요리활동프로그램이 정신지체아의 서열개념에 미치는 영향

정진자 ( Jin Ja Chung ),박현아 ( Hyon A Park ) 한국특수교육문제연구소 2001 특수교육저널 : 이론과 실천 Vol.2 No.3

본 연구는 요리활동 프로그램이 정신지체아의 서열개념에 미치는 영향을 살펴보기 위하여 전남 목포시 정신지체학교 초등부에 재학중인 아동 4명을 대상으로 요리활동과 관련된 문헌을 기초로 하여 물리적 변화를 아동들이 쉽게 관찰할 수 있고 요리방법을 다양하게 적용할 수 있으며 기초 식품군이 골고루 포함되어 있는 요리 중 아동이 흥미 있어 하는 요리를 15가지 선택하여 요리활동 프로그램을 1주일에 3회씩 20회기를 실시하여 정신지체아동의 길이 개념과 크기 개념에서 변화 크게 나타났으나 양, 무게, 수개념에서는 변화가 적었다. 이는 대상아동의 정신연령과 서열개념의 발달과의 관련에 의한 결과라고 생각된다. This study is designed to shed light on the influence of a program for cooking activities on the order conception of mentally handicapped children. With this in mind, the researcher conducted a cooking-activity program three times a week (a total of 20 sessions) attending an elementary school for mentally retarded children located in Mokpo, South Cholla Province. The findings can be summarized as follows. First, the program is effective in developing the subjects`` conception of length. Child 3 showed the greatest change in the development of the conception of length, while Child 4 showed a low change and Child 1 and Child 2 didn``t show any change. Second, the program is effective in developing the subjects`` conception of size. Child 1 and Child 3 showed the greatest change in the development of the conception of size. Changes were seen in Child 2 and child 1 in the right order. This means that the cooking activities turn out to be very effective in the development of the subjects`` conception of size. Third, the program is lowly effective in developing the subjects`` conception of volume. Child 3 showed a few changes, while Child 1, Child 2, and Child 4 showed no change at all. Fourth, the program is lowly effective in developing the subjects`` conception of weight. Child 4 showed a few changes, while Child 1, Child 2, and Child 3 showed no change at all in terms of scores. Fifth, the program is lowly effective in developing the subjects`` conception of numbers. Child 4 showed a few changes, while Child 1, Child 2, and Child 3 showed no change at all in terms of scores. The researcher should like to make the following suggestions on the basis of the findings. First, it is necessary that effective and specific programs for cooking activities should be scientifically studied with a view to providing handicapped students with a variety of interesting activities on the basis of the results that the program enhances children``s conception of numbers. Second, this study is subjected to limitation as far as the generalization of the findings is concerned. So it is necessary that a sufficient number of subjects and a contrast group should be formed for the purpose of better study. Third, as the type of cooking available in the field is limited with relevant facilities insufficiently provided, cooking activities are not actively conducted. The researcher suggests that teachers should take a more positive interest in cooking.

코리언의 민족어 현실과 통합의 미래 -중심과 주변의 위계를 넘어-

정진아 ( Jin A Chung ) 겨레어문학회 2013 겨레어문학 Vol.51 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to compare and work on Koreans` linguistic life in East Asia on one hand, and attempt though just approximately at a method to integrate Koreans` languages through the course of the work on the other. For this purpose, the current author investigated the linguistic conditions of Koreans in East Asia on one hand, and carried out the work in the direction in which she explored the orientation of the integration into a national language in Koreans` linguistic conditions. Also, in addition to the conditions of language use, the current author has examined what meanings they assigned to the national language, and what ideas about the national language are rooted in their conscious and unconscious minds. As a result of the investigation of the linguistic conditions among the South Koreans, the North korean defectors, the Korean Chinese, Korean Russians, and the Korean Japanese, the rates of exclusive use of the national language among Korean Russians and the Korean Japanese were extremely low as 1.8% and 1.9% respectively, with a rate of 70% among the Korean Chinese putting the South and North Koreans aside. However, this is not a problem of national identity, but an issue directly related to their challenging lives in diaspora, in particular to the linguistic policies in the countries where they live. Koreans` national language is widely interfered lexically, phonologically, and grammatically by languages of the countries where they live. The Korean language of the Korean Chinese is mainly interfered lexically, that of Korean Russians phonologically and lexically, and that of the Korean Japanese grammatically and lexically. If the Korean Peninsula and the countries where they live make active exchanges, it is conjectured that Koreans will make more positive efforts to overcome the problem of linguistic interference. The 2nd~5th Korean generations, the central generations of the Korean diaspora, have taken the route in which they have acquired their national language while recognizing their ethnic identity differently from the 1st generation. With their ethnic realization, they have come to try to learn their national language and communicate with other Koreans in the language. In order to drive the communication in and the integration into the national language among Koreans, first, we should shift from the perspective of ““national language unification”” from which the national language is created into a single language to that of “national language integration” that presupposes diversity and coexistence. Second, we should not force them to follow the South Korean prescriptive rules but should attempt at integration in a way of ‘communicating,’ increasing “mutual understanding,” and learning each other`s language. Third, we should extend the socio-economicbasis for the national language integration through economic and socio-cultural exchanges between South Korea and the countries where Koreans live. Out of those, the most important thing is the extension of the socio-economic basis for the national language integration. The extension of economic and socio-cultural exchanges between South Korea and the countries where Koreans live will extend cultural relativism among Koreans, and increase the national language communication and integration. In this course, the vocabulary of the national language will be enriched, and its grammar will be determined by Koreans` preference. If we proceed to achieve the national language communication and integration from the perspectives of and in the direction of the national language integration including diversity & coexistence, communication & understanding, and mutual learning & exchanges, i.e. “in a festival of our inherent speeches while throwing out the hierarchy of the center and peripheries,” we will be able to achieve Koreans` true national language integration.

『학해』를 통해 본 일제 말기 지성계의 단면

정진아(Chung Jin-A) 독립기념관 한국독립운동사연구소 2011 한국독립운동사연구 Vol.0 No.40

『학해』 간행 전후는 국내외에 파시즘의 광풍이 불고 일본의 군국주의 화가 본 궤도에 오르던 시기였다. 발행인 홍병철은 민족운동과 사회운동을 전개할 수 없는 상황이라면 조선인들의 의식을 각성시켜 독립의 미래를 준비하고자 『학해』를 발행하였다. 홍병철은 당대 최고 수준의 지식인과 민족운동가들, 분야별 전문가들의 글을 취합하여 정치·경제·철학·종교·문예·역사·교육·과학·언론 등 당시 지성계의 다양한 논의를 『학해』에 담았다. 수록된 글들은 시차가 있었지만, 일제의 지배정책과 식민지 조선의 사회구조를 분석하고, 조선민중의 각성과 궐기를 독려하며 일제에 타협해가는 언론의 각성을 촉구하는 글이었다. 『학해』는 절찬리에 판매되었고, 발행 2년여 만인 1940년 재판본이 발행되는 쾌거를 거두었다. 하지만 1940년판의 『학해』에는 큰 변화가 있었다. 대표적인 민족운동가의 글이 있었던 자리에는 친일파의 글이 자리를 잡았고, 일제의 지배정책을 비판하고 조선 민중의 각성과 궐기를 논의했던 글들은 일제의 천황의 적자로서 대동아공영에 헌신할 것을 선동하는 글로 대체되었다. 현실 타협과 동화의 논리가 깊이 스며들고 있었던 것이다. 그런 의미에서 발행인 홍병철의 선택은 분명 친일로 가는 기로에서 있었다. 이처럼 『학해』는 일제 말기의 암흑기에 발행되어 대중의 사랑을 받았지만, 일제의 탄압에 의해 내용이 굴절되는 모습을 그대로 간직한 책이다. 따라서 『학해』는 일제시기 한국 지성계가 도달한 학문적 수준과 시대에 대한 문제의식, 일제의 탄압 속에서 굴절되어 가는 출판계와 한국 지성계의 단면을 그대로 보여주는 시금석이라고 할 수 있다. A violent gale of fascism blew and Japanese militarism got on the main track before and after the publication of "Hakhae". Hong, Byeong-cheol, the publisher of "Hakhae" published "Hakhae" in order to provide for the future of national independence by awakening the Korean people's consciousness under the condition that it was not possible to develop the campaign for liberation of the oppressed people and a social movement. "Hakhae" contained various arguments of intellectual circles at that time including politics, economy, philosophy, religion, art and literature, history, education, science, the press and others. The best intellectuals of the day, participants in the campaign for liberation of the oppressed people, experts by the field took part in "Hakhae" as a writer. Although there was a time difference between the articles contained in "Hakhae", they analyzed the Japanese policy of domination and the framework of society in colonized Joseon, stimulated the Korean public to be awakened and be stirred up, and urged the press to be awakened and acknowledge their compromise with Japanese imperialism. The copies of "Hakhae" were sold while getting the greatest praises. In 1940 in 2 years after its first publication, it accomplished a splendid achievement to publish its 2nd printing, however, there was a considerable change in the 1940 edition of "Hakhae". The writings of pro-Japanese writers instead of the writings of representative participants in the campaign for liberation of the oppressed people were included in "Hakhae" and the writings which criticized the Japanese policy of domination and stimulated the Korean people to be awakened and stirred up were replaced by the writings which agitated the Korean people to serve the Great East Co-prosperity as the legitimate sons of the Japanese Emperor. The logic compromising with reality and assimilating with Japanese imperialism soaked through "Hakhae". In that sense, Hong, Byeong-cheol, the publisher stood at the road to a pro-Japanese collaborator. Thus "Hakhae" which was published in the dark days during the late period of Japanese imperialism was loved by the public, however, it cherished the contents which were being refracted by the suppression of Japanese imperialism. Therefore "Hakhae" was a touchstone which showed the academic level reached by the Korean intellectual circles, a critical mind reflecting Japanese colonial era, and reflected the publishing world of Korea and the Korean intellectual circles that were being converted to pro-Japanese collaborators under the suppression of Japanese imperialism.

조봉암의 평화통일론 재검토

정진아(Chung Jin A) 건국대학교 통일인문학연구단 2009 통일인문학 Vol.48 No.-

과거는 현재와 만나면서 끊임없이 재해석된다. 조봉암의 평화통일론 또한 평화통일론에 하나의 원형을 제시한 모델로서 뿐만 아니라 현재와 만나면서 끊임없이 재해석되어야 한다. 조봉암의 평화통일론은 이승만의 북진통일론이 통일론을 전유하는 상황에서 평화통일론의 원형을 제시하였다는 점에서 우리에게 중요한 의미를 가진다. 그의 평화통일론은 분단을 온몸으로 막아내고 통일정부를 수립하고자 했던 해방후 중간파의 통일정부수립론을 계승하여 평화통일문제가 단지 통일문제에 국한되는 것이 아니라 한반도에 국제적 긴장완화를 실현하고 사회의 민주화와 자주화, 그 결정체로서 통일을 실현하는 문제라는 점을 보여주었다. 또한 그는 좌우파 정치세력에게 이상적 이념형으로 존재해온 미국의 자본주의, 소련의 사회주의를 비판적으로 사유함으로써 통일을 주체적으로 사유할 수 있는 길을 열었다. 조봉암의 평화통일론은 이러한 의미에도 불구하고 몇 가지 중대한 한계를 가지고 있었다. 첫째, 그는 통일의 주체를 남북의 민족 구성원 전체로 설정하지 않고, 남한 중심, 남한 민주세력 중심의 통일론을 주장했다. 냉전적 사고가 일정하게 투영되어 있었던 것이다. 둘째, 통일문제를 접근하는데 있어서 남북관계의 제약성을 이해하지 못했다. 이는 남북한 정권을 미국과 소련에 종속된 존재로서만 이해한 결과였다. 따라서 조봉암의 평화통일론을 비판적으로 성찰하면서 우리가 해결해야 할 과제는 무엇보다도 먼저 남북의 정권을 비롯한 민족 구성원 모두를 통일문제 해결의 주체로 인정하고, 통일의 원칙과 방안에 대한 민족적 합의를 이루는 것이다. 또한 하루빨리 한반도 긴장의 주역인 북한과 미국, 통일의 주역인 남한과 북한, 반공동맹을 형성하고 있는 남한과 미국의 관계를 재정립함으로써 평화로운 통일의 환경을 조성하는 것이다. 통일에 대한 전민족적 합의를 이루어내고, 한반도 긴장의 주역인 남한과 북한, 미국이 합의하여 평화체제를 수립하는 것, 그것이 진정 미래의 한반도를 평화와 통일로 인도할 수 있는 길이다. The past is reinterpreted unceasingly as it meets the present. Cho Bong­am’s theory of peaceful reunification should also be reinterpreted continuously not only as a model that suggested a prototype for theories of peaceful reunification but also as a past idea encountered today. Cho Bong­am’s theory of peaceful reunification has a critical meaning to us in that it provided a prototype for theories of peaceful reunification in the situation that Rhee Syng­man’s theory of reunification through marching north was dominating debates over reunification. Inheriting the middle­ofthe­ roader’s theory of united government after the liberation, which aime to prevent the division of the country by throwing the body and to establish a united government, his theory of peaceful reunification demonstrated that peaceful reunification was not limited to the issue of reunification but was for easing international tension surrounding the Korean Peninsula and achieving the democratization and independence of the society. Moreover, the theory opened a way for the subjective speculation on reunification by critically discussing the capitalism of the U.S. and the socialism of the U.S.S.R., which had been ideal ideologies for the left and right political groups. Although having these significances, Cho Bong­am’s theory of peaceful reunification has a number of serious limitations. First, it did not include all the people of South and North Korea as the subject of reunification, but insisted on reunification led by South Korea and democratic powers in South Korea. This suggests that his idea reflects the cold­war thought. Second, he did not understand restrictions coming from the relation between South and North Korea in approaching the issue of reunification. It was because he regarded the South and North Korean regimes as subordinate to the U.S. and the U.S.S.R., respectively. Accordingly, the tasks we should do while reflecting on Cho Bong­am’s theory of peaceful reunification critically are acknowledging all national members including the South and North Korean governments as the subject of reunification and reaching a national agreement on the principles and methods of reunification. Moreover, we need to foster environment for peaceful reunification by reestablishing the relations between North Korea and the U.S. as the main actors of tension surrounding the Korean Peninsula, between South and North Korea as the parties to be unified, and between South Korea and the U.S. as anti­communist allies. Achieving a national agreement on reunification and establishing a peace system agreed upon by South and North Korea and the U.S. that guarantees the national agreement, this is the only way to the peace and reunification of the Korean Peninsula in the future.

전후 이승만 정권의 기간산업 육성론

정진아 ( Chung Jin A ) 역사문제연구소 2009 역사문제연구 Vol.13 No.2

After the Korean war, the Syngman Rhee government intended to foster a basis that would sustain a free economy and then establish a system to accept foreign aid, and also to nurture both light & key basic industries at the same time, for a speedy capitalist development of the economy. In order to do so, the Syngman Rhee government heeded to the U.S. suggestion, and established a legal basis for a free economy by making amendments to the economic section of the Constitution, while also dissolving the government`s running of industries to facilitate private managements of the industry. The government also boosted key basic industries that manufactured fertilizers, plate glass, cement and steel. Yet promotion of key basic industries could have caused some controversies for expanding national running of the industry, so regulations that would dictate the transfer of those industries` control to the private sector had to be put in place. It was to let the government abide by the principle of the industries` free operation, a concept that was already agreed upon by both Korea and the U.S. And such move was also taken to make it possible for the Korean government to accept U.S. demands regarding free economy and at the same time enable rapid development of the economy, while also remedying Korean economy`s problems, such as imbalance in the industrial structure, insufficient capital, and the underdeveloped nature of the capitalists. The post-war efforts of the Syngman Rhee government for nurturing key basic industries displayed a layer of meanings. First, it shows us the Rhee government`s perception of the task of developing the heavy chemical industry. Rhee government considered heavy chemical industry as a key industrial area that would ensure the long-term prosperity of the entire industry, and an area which could proceed without interruption even after the foreign aid was ceased. So Rhee government wished that the development of key basic industries which had huge interactive potentials would lead to a full scale development in the heavy chemical industry. Second, Rhee government`s efforts show us that such efforts also included a fostering program for major capitalists directly aided and funded by the government. Rhee government planned to first develop key basic industries with funding from the Korean Industrial bank, and then transfer the operation of such industries to the private sector. The key basic industries were usually huge, and played a vital and instrumental role in the development of the economy and industries in general, so any private company chosen to oversee such industry would become a major capitalist in an instant. Third, Rhee government`s efforts show us the historical flow of the entire industrialization process, which was led by the State and later culminated in the Economic development plans of the Park Chung Hee government. The Koreans allowed the state to intervene in the economic operations of the country in order to break free from the colonial industry structure that had been established during the occupation period, and also in order to make possible a rapid capitalist development, after the Korean war. The State-led industrialization policies resulted in hatching the Industry Recovery plan, and construction of key basic industries.

사회주의가 북한 어민의 풍습과 노동관행에 미친 영향

정진아(Chung Jin-A) 한국사학회 2015 史學硏究 Vol.- No.118

북한의 인민민주주의 개혁과 사회주의 협동화의 중요한 대상이었던 농업과 수산업 분야는 1945~60년 획기적인 변화과정을 거쳤고, 농민과 어민들의 생활방식도 크게 변모하였다. 인민민주주의 개혁과 사회주의 협동화는 단지 북한을 인민민주주의체제 및 사회주의체제로 바꾸는 과정일 뿐 아니라 사회주의적인 인간형을 창출하는 과정이기도 하였기 때문이다. 6.25전쟁 전 북한은 중요산업의 국유화 조치를 취하면서도 개인상공업의 존재를 인정하면서 생산력 발전을 추진하였고, 어업분야는 중소어업을 중심으로 발전하고 있었다. 당시 반제반봉건 인민민주주의 개혁의 일환으로 북한정권이 추진하였던 수산업 정책은 미신을 타파함으로써 어민들의 과학적 인식의 토대 아래 수산업이 발전할 수 있는 기반을 닦고, 국영기업소와 수산합작사를 활성화하여 어민들이 국영 및 협동조합 조직의 우월성을 이해하고 자발적으로 사회주의 협동화의 길로 들어설 수 있도록 간접적으로 유도하는 것이었다. 전쟁 이후 사회주의화를 추진하면서 북한은 일천한 생산력 수준에서 사회주의를 건설해야 하는 문제에 봉착했다. 북한은 생산력에 기반한 생산관계의 변화라는 사회주의의 일반적인 경로를 따르지 않고, 생산관계의 변화를 통해 생산력을 추동한다는 ‘우리식 사회주의’의 길을 창안하고 사회주의 협동화를 급속히 추진하였다. 이러한 방법은 주체의 각성과 요구를 바탕으로 했을 때는 효과적일 수 있지만, 주체의 준비정도가 미약한 곳에서는 효과를 발휘할 수가 없었다. 특히 공동노동과 적색조합운동의 경험이 없었던 수산업 분야에서는 주체의 각성을 통한 생산력 증진이라는 방안이 크게 효과를 거두지 못한 채 지체 양상을 보이고 있었다. 김일성은 1957년 제1차 5개년계획을 추진하면서 지체양상을 보이고 있는 대표적인 분야로 수산업 분야를 지적하고, 국가의 직접적인 개입과 지도를 강화하였다. 그 방향은 ‘새세대공산주의자’인 청년층의 전진배치를 통한 세대교체, 여성들의 투입을 통해 신어업문화를 조성하는 급속한 전환의 방식이었다. 이는 국가의 직접적인 개입과 강력한 지도를 통하지 않고서는 수산업 분야의 사회주의 협동화와 사회주의 인간형의 창출이 쉽게 달성될 수 없었다는 점을 말해주는 동시에, 사회경제적인 조건보다 정치적 지도와 사상개조를 우선시하는 ‘우리식 사회주의’가 어업분야에 관철되는 방식을 보여준다. Agriculture and Fisheries, important objects in People’s democratic reformand socialist cooperation, underwent ground-breaking changes in 1946~1960, and the lifestyles of North Korean farmers and fishermen were also greatly changed. This was because the People’s democratic reform and socialist cooperation were processes in which North Korea was not only changed into a People’s democratic and socialist regime, but also engaged in the creation of anti-feudal and socialist humans. Before the Korean War, North Korea took on the nationalization of important industries but recognized the existence of private commerce and industry to drive productivity, and fisheries were developed on the basis of small-size fishing industries. The North Korean regime’s policies for fisheries at that time were to make grounds for developing fishing industries under the fishermen’s scientific recognition by eliminating superstitions in a way of anti-imperialist/ anti-feudal People’s democratic reform, and to indirectly lead the fishermen to understand the superiority of national and cooperative organizations and be willing to enter the road to cooperative efforts with activation of national enterprises and fishing companies. In the course of her post-war regime competition with South Korea, North Korea was faced with the task of building socialism based on her poor productivity. North Korea did not follow the general path to socialism, that is, changes in production relations based on productivity, but came up with the way of ‘Our Way of Socialism,’ which would enhance productivity in terms of changes in production relations, and rapidly drove socialist cooperative efforts. This way might be effective when it was based on the subject’s awakening and requirement, but could never work well where the subject’s readiness was poor. Especially, in the field of fisheries, where experiences in group work and red cooperation movement were totally absent, the plan for productivity improvement in terms of the subject’s awakening was not fruitful but only showed retardation. Thus, Kim Il-seong, driving the first 5-year plan in 1957, referred to fisheries as a representative field of retardation, and strengthened the nation’s direct intervention and guidance. This was oriented toward a shift in generations in terms of aggressive allocation of new-generation communists and a rapid transition for the creation of new fishing culture with women’s engagement. This paradoxically tells us that the socialist cooperation and the creation of socialist humans could not be reached without the nation’s direct intervention and powerful guidance, and at the same time shows the way in which ‘Our Way of Socialism,’ which prioritized political leadership and ideological reform rather than socio-economic conditions, was accomplished in fisheries.

북한 사회주의 농촌테제의 등장 배경

정진아(Chung Jin-A) 한국사학회 2016 史學硏究 Vol.0 No.123

북한정권은 농업협동화 직후 리 단위로 농업협동조합을 통합하였다. 그 결과 농업협동조합의 평균 규모는 300호, 경지 면적은 500정보로 늘어났다. 새 농업협동조합 기준규약(잠정)을 통해 정비된 농업협동조합은 이전의 조합과는 다른 성격을 가진 조합이었다. 조합원 개인이 소유했던 토지와 생산수단이 모두 협동조합의 소유가 되었고, 조합원들은 생활과 소비를 모두 집단생활 속에서 함께 하게 되었다. 농민의 낙후한 생산력과 낡은 사상의식을 개조하기 위해 기술혁명과 문화혁명도 함께 추진되었다. 그러나 농업협동화가 완료된 1958년을 정점으로 농업생산력은 하락하거나 정체하였고, 농민들은 일탈행위를 일삼았다. 왜 토지개혁이나 농업협동화를 추진할 때에는 농민들의 혁명적 열기가 고조되는 데 반해 사회주의 건설을 본격적으로 추진하면서부터는 농민들의 기세가 올라가지 못하는가? 북한정권은 농촌에서 혁명을 계속하지 않고 중단하는 데서 문제를 찾았다. 북한정권은 현실적인 제약조건에도 불구하고 계속혁명론에 근거한 사상, 기술, 문화혁명을 추진하였다. 노동자와 농민의 계급적 차이를 제거하고, 협동조합적 소유를 전 인민적 소유로 전환시킴으로써 생산력 발전을 추동하여 농촌 현실과 사회주의 이상과의 괴리를 극복하는 것이 사회주의 농촌테제의 목표였다. 이를 위해 북한정권은 협동조합을 협동농장으로 변모시켰다. 북한정권은 농업이 가진 특성과 협동조합이 갖는 독자성을 인정하고 사회주의 안에서 끌어안기보다는 농업, 농민, 협동조합의 특징을 산만하고 과도기적이며, 불안정한 것으로 보고 공업, 노동자, 국영 시스템을 기준으로 균질화 함으로써 농민의 사상개조와 농업생산력 발전을 달성하고자 하였다. 협동농장은 소유의 형태는 협동조합적 소유였지만, 운영 방식은 국영농장과 다름이 없었다. 이 과정에서 농민들은 농업협동조합 속에서 자율적인 운영과 연대를 실현하는 존재가 아니라 국가의 계획에 부응하는 농장원이자 수동적인 존재로 전락하였다. 결국 북한 사회주의 농업체제 건설의 로드맵은 완성되었지만, 농업협동조합의 역동성은 조기에 사라지고 말았다. North Korean government merges and integrates agricultural cooperative associations with "Ri" as a unit right after farm land arrangement. As a result, the average size of agricultural cooperative associations increases to 300 households or 500 Jeongbos in acreage under cultivation. Agricultural cooperative associations refurbished through New ‘Agricultural Cooperative Association Standard Rules’(tentative) are new associations with different characteristics from previous associations. Land and production tools owned by members belong to the new cooperative association, and members live and consume in the community. To remodel lagged productivity and old ideology of farmers, a cultural revolution was propelled together. However, from 1958 when the land arrangement was completed and cooperative associations were set in place, productivity decreased or stagnated and farmers were deviated. North Korean government faced a fundamental woe why they could not encourage farmers" spirit when construction of socialist society is propelled in full scale while revolutionary heat of farmers was heightened when land reformation or composition of agricultural cooperative associations was performed. North Korean government found the answer from the fact that they did not continue revolution in rural areas. It is continuous revolution theory that farmers and farming villages that drop behind comparing to city and city laborers that give an impetus to rapidly developing productivity continuously propel revolution without stoppage. North Korean government propelled ideology, technology and cultural revolutions based on continuous revolution theory to go toward socialism and communism not staying in agricultural cooperative associations. The goal of socialist Rural theses is to make the whole society working class, to give an impetus to productivity development and to march toward ideal of socialism and communism by removing difference between laborers achieving rapid productivity development and agricultural workers experiencing productivity stagnation. For this, North Korean government transformed cooperative associations into cooperative farms. North Korean government tried to achieve brainwashing and agricultural productivity development by homogenizing farming, farmers and cooperative associations based on engineering, workers and national system rather than accommodating them through accepting characteristics of agriculture and independency of cooperative associations, considering agriculture, farmers and cooperative association distracted, transitional and unstable. Although cooperative farms were owned by cooperative associations, they were nothing more than national farms from the perspective of operational method. During this process, farmers were not the ones who realize voluntary solidarity in agricultural cooperative associations but members of the cooperative farm and passive existences following the plans by the state. Finally, dynamics of agricultural cooperative association has disappeared although road map of North Korean socialists" agricultural system construction was completed.

`탈북자`에 대한 한국사회의 시선: <남북청년통일실험-어서 오시라요>에 대한 악성댓글 사건

정진아 ( Chung Jin-a ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2017 民族文化硏究 Vol.76 No.-

<남북청년통일실험-어서오시라요>는 SBS 광복 70주년 특집 다큐다. 다큐가 방송된 이후 엄청난 악성댓글이 쏟아졌다. “통일을 반대한다.”, “남한의 자본과 기술력, 북한의 노동력이라는 식의 개발을 한다면 북한사람들은 통일의 피해자가 된다.”, “굳이 남한과 통일하지 않아도 중국이 있다.”는 탈북청년들의 발언이 남한주민들의 감정을 자극했기 때문이었다. 남한주민이 탈북자에게 갖는 감정의 실체는 막연한 두려움과 불안, 불신, 연민, 보상심리가 뒤섞인 감정이었다. 남한주민은 탈북자를 불쌍한 존재, 혹은 적대적인 존재로 인식했다. 그 틀을 벗어나기 위해 탈북자들은 반북활동과 흡수통일의 선봉대 역할을 자임해 왔다. 남한주민은 탈북자들이 그 틀을 벗어나는 것을 용납하지 못했다. 최근 `분단생태계`에 새로운 탈북자들이 등장했다. 이들은 기존의 이념적 틀을 넘어선 존재로서 점차 한국사회의 반공반북 프레임을 벗어나고 있다. 한국사회는 이들과 새롭게 만나야 할 도전 앞에 서 있다. 결국 그것은 편견과 이념의 잣대를 넘어서 대등한 사람으로서 그들의 `자리`를 마련하고 함께 부대끼며 살아가는 `환대`의 길일 것이다. The < North and South youth reunification experiment - Eoseo Oshirayo > is the 70th Liberation Anniversary Special Documentary of SBS. After the documentary was broadcast, a lot of malicious comments were poured. It was because the words of North Korean young defectors stimulated the feelings of South Korean resident s, saying, ““Against reunification,”” The real feelings of South Korean residents about North Korean defectors are mixed feelings of vague fear, anxiety, distrust, compassion, and reward. The reason that South Korean residents have these feelings is because Korean society has recognized North Korean defectors as a part of other poor or hostile North Korea. North Korean defectors have served as a vanguard of anti-North Korean activities and absorption reunification to escape from this framework. Recently new North Korean defectors have appeared in. They are being beyond the systematic and ideological frame. Korean society should meet with North Korea n defectors in a new fashion. As a result, Korean Society should set up a place of hospitality and live together and continue their exchange and prepare their "place".

해방 20년(1945~1965) 한국 경제학계와 연세대학교 상경대학의 경제학 교육

정진아 ( Jin A Chung ) 연세대학교 경제연구소 2015 延世經濟硏究 Vol.22 No.3

이 글에서는 해방 20년 한국 경제학계의 동향 속에서 연세대학교 상경대학의 경제학 교육을 살펴보았다. 해방후 연희전문학교 상과는 연희대학교상경대학의 경제학과, 상학과 체제로 전환되었다. 연희대학교 상경대학에서는 고전학파, 역사학파, 신고전파, 케인즈경제학과 마르크스주의 경제학에 이르기까지 폭넓은 이론적 탐색이 이루어졌고, 한국의 경제현실과 국제경제에 대한 연구가 본격적으로 시작되었다. 6.25전쟁이 체제전의 성격을 띰으로써 많은 경제학자들이 월북, 납북 또는 사상적 이유로 대학을 떠났고, 교수진의 공백이 심각했다. 연세대학교 상경대학은 모교 출신 인재를 영입함으로써 교수진의 공백을 메꾸었고, 학생들은 상경연우회의 연구조사활동과 연구발표회를 통해 수업내용의 결손을 보완해나갔다. 연세대학교 상경대학은 1950년대 후반 상경대학 재편을 단행하면서 자기정체성을 분명히 정립하였다. 경제학과의 방향을 종래의 이론 중심에서 기업경영과 정책수립에 필요한 실천이론을 발전시키는 쪽으로 전환하고, 기업경영 실무를 집중적으로 연구할 상학과와 경영학과를 상경대학의 틀 속에서 함께 발전시키기로 결정한 것이다. 이후 연세대학교 상경대학은 워싱턴대학프로젝트를 통해 미국의 경영학 이론과 사례연구 중심의 커리큘럼, 토론식 교수법 등의 신사조를 전면적으로 수용함으로써 기업경영의 실무적 기반을 쌓고자 경영학과와 한국의 경제이론과 경제정책을 실증적, 비판적으로 분석하고 대안을 제시함으로써 ‘한국적 실천경제학’을 추구한 경제학과의 양대 학풍으로 정립되었다. This study purposed to examine the trends of the circle of economics in Korea during the 20 years after the Liberation, focusing on Economics education in the College of Commerce and Economics of Yonsei University. After the Liberation, the Division of Commerce of Yonhee School was settled into the Department of Economics and Department of Commercial Science under the College of Commerce and Economics in 1950. With the outbreak of the Korean War, which was a collision between the two systems, many economists left the university as they went or were kidnapped to North Korea or for ideological reasons. The College of Commerce and Economics of Yonsei University filled the gap by inviting competent people among its alumni, and the students compensated the loss of class through research activities and seminars led by the Commerce and Economics Research Club Y.S.U. The College of Commerce and Economics of Yonsei University established its self identify clearly through the reorganization of the college in the late 1950s. As the Washington University Project was promoted in the late 1950s, the College of Commerce and Economics of Yonsei University was finally settled to have the Department of Business Administration that tried to establish the theoretical and practical foundation of business administration by accepting new trends such as American business administration theories, case study oriented curriculums, and discussion based teaching methods. And the Department of Economics that pursued “Korean style economics” from a subjective position by analyzing economic issues in Korea positively and critically and suggesting alternatives.

1960년대 이후 농업 경영을 현대화하기 위한 실험들 : 협업농장을 중심으로

정진아(Chung, Jin A) 건국대학교 인문학연구원 2021 통일인문학 Vol.87 No.-

농지개혁이 단행되었음에도 불구하고 1950년대 내내 한국의 농업 경영은 악화되었고, 농어촌 고리채가 누적되었다. 근본적인 원인은 영세소농 구조를 극복하지 못했기 때문이었다. 농림부 산하의 농업구조정책심의회는 협업 경영을 대안으로 제시했다. 이에 관과 민간의 협업농장 실험이 전개되었다. 농림부는 1963년 경기, 전남, 전북, 경남, 경북 등 5개 지구에 시범 협업개척농장을 설치했다. 1960년대 중반부터 충청북도와 경상북도, 전라북도는 도정 차원에서 특성화 협업농장을 설립했고, 농협은 산하조직으로 작목반을 설치했다. 의욕적인 협업농장 설립에도 불구하고 작목반을 제외한 관 주도의 협업농장은 오래지 않아 소강상태에 빠졌다. 권위주의적이고 일방적인 간섭과 통제가 낳은 결과였다. 관 주도의 협업농장 실험이 추진되고 있을 때 한편에서는 민간협업농장이 하나 둘 생겨나고 있었다. 특히 증평협업농장은 민간협업농장으로서 현재까지 50년 이상 유지되고 있다. 그 비결은 다음과 같다. 첫째, 위기와 시행착오 속에서 농민들 자신의 협업모델을 만들어갔다. 둘째, 농장원들이 정관과 규율에 합의하면서 농장을 조기에 안착시켰다. 셋째, 민주적인 의사결정 구조와 연찬을 통해 공동체성을 확보했다. 넷째, 개별경영을 배제하고 농장으로 역량을 집중함으로써 협업경영의 이점을 확보했다. 다섯째, 교육과 의료 복지시스템이 확보됨으로써 농장생활에 대한 만족도가 높아졌다. 여섯째, 이 모든 것의 결과로서 생산성이 제고되었고 수익성을 갖춘 경쟁력 있는 협업농장이 되었다. 1960년대 이후 농업경영을 현대화하기 위한 관 주도, 혹은 민간협업농장의 실험들은 한국 협업농업 역사의 중요한 자산으로서, 이를 반추하는 과정에서 우리는 한국 협업농업이 나아갈 길을 찾을 수 있을 것이다. Despite the implementation of land reforms, agricultural management in Korea deteriorated throughout the 1950s, and high usurious loans were accumulated in rural areas. The root cause was that the small peasant structure could not be developed. The Agricultural Structure Policy Council, under the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry, suggested cooperative farming as an alternative. Accordingly, a cooperative farm experiment between the government and the private sector was developed. In 1963, the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry installed Pilot Cultivation Farms in five districts, Gyeonggi, Jeonnam, Jeonbuk, Gyeongnam, and Gyeongbuk provinces, and since the mid-1960s, Chungcheongbuk-do, Gyeongsangbuk-do, and Jeollabuk-do have established specialized cooperative farms at the policy level of the province, and the NongHyup installed the Jakmokban as an affiliated organization. Despite the ambitious establishment of the cooperative farm, the government-led cooperative farm fell into a lull before long. This was the result of the authoritarian and unilateral interference and control. While government-led cooperative farm experiments were sluggish, private cooperative farm experiments were conducted throughout the country. In particular, the secret that the Jeungpyeong Cooperative Farm was able to maintain as the best private cooperative farm for more than 50 years is as follows. First, in the midst of crisis and trial and error, farmers created their own cooperative farming model. Second, the community was secured through a democratic decision-making structure. Third, the cooperative farm members settled their farms by agreeing with the articles of incorporation and discipline. Fourth, the advantage of cooperative farming was secured by excluding individual farming and concentrating capabilities on farms. Fifth, satisfaction with farm life was increased by securing education and medical welfare systems. Sixth, as a result of the above, productivity improved, and it became a competitive cooperative farm with profitability. Since the 1960s, cooperative farm experiments to modernize agricultural management have been an important asset in the history of cooperative farming in Korea, and in the process of looking back, we will be able to find a way forward for Korea"s cooperative farming in the future.