압전효과를 고려한 고속조종거울의 유한요소 해석 모델 구축

임선빈,유준선,정재우,정상원,김재현,윤준영,이승한,이병주,정광식,정의봉,박노철 한국소음진동공학회 2022 한국소음진동공학회 논문집 Vol.32 No.6

A laser weapon is a directed-energy weapon system that uses a high-energy laser to target and destroy the enemy. To precisely control laser to the target, the FSM (fast steering mirror) is an essential component in the precise control strategy. FSMs are optical devices that accurately aim a laser beam using the mirror's reflective surface and typically require large deflection and wide bandwidth. However, since a piezo-based actuator is utilized to drive the FSM, the dynamic characteristics of the actuators affect the overall system. In this study, static and dynamic performances were predicted by establishing a piezoelectric coupling analysis model of an FSM that amplified the piezo actuator. The performances in static and dynamic operation were subsequently calculated.

조선후기 내포지방의 역사지리적 성격 : 천주교 전래와 관련하여

임선빈 공주대학교 백제문화연구소 2000 백제문화 Vol.29 No.-

교원 교육활동 보호를 위한 교원교육 프로그램 및 입법 현황: 해외사례를 중심으로

임선빈 한국교원교육학회 2023 한국교원교육학회 뉴스레터 Vol.108 No.-

古文書를 통해 본 조선후기 稷山鄕校의 운영실태

임선빈 한국고문서학회 2002 古文書硏究 Vol.21 No.-

이 글은 조선후기 향교운영의 한 事例硏究로, 현재 稷山鄕校에 남아 있는 古文書와 記文을 분석한 것이다. 조선후기 직산향교의 沿革, 儒生의 姓氏와 鄕約을 통한 향촌 활동, 量案 및 賭租記 분석을 통한 재정 기반, 重修節目의 분석을 통한 중수한 내용 등 직산향교 운영의 구체적인 모습을 밝히고 있다. 직산향교는 18세기 이후 10여 차례의 중수가 있었으며, 조선후기 직산향교 儒生들은 향교운영규약인『校憲節目』을 제정하여 운영하였다. 『靑衿錄』과『先案』의 분석을 통해 확인한 결과, 향교를 出入한 주요 성씨는 李氏, 金氏, 崔氏, 吳氏, 洪氏, 朴氏, 鄭氏, 閔氏 등으로, 이들은 1752년에 儒鄕이 合席하여 鄕案을 만들었으나, 점차 非 兩班 출신의 향교출입으로 인해 종전의 양반들은 靑衿錄에 기록되는 것을 기피하였다. 직산향교의 財政 중에서 가장 중요한 비중을 차지한 것은 鄕校沓의 賭租였다. 1856년의 量案에 수록된 田畓은 밭 4結 36負 7束, 논 2결 88부 4속, 합계 7결 40부 20속으로, 조선시대 縣의 鄕校에 支給되던 法定 額數인 5결을 초과하고 있었으며, 여기에서 거두어 들인 賭地 額數는 50여 石에 이르렀다. 이와 같은 직산향교의 재산은 이후 査推와 買入을 통해 계속 증가하였다. 『稷山聖廟重修節目』을 통해 1841년에 있었던 직산향교 大成殿의 중수를 검토해 본 결과, 조선시대 향교의 중수는 儀禮節次가 매우 중시되었음을 알 수 있었다. 重修工事時 材木과 副材의 負擔, 役軍의 動員은 각 마을에 고르게 배당되었고, 財源의 마련은 官의 劃下錢 외에 齋任과 儒生의 扶助錢 및 校生의 願納錢으로 충당되었으며, 주로 人夫의 工錢과 재료비, 食價로 사용되었다. This study, a case study of the management of Hyanggyo(鄕校) in the late Yi dynasty, is to analyze the Komuns (古文書, Historical Manuscripts) and Kimun(記文) now left in Jiksan-Hyanggyo(JSH). The concrete facts about the management of JSH such as the history of JSH, family names of Yusaeng(儒生, Confucian scholars), the activities of country villages based on village regulations, the financial foundations through examining Yang-an(量案) and Dojoki(賭租記), the contents of repairing through going over Joongsoo-jeolmok(重修節目) are shown in this research. It's difficult to know in detail how JSH was operated in the early Yi dynasty. However it can be find out that there had been ten or more repairings since the 18th century by going over Joongsoo-kimun(重修記文) hung on Myungmundang(明倫堂) in JSH. As a result of being ascertained by studying Chongkeumrok(靑衿錄) and Seonan(先案), major family names of the people who attended Hyanggyo were Lee(李), Kim(金), Choi(崔), Hong(洪), Park(朴), Jeong(鄭), Min(閔) etc. Though they had established Hyangan(鄕案) together in 1752, they were reluctant to be enrolled in Chongkeumrok as the number of non-Elite(非兩班) attending Hyanggyo gradually increased. It was Hyanggyo-dap(鄕校沓) that took the most important part of finance at JSH. In 1856 the dry fields and paddy fields recorded in Yang-an were 7 ky 1(結) 40 bu(負) 2 sok(束). They exceeded 5 ky 1, the legal sum paid to Hyanggyo in Hyun(縣) in Yi dynasty, the total value obtained from this sharecrop land came to 50 seuk(石). Since then the property of JSH had continually increased through Sachu(査推) and purchase. After studying the repairing of Daeseongjeon(大成殿) of JSH in 1841 through 『Jiksan Seongmyo Joongsoo Jeolmok(稷山聖廟重修節目)』, it can be found out that ceremonial procedures were very important in the repairing of Hyanggyo in yi dynasty. The burdens of supplying wood and subsidiary materials and labor mobilization for repairing were equally assigned to each village. In addition to Hyeokhajeon(劃下錢) from local government, Boojojeon(扶助錢) from Jaeyim(齋任) and Yusaeng(儒生), and Wonnapkjeon(願納錢) from Kyosaeng(校生) were spent to meet the expenses for repairing. And the money collected like these were mostly used for wages of workers, material and food expenses.

17세기 무성서원武城書院의 건립과 운영 ―제향인물과 사액과정을 중심으로

임선빈 한국국학진흥원 2018 국학연구 Vol.0 No.35

In 1615, the scholars of Town Tain built Taesan Seowon(泰山書院) where they dedicated a shrine to Choi Chiwon(崔致遠)-a person who was a governor-general of County Taesan more than 700 years ago- and Shinjam(申潛)-who worked wisely as a governor of Town Tain for 6 years, about 70 years ago. After 15 years, 1630, they enshrined more local sages of Town Tain such as Jeong Geuk-in(丁克仁), Song Serim(宋世琳), Jeong Eon-Chung(鄭彦忠), Kim Yak-muk(金若默), leading to Kim Gwan(金灌)’s enshrinement in 1675. These sages’ family were Young-gwang Jeong's family, Yeosan Song's family, Gweongju Jeong's family, and Dogang Kim's family, and even their family names don’t match each other and they lived in different time and ages, they were the close family. Taesan Seowon got a title board with its new name ‘Museong Seowon(武城書院)’ on it from the government in 1696(King Sukjong 22). The name ‘Museong(武城)’ was Town Tain’s old name in Silla Dynasty, but it was also the name of a town where Jaayu, the student of Confucius, ruled wisely as a town governor. Museong Sewon was now not in the same class from before, and it was no longer the town’s Seowon since it was publically authorized by the government, with a new name and a new title board. Unlike Choi Chiwon and Shinjam, who were enshrined at the beginning of the construction of Taesan Seowon, people who were dedicated a shrine later were local sages of Tain, who only got official jobs that were not that high- such as Jeong-eon, Hyeolleong, Moksa, or didn’t even work as an official, but only passed Literary Licentiate Examination. However, by being enshrined with Choi Chiwon at Museong Seowon, their descendants were able to lift their families’ reputation. Especially Dogang Kim's family, who actively took the lead and succeeded in enshrining Kim Gwan, was ready to take the upper hand in the local governmental society of Town Tain. 1615년 전라도 태인현 선비들은 700여 년 전에 태산군 태수로 부임하여 이 고을을 다스렸다고 전해지는 최치원과, 70여 년 전에 태인현감으로 6년간 재임하면서 선정을 베푼 신잠을 함께 모시는 태산서원을 건립하였다. 그리고 15년이 지난 1630년에 태인 고을의 향현인 정극인 송세림 정언충 김약묵을 추배하였으며, 1675년에는 김관의 추배가 이어졌다. 추배된 인물들은 영광정씨 여산송씨 경주정씨 도강김씨로, 생몰시기와 성씨는 각각 다르지만 서로 가까운 친인척이었다. 태산서원은 1696년(숙종 22)에 무성서원으로 사액을 받았는데, 사액명 ‘무성武城’은 신라 때의 이 지역 고을 명칭이면서 공자의 제자 자유가 다스렸다는 고을명이기도 하다. 사액서원이 된 무성서원은 이제 종전과는 격이 달라져 더 이상 태인 고을만의 서원이 아니었다. 태산서원 건립당시 제향한 최치원 신잠과는 달리 후에 추배된 인물들은 모두 태인의 향현들로 이들의 벼슬은 각각 정언 현령 목사에 머물거나, 관직에 나아가지 못한 진사시 입격에 불과하다. 그러나 최치원을 모신 무성서원에 함께 배향되면서, 그 후손들은 명성을 누릴 수 있었다. 특히 이를 적극적으로 주도한 도강김씨는 이후 태인 지역 향촌사회의 주도권을 장악해 나갈 준비를 갖추어 가게 되었다.

2000 년 정기학술대회 발표논문 - " 내포지역과 한국 천주교회사 " : 조선후기 내포지방의 역사지리적 성격 - 천주교 전래와 관련하여 -

임선빈 공주대학교 백제문화연구소 2000 백제문화 Vol.29 No.-

충남지역 향토사·지방사 연구의 현황과 과제

임선빈 충청남도역사문화연구원 2002 충청학과 충청문화 Vol.1 No.1

記憶情報의 組織化 能力에 관한 硏究

任善彬 성신여자대학교 교육문제연구소 1991 교육연구 Vol.25 No.-

문제 해결 학습을 위한 수업 설계의 기본방향 : 구성주의 수업 이론을 중심으로

임선빈 고려대학교 교육문제연구소 1996 敎育問題硏究 Vol.8 No.-

제1세대 수업설계이론의 한계와 차세대 수업설계이론

임선빈 한남대학교 교육연구소 1996 교육연구 Vol.4 No.-

There has been a critical need for siginigicantly improved methodology and tools to guide the design and development of high quality interactive technology-based insturctional materials. Scientific advancements in instructional technology suggest signigicant changes in methods of curricular and instructional design which will strongly affect educationsl practice. In this respect, instructional design as a academic field has been revised and developed. Especially, at the beginning of 1990s, Merrill, Li, and Jones suggested limitations for first generation instructional design and proposed second generation instructional design. They said that the second instructional design would be capable of analyzing, representing, and guiding insturction to teach integrated sets of knowledge and skills , differently from first instructional design. This change has very important implications for instructional design to develop toward future. Thus, the main purpose of this paper is to review of the theoretical meanings of the limitation of first instructional design and second instructional design, and to mention some suggestions for effective instruction design. To these purposes, I will explore the theoretical implications of instructional design of first instructional design that has been proposed by traditional cognitivism so far and second instructional design by constructivism, respectively.