure against the West meant that within the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) no outside forces can interfere: moreover by exporting missiles to Northern Cyprus, an area controlled by Greece. which has a confrontation with Southern Cyprus. an area controlled by Turkey. Primakov intends to weaken NATO internally. by accelarating tension among the two members. The contraction of the border in the Western frontier. and threat of NATO toward it has forced Russia to seek compensation in the Southern frontier. In the Caucasus. Moscow was successful in forcing Georgia to join the CIS by supporting the Abkhazian seperatists as was also with Azerbaijan whose enemies Armenia and its seperatists in contentious Nargono-Karaback it also supported. Moscow felt threatened by the ethnic-disturbances in the Caucasus and the geopolitical encroachements being made by Turkey. a strong ally of the United States. Primakov is reinforcing Russia's relations with Iran for three reasons: (1) to offset Turkey. China and the US' influence in the Middle East and Central Asia: (2) to deny US rapproachment with Tehran with whom Washington desires closer trade and political relations: and (3) to export, like towards irag. nuclear related technology for energy purposes. In Kosovo. moreover. Primakov has intervened on behalf of the Serbs against the Albanians. whose forces are supported by the Western diplomatic community. These policies have earned Primakov not only the support of the Communists and the Liberal Democrats who form the majority in the Duma, but also, have strengthened Yeltsin's. domestic position through essential conservatization of Russia's foreign policy. It is support for these feats that Yeltsin awarded the highest medal of public service to Primakov as well as personally visiting him at the Foreign Ministry this year. Primakov has also recently engineered the breakthrough in the reestablishment of talks with Tokyo for normalizing its relations. a moved aimed at weakening the US grip on Japan. Moscow knows and appreciates the markedly grown influence of China in both Koreas: it also worries the recent improvement of US-Sino relations. Only by improving its relations with Pyongyang can Moscow redress its imbalnce on the Korean peninsula; but given the five years of freeze in its relationship. Moscow had no means of approaching Pyongyang other than by way of kicking out the South Korean diplomat as a way of showing Pyongyang that it is ready to deal more equally with North Korea. Given the current freeze in North Korean-US. North Korean-Japanese and inter-Korean talks. Seoul must be ready to exercise more independent initiative in its foreign policy.

무지개송어(Oncorhynchus mykiss) 사료원으로써 대두박의 이용 효과 -2

김병기 부경대학교 수산과학연구소 1996 硏究業績集 Vol.21 No.-

EC 보험시장통합에 관한 고찰

김병기 한국보험학회 1990 保險學會誌 Vol.35 No.-

수익적 행정행위의 철회의 법적 성질과 철회사유

김병기 한국행정판례연구회 2004 행정판례연구 Vol.9 No.-

Die Frage nach der Widerruflichkeit rechtmßiger begnstigender Verwaltungsakte gehrt sei jeher zu den umstrittensten Problemen des allgemeinen Verwaltungrechts. Wenn man dem Umstand Rechnung trgt, daß der koreanische Gesetzgeber den Widerruf von Verwaltungsakten im Verwaltungsverfahrensgesetz Koreas nicht nomiert hat, mssen wir mit der Auslegung des §49 des deutschen VwVfG beginnen. In diesem Sinne unternimmt die vorliegende Arbeit unter Bercksichtigung der Regelungen Deutschlans den Versuch, die mit dem Widerruf eines rechtmßigen begnstigenden Verwaltungsakts verbundenen Probleme darzulegen und Vorschlge zu ihrer Lsung zu entwicklen.

백연 김두봉, 국어학과 역사학의 융합

김병기 바른역사학술원 2020 역사와융합 Vol.- No.7

김두봉은 청년시절 스승인 주시경을 만남으로써 일생 우리 글과 말을 아끼고사랑했던 한글학자로 잘 알려져 있다. 그러나 그의 독립운동가로서의 투쟁은 제대로 조명되지 않았다. 독립운동사와 현대정치사에서 큰 획을 긋는 인물임에도우리에게 망각된 인물이 김두봉이다. 냉전시대, 그가 북한정권의 요직에 참여했다는 사실이 그의 흔적을 지운 것이다. 김두봉의 독립운동은 국내에서부터 시작된다. 한글 연구 이외에 대동청년당이라는 비밀결사를 통해 일찍부터 독립운동의 일선에서 투쟁하였으며 대종교를 통한 항일운동의 맥을 이었다. 상해 임시정부로 망명한 이후 본격적인 항일투쟁의 선봉에 서게 되는데 임시의정원 의원, 임시사료편찬회 편찬위원, 『신대한』 잡지의 편집장, 인성학교 교장, 『깁더 조선말본』 간행 등 학자로서 열정적인 시기를보냈다. 이후 정치활동에 깊이 참여하여 한국독립당 발기인, 민족혁명당 중앙집행위원으로 활동하였으며, 조선혁명군사정치간부학교(약칭-간부학교) 교관으로서 한글을 비롯하여 한국역사, 한국지리 등을 가르쳤다. 1940년 8년여 동안의 이동시기를 겪은 임시정부가 중경에 도착한 직후 김두봉은 연안 행을 택한다. 연안에서는 화북조선독립동맹(약칭-독립동맹)의 주석으로서 화려하게 등장하여 세간의 주목을 받았다. 독립 투쟁을 위해 바친 그의 열정은 이데올로기적 입장을 떠나 새롭게 평가되어야 할 것이다.

理事의 自己去來에 관한 硏究

金秉紀 한국기업법학회 2003 企業法硏究 Vol.14 No.-

Discussions about unfavorable acts of corporations in managing activities include many legal considerations. In general cases, first of all, legality of the given acts should be verified. If they are judged to be illegal in their procedures, whether it is possible to assert nullification for the acts by the corporation law or not should be examined. Next, the claim for damages against the actors should be considered. After that, whether the actors have criminal liability or not should be discussed. In this case, it is difficult and complicated to judge what clauses of the Criminal Code in the substantive law apply to the unfavorable acts. This is a common problem in not only corporate crimes but also crimes involved in economy. This difficulty of judgement results from the fact that most economic regulations, regarding corporate crimes, have abstract, indefinite and supplementary concepts. In real economy the interested parties affect each other's interests, and so, to reflect each opposing point of view of the interested parties, it is necessary that words and phrases in the statute be abstract and complicated. Like this, words and phrases in economic regulations tend to become more and more complicated and difficult to understand. Accordingly, economic regulations should be interpreted in the aspect of the justice practical in managing reality, in that conflicts between the interested parties should be mediated considering economic reality. Today, among legal relations in economy are all kinds of interested parties, including shareholder, creditor, manager, employee, etc. And, when they have their opposing or common interests each, their interests can vary from situation to situation. In this economic reality, it will take much time and effort to lay liability on the director on the basis of fixed and rigid standards. On the other hand, when the director's business judgement in the long run causes the corporation to be unprofitable or suffer damage, the question of whether criminal punishment can be imposed on the director is a very important one requiring careful consideration. Also, even though the board of directors approves validity of director's self-dealing, the Korean Commercial Code has not yet included the regulations regarding the time of the approval. The economic reality has strongly demanded that post approval be accepted. Although it has been asserted that only prior approval should be accepted in order to exclude directors' conference, it is proper that post approval is accepted in the reality where directors' liability becomes heavier and heavier.

元 干涉期 性理學의 高麗 流入과 止浦 金坵의 역할(2)

김병기 한국중국문화학회 2017 中國學論叢 Vol.0 No.55

There are two arguments about when Neo-Confucianism travelled from China to Korea; one is the early Goryeo Dynasty which falls on the Song Dynasty in China, the other the late Goryeo falling on the Yuan Dynasty by Ahn Hyang. However, it is analyzed more reasonable to understand that the Neo-Confucianism was not introduced to Korea by any specific scholar in any specific time, but travelled to Korea due to interests and efforts of many people naturally by the current of the times. Based on this premise, the topic of this paper is that it is Jipo Kim Gu who laid the foundation of introducing Neo-Confucianism to Korea. In this paper the following have been examined: when Choi Hang, who got the most power as the leader of the military regime, pushed to make the wood print version of Perfect Enlightenment Sutra, Kim Gu strongly criticized it, and this shows that Kim Gu had the strong will to abolish the old-fashioned Buddhism and revive Confucianism in Goryeo. Another evidence is that when we understand that our ancestors put their will into their names, childhood names, and pen-names, it is evident that all the names related to Kim Gu have strong will or belief to revive Confucianism. Further, what his son Kim Yeowoo did when he stayed in the Yuan Dynasty as an envoy shows the fact that his son also played a certain role to introduce Neo-Confucianism to Goryeo. Considering Kim Seung-in, the fourth son of Kim Gu, was the first Confucian scholar who founded Hyanggyo in Gangneung, Gangwon-do, it is more likely that Kim Gu and all his sons did great efforts to resurrect Confucianism and introduce of Neo-Confucianism. Based on the results, it is concluded that Kim Gu is the figure who put the cornerstone to introduce Neo-Confucianism to the Goryeo Dynasty 30 years earlier than Ahn Hyang. 성리학이 한국에 들어온 시기에 대해 고려 전기인 ‘북송 시대’라는 주장이 있는가 하면, 고려 말기인 원나라 때에 안향(安珦)에 의해서 도입되었다는 주장도 있다. 필자는 특정 시기에 특정 인물에 의해서 ‘도입’되었다고 하기 보다는 시대의 흐름에 따라 여러 사람의 관심과 노력의 결과 자연스럽게 ‘유입’되었다고 하는 것이 더 타당하다고 생각한다. 이러한 전제아래 지포(止浦) 김구(金坵)야말로 성리학 도입의 초석을 다진 인물이라는 점에 대해 논증하고자 한다. 우선 김구가 당시 무신정권의 핵심인물로서 정권을 장악하고 있던 최항(崔沆)이 원각경(圓覺經) 목판을 새기는 일을 추진하자 그것을 강하게 비판하는 과정을 밝힘으로써 그가 낡은 불교를 버리고 유학을 부흥시키고자 하는 의지를 가지고 있었음을 확인했다. 이어서, 옛 사람들은 이름과 자(字)와 호(號)에 반드시 지향하는 바의 의지를 담았다는 점에 착안하여 김구의 이름과 자와 호를 분석한 결과 그 안에 유학부흥의 강한 신념이 담겨 있음을 확인하였다. 이외에, 김구의 아들 김여우가 원나라에 사신으로 가서 머무르는 동안의 행적을 통해 그 또한 성리학 도입에 일조한 인물임을 확인했다. 김구의 제4子 金承印이 우리나라 최초로 강릉에 향교를 건립한 인물이라는 점을 확인함으로써 김구와 그의 아들들이 다 유학 부흥과 성리학 도입에 남다른 노력을 하였음을 확인했다. 이러한 일련의 연구를 통하여 김구는 안향(安珦)보다 30년 이상 먼저 고려에 성리학이 유입되게 하는 초석을 다진 인물이라는 결론을 얻게 되었다.

무선전력전송용 전원공급장치의 전압강하 및 보호협조에 관한연구

김병기,이문석,최승규,노대석,김경화 대한전기학회 2012 대한전기학회 학술대회 논문집 Vol.2012 No.7