사례연구 : 멀티미디어로 배우는 일본어-동사편-수업에 관한 사례연구

윤유숙 한국일어교육학회 2001 일본어교육연구 Vol.2 No.-

근세 朝日통교와 非定例 差倭의 조선도해

윤유숙 고려대학교 역사연구소 2010 사총 Vol.70 No.-

In the late Joseon Dynasty, there were various forms of diplomatic delegates. Unlike the annual envoy which operated on a regular basis, ChyaWae(差倭) refers to the special, provisional embassy dispatched by the Tsushima clan(對馬藩) to Joseon to negotiate some specific diplomatic agendas when necessary. In this paper, particular attention is paid to the irregular diplomatic envoys defined by Joseon as ChyaWae since the eighteenth century. The objective of this paper is, by examining a few cases of ChyaWae, to clarify the reasons for such irregular practices, the contents of the diplomatic negotiations conducted between Joseon and the Tsushima clan in those cases, and the responses on the part of Joseon. The Joseon-Japan relationship in the late Joseon period was largely based on the Giyu Agreement(己酉約條) in 1609. However, ChyaWae was a unilateral diplomatic practice, not stipulated in the Giyu Agreement. At first Joseon would not recognize it as official envoy, but since the late 1630s Joseon could not but accept it. As the increasing number of ChyaWae became a ponderous economic burden, Joseon tried to prohibit ChyaWae altogether through concluding the Imsool Agreement(壬戌約條) in 1682. But even then the Tsushima clan violated the agreement and kept sending ChyaWae, and the Imsool Agreement was not effective in preventing the dispatches of ChyaWae. Consequently, ChyaWae became institutionalized into Dae ChyaWae(大差倭) and So ChyaWae(小差倭) after the mid-seventeenth century. Among the dispatches of ChyaWae since the Imsool Agreement, however, there were several occasions of ChyaWae that failed to become regular institutions but only remained one-time operations. Joseon categorized these as “irregular envoy” or “irregular ChyaWae,” of which the cases examined in this paper are prominent examples. As Joseon was unwilling to recognize them as official diplomacy for their violation of the Imsool Agreement and also for the lack of precedents, a considerable amount of disputes and negotiations accompanied the fulfillment of their diplomatic missions. Even an irregular envoy intentio-nally dispatched by the Tokugawa Bakuhu suffered the consequence of having its diplomatic significance diluted and obscured because of the Tsushima clan’s frequent use of ChyaWae. The Tsushima clan’s continuous sending of ChyaWae despite Joseon’s opposition has been simply attributed to its desire to increase trade so far. However, such practices imply economic support for the Tsushima clan’s samurais included in the ChyaWae delegates.

일본 중학교 역사교과서의 중·근세 한일관계 분석 -2011년도 검정합격본을 중심으로-

윤유숙 역사교육학회 2011 역사교육논집 Vol.47 No.-

This study analyzes the seven middle-school history textbooks of Japan which were officially certified in March 2011, to investigate how they describe and represent Waegu, the Mongolian invasion of Japan, Hideyoshi’s invasion of Joseon, and the Joseon-Japan relationship in the Edo period. Of the seven reviewed textbooks, as far as the medieval to early modern Joseon-Japan relationship is concerned, those published by Simizushoin, Kyoikushuppan, and Teikokushoin show relatively low numbers of so-called problematic descriptions. Meanwhile, the ones published by Ikuhousha and Ziyusha exhibit relatively high numbers; and of the two the Ziyusha edition the higher. As is examined in this study, the Ziyusha edition which had been initially submitted for official approval abounds in inaccurate descriptions of facts and ungrounded statements. The finally certified Ziyusha edition still displays a tendency either to rationalize aggressive acts or to scale down the consequences of despoilment when it comes to Japanese invasions. On the other hand, in regard to foreign invasions suffered by Japan, statements of glorified heroic prowess are conspicuous, along with those that justify modernization. In terms of Japan’s relationships with other countries, a lack of accuracy is noticeable in factual descriptions. There has not been a complete absence of positive changes—perhaps in consideration of Korea’s continuous requests for revisions and corrections—such as an occasional rephrasing or elimination of problematic statements. However, even the Kyoikushuppan edition and Tokyoshoseki edition, which have relatively high market shares, are only very slightly lower in the numbers of problematic statements and descriptions than the Ikuhousha edition. Under these circumstances, the prospect of the Ikuhousha and Ziyusha textbooks’ market demands calls for further attention, raising concern over the possibility of increased nationalism and ethnocentrism in future generations’ historical awareness.

The Clinical Characteristics of Steroid Responsive Nephrotic Syndrome of Children according to the Serum Immunoglobulin E Levels and Cytokines

윤유숙,이재호,임한혁 연세대학교의과대학 2012 Yonsei medical journal Vol.53 No.4

Purpose: The nephrotic syndrome (NS) is characterized by the favorable response to glucocorticoid therapy and the development of NS may be associated with dysfunctional immune systems. In order to investigate the serum immunoglobulin E (IgE) levels and cytokines activity in pediatric NS, the total of 32 steroid responsive NS patients and 5 healthy controls were enrolled in this study. Materials and Methods:All patients were divided into two groups according to the initial serum IgE levels,such as normal and high IgE group, and their clinical characteristics were evaluated. In addition, serum levels of interleukin (IL)-4, IL-5, IL-10 and transforming growth factor (TGF)-β were compared and correlated with serum albumin, proteinuria by means of disease severity, and cytokines. Results: In the high IgE group, the higher comorbidity of allergic diseases and relapsing rate, the longer duration of steroid therapy before initial remission, and the higher serum IL-4 and IL-5 levels were found. In all patients, initially higher serum levels of IL-4 and IL-5 declined to normal levels after steroid therapy, whereas the serum IL-10 levels showed no significant difference between nephrotic phase (heavy proteinuria) and remission phase (no proteinuria) of NS. The serum TGF-β levels of the nephrotic phase were significantly lower than those of remission phase or control group, and returned to normal control levels after steroid therapy. Conclusion: This study indicates that initial IgE level is associated with steroid responsiveness and disease severity, and cytokine activities may also be related to the pathogenesis of pediatric steroid responsive NS.

1696년 오키(隱岐)에 도항한 조선인들의 송환과정 검토

윤유숙 일본사학회 2013 일본역사연구 Vol.38 No.-

This article examines the case in May 1696 when a ship carrying eleven Joseon people sailed from Ulleungdo to the Oki islands and thereafter repatriated from Tottori Domain in Japan back to Joseon. Far from an ordinary case of drifting ashore, the event is a rare case reflecting Korea-Japan relations in the late Joseon period in that the sailors from the ship went to make a direct appeal to Japanese authorities. In this paper, I argue that the case was deeply related to the so-called 'Ulleungdo Dispute' that began in 1693. The case can be viewed as an extension of the event in which Joseon fishermen working at Ulleungdo were forcibly taken to Japan as well as the ongoing diplomatic dispute at the time between Joseon and Japan's Tsushima Domain over the possession of Ulleungdo. The ship from Joseon sailed to Japan for an 'unusual purpose' before the dispute over Ulleungdo could be officially settled by the governments of Joseon and Japan. The Tsushima Domain responded to the case by maintaining its diplomatic control of having exclusively managed relations between the two countries. As a result, after heavily persuading Japan's Edo government, the Joseon people were returned to their homeland in a form resembling deportation instead of the customary practice of repatriating drifters as was the case in 1693.

중・근세 동아시아의 인기 무역품, 일본도(日本刀)

윤유숙 한양대학교(ERICA캠퍼스) 일본학국제비교연구소 2022 비교일본학 Vol.55 No.-

This paper examines the fact that Japanesemade swords were distributed as international “trade goods” in recognition of their excellence as weapons in the Early Modern period of East Asia. For about 200 years from the end of the 14th century to the beginning of the 17th century, Japanese swords were transported in large quantities in the form of tribute trade goods by Japanese envoys or trade ships sailing to Joseon and China or by Japanese pirates. During the period from the early 15th to the mid16th century, the total export volume was beyond imagination, as more than 100,000 swords were dedicated by the Muromachi Shogun to the Ming emperor. In the early 17th century, the Edo Shogunate prohibited the export of Japanese armaments by national law and promoted a policy of closure, leaving Japanese sword to disappear from the “authorized” trade items of the East Asian world. Even in this situation, Ming and Qing's interest in Japanese swords did not disappear, and as a result of asking Joseon to dedicate Japanese swords as gifts, it is confirmed that Japanese swords moved from Joseon to China until the first half of the 17th century. Meanwhile, the influence of Japanese swords on traditional weapons systems and manufacturing in Joseon and China was different. Joseon was interested in the introduction of manufacturing technology in Japanese swords from the first half of the year. However, it is difficult to say that Japanese swords had a great influence on the circumference in form and manufacturing Hwando(環刀), considering that the traditional Hwando with little bending was still used even in the late Joseon. On the other hand, in the case of Ming Dynasty, due to its economic advantages and quality excellence, Japanese swords were actually used in the military as a practical weapon. 이 논문은 일본제(日本製) 일본도가 중근세 동아시아 지역에서 무기로써의 우수성을 인정 받아 국제적인 ‘무역품’으로 유통된 실태를 검토한 것이다. 15세기 이후 일본도가 조선과 중 국으로 유입되는 양태와, 조선과 중국의 전통적인 무기에 끼친 영향 등을 살펴보았다. 14세기 말부터 17세기 초까지 약 200년간 일본도는 조선과 중국으로 도항하는 일본의 사 절단이나 무역선에 의해 진공품의 형태로, 혹은 왜구에 의해 대량으로 운반되었다. 15세기 초 에서 16세기 중반에 이르는 기간 동안 무로마치 쇼군이 명 황제에게 바친 부탑품 도검만도 10만점 이상에 달하므로 수출된 총량은 상상을 초월할 정도로 막대했다. 에도 막부가 17세기 초 일본제 무구류의 해외수출을 국법으로 금지하고 쇄국정책을 추진 하면서 일본도는 동아시아 세계의 ‘공인된’ 무역품목에서 모습을 감추게 되었다. 이런 상황에 서도 일본도에 대한 명과 청의 관심은 사라지지 않아서 일본도를 예물로 바치도록 조선에 요 구한 결과 17세기 전반까지 조선에서 중국으로 일본도가 이동한 사례가 확인된다. 한편 일본도가 조선과 중국의 전통적인 무기체계와 제조에 끼친 영향은 제각기 달랐다. 조 선은 전기부터 일본도 제조기술의 도입에 관심을 가졌지만 조선후기에도 여전히 날의 휨이 거의없는전통적인환도가애용된것으로보아, 일본도가형태나제조면에서환도에큰영 향을 끼쳤다고 보기 어렵다. 반면 명의 경우에는 경제적 이점과 질적 우수성으로 인해 일본 도가 실제 군대에서 활용되었고 일본도술이 중시되는 등 실용무기로 사용되었다.

소아 마이코플라즈마 폐렴에서 진단 방법의 비교 및 IgG 아군의 변화

윤유숙,황자영,강진한,이준성,이경일,임정우 대한 소아알레르기 호흡기학회 2009 Allergy Asthma & Respiratory Disease Vol.19 No.2

Purpose : This study aimed to investigate the positive rate of 3 serologic methods and polymerase chain reaction (PCR) and the changes of IgG and IgG subclasses in children with Mycoplasma pneumoniae pneumonia (MP). Methods : Fifty children with pneumonia admitted to Daejeon St. Mary's Hospital, Korea, during MP outbreaks were evaluated for the diagnostic antibody status using 3 serologic methods: indirect micro-particle agglutinin assay (MAA, Serodia-Myco II, Fujirebio, Tokyo, Japan), cold agglutinins and enzyme-linked immunoassay (EIA, Platelia M. pneumoniae IgM & IgG BIO-RAD, Marnes-la-Coquette, France) and PCR. The levels of antibody for MP in each method were measured 2 times during hospitalization: at presentation and at discharge (mean interval, 6.5 days). The levels of IgG and IgG subclasses (IgG1, IgG2, IgG3 and IgG4) were also analyzed 2 times (at presentation and at discharge) using stored sera. Results : At presentation, the positive rates of the diagnostic methods were 52%, 38%, 30% and 12% for MAA, cold agglutinins, EIA and PCR assay, respectively. Following analysis of the repetitive measurement of the antibody, the positive rates of the diagnostic methods were 76%, 60% and 56% for MAA, cold agglutinins and EIA, respectively. The mean IgG level of MP patients increased during hospitalization (973±184 vs. 1,040±205 mg/dL; P=0.008). Among the IgG subclasses, the levels of IgG1 and IgG3 showed a significant increase during hospitalization (553±129 vs. 611±151 mg/dL, P=0.003 for IgG1; 43±27 vs. 47±30 mg/dL, P=0.005 for IgG3). Conclusions : For the accurate and relatively rapid diagnosis of MP, a paired sample examination is mandatory, especially within a short-time period. The sensitivity of serologic tests for the diagnosis of MP may differ among commercially available kits. IgG1 and IgG3 appear to be the main IgG subclasses that show an increase after MP infection. 목 적 : 마이코플라즈마 폐렴에서 3가지 혈청학적 방법과 polymerase chain reaction (PCR)의 진단 양성률과 마이코플라즈마 감염 후 IgG 및 IgG 아군의 변화를 알아보고자 하였다. 방 법 : 마이코플라즈마 폐렴이 유행한 시기에 가톨릭대학교 대전성모병원 소아청소년과에 폐렴으로 입원한 50명의 환아들을 대상으로 하였다. 환아들의 입원 시와 퇴원 시의 혈청으로부터 미세입자 응집 반응법(Seradia-Myco II), 냉응집소 검사 및 효소면역 측정법으로 마이코플라즈마 항체와 IgG 및 IgG 아군(IgG1, IgG2, IgG3 & IgG4) 값을 측정하였다. 또한 입원 시에 마이코플라즈마 PCR법을 실시하였으며, 각각의 결과를 비교하였다. 결 과 : 입원 시기 검사만을 분석한 마이코플라즈마 폐렴 양성률은 미세입자 응집 반응법, 냉응집소 검사, 효소면역 측정법과 PCR에서 각각 52%, 38%, 30% 및 12%를 보였다. 2차례 측정 결과로 분석한 마이코플라즈마 폐렴 양성률은 미세입자 응집 반응법, 냉응집소 검사와 효소면역 측정법에서 76%, 60% 및 56%로 미세입자 응집 반응법이 가장 높았다. IgG 값은 퇴원 시 통계적으로 유의하게 증가였으며, 38명의 마이코플라즈마 폐렴 환아에서 혈청 총 IgG 값은 30명에서 증가를, 8명에서 감소가 관찰되었다. 마이코플라즈마 환아들 27명의 IgG 아군 변화에서 유의하게 IgG1과 IgG3가 증가하였으며 IgG2, IgG4의 변화는 차이를 보이지 않았다. 결 론 : 마이코플라즈마의 진단에 있어서 혈청학적 방법으로 2차례의 검사가 확정 진단과 비교적 빠른 진단을 위해 필요하며, 이용한 혈청학적 방법에 따라 민감도에 차이를 보였다. 마이코플라즈마 감염 후 증가된 IgG 항체에서 IgG1과 IgG3가 유의하게 증가하였다.

근대일본에 있어서의 "쇄국론"과 "왜구" 평가

윤유숙 호남사학회(구-전남사학회) 2004 역사학연구 Vol.23 No.-

근세초 西日本 지역 ‘조선인 집단거주지’

윤유숙 고려대학교 역사연구소 2009 사총 Vol.68 No.-

As there were many daimyos in the western parts of Japan, there were also a relatively large number of Korean war prisoners taken from Joseon as well as those who chose to move to Japan permanently. In fact, touzinmachi and kouraichyou--villages where war prisoners from Joseon resided in communities--were formed, scattered throughout western Japan. The villages of Joseon residents which this paper examines are divided into the ones where Joseon people happened to live together and others where Joseon people of a particular profession collectively resided. Not all of those residential areas or villages were investigated in this essay; I do not propose to generalize the findings of this study hastily. However, as far as the author's research comprehended, these collective residential areas did not seem to have been established arbitrarily, or coercively, by forces of the Clan. The first-generation war prisoners from Joseon shared a sense of solidarity out of their national or professional identity, and naturally formed a community by gathering to live in close proximity. In the process, they were recognized as groups of specialized workmen or craftsmen by the Clan authorities in the context of the latter's promotion of commerce and industry. These groups included potters, bean curd makers, and tradesmen. As experts in their specialized trades, they were endowed with certain public status and treated honorably. Even in the Nagasaki area where Joseon residents were not characterized by particular skills, no legal sanctions are found which targeted only the Joseon residents. The legal and social status of Joseon immigrants or Joseon-Japanese residents in Japanese society, as well as any discriminatory practices against them, can be further illuminated with a more sustained comprehensive research of historical materials regarding the policies of the Clan of the region. Such is the continuing interest of this author, which should come to fruition in a future project.

18세기 일본의 조선통신사 기록에 수록된 삽화 검토 - 『조선신사내빙기록』・『조선인내빙기』를 중심으로 -

윤유숙 한양대학교(ERICA캠퍼스) 일본학국제비교연구소 2023 비교일본학 Vol.58 No.-

본고는 1711년 통신사 기록 『조선신사내빙기록』, 1748년의 사행을 기록한 『조선인내빙기』 에 수록된 삽화의 특성을 검토한 것이다. 『조선신사내빙기록』은 통신사 사행단 전원의 명부(名簿), 금제, 선박의 크기, 통신사가 의례시에 착용하는 의복・관(冠), 지참한 기(旗)와 도구, 그것을 그린 삽화, 사행원의 관명(官名) 과 역할에 관한 설명 등이 기록되어 있다. 쓰시마번이 1711년 ‘통신사행단’의 구성에 관한 각종 정보를 모아 한권의 문헌으로 압축하여 기록한 것으로, 삽화는 사행단이 행렬로 이동할 때 ‘의장용으로 소지하는 도구’들의 용도 설명을 보충하는 시각자료로 묘사되었다. 삽화에 묘사된 물건들은 1711년 조선통신사 등성행렬도에서 조선인이 들고 있는 도구와 그 순서가 거의 동일하다. 삽화는 각종 깃발, 무기류, 악기들, 용정, 인신함 등의 형태를 실물 그대로 특징을 살려서 그렸고, 명칭도 대체로 정확하다. 다만 ‘세악’과 ‘인신함’이라 명명된 삽화는 그 형태와 용도에 불분명한 점이 있다. 세악은 특정 악기 혹은 ‘해금・필(苾)・적(笛)을 둘러서 말하는’ 표현인듯하고, 통신사는 관인(官印)을 보관하는 ‘인신함’과 공문서를 보관하는 ‘관첩함’을 일본에 가져간 사실이 확인되었다. 조선인내빙기 는 요도번의 번사 와타나베 가문에 전래되어 온 1748년 통신사 관련 사료 이다. 와타나베는 1748년 사행 때 요도 성하(城下)에서 통신사 향응을 담당했던 인물인데, 조선인내빙기 에 통신사를 맞이하는 요도번의 모습을 기록하고 말미 부분에 본인이 관찰한 통신사 일행의 풍습, 의상, 기물 등을 6면에 걸쳐 묘사해 두었다. 그삽화의특징은첫째, 묘사한대상의조선식명칭은기록하지않은것이많다. 크기, 형 태, 용도를 중점적으로 설명하면서 용도를 기구의 제목처럼 쓰거나 혹은 일본에서 사용되던 유사한 도구의 명칭을 그대로 적기도 했다. 둘째, 사행단의 이동을 관람하는 입장에서 가장 눈에 띄는 크고 화려한 기구, 예를 들면 청도기를 위시한 깃발, 교자(轎子), 국서함을 태운 가 마(龍井) 등은 아예 기록하지 않았다. 와타나베는 의장용 기물보다는 사행단의 구성원들을 매 우근접거리에서관찰해야비로소알수있는소지품과기호품을다수기록했다. 밥그릇, 밥 뚜껑, 곰방대, 접는손부채, 되, 밥솥, 밥상, 심지어곡식을까불르는데사용하던키등이그 것이다. 통신사 관련 문헌의 삽화는 통신사에 관한 구체적인 정보를 알려주는 시각자료이자 역사 자료이며, 때로는 ‘통신사 행렬도’에는 묘사되지 않은 사행의 실상을 전해주기도 한다. This paper reviewed the characteristics of the illustrations inserted in “Joseonsinsan aebinggirok(朝鮮信使來聘記錄)” and “Joseoninnaebinggi(朝鮮人來聘記)” which recorded about Joseon Tongsinsa(朝鮮通信使) in the 18th century. “Joseonshinsanaebinggirok” contains a list of all the members of the Tongsinsa(通信使), their prohibitions, the size of their ships, the clothing and crowns worn by the Tongsinsa members for each ceremony, the flags and tools they brought with them, illustrations of them, and descriptions of their official names and roles. This document was compiled by Tsushima as a compendium of information on the organization of the Tongsinsa members of 1711, and the illustrations are described as visual aids to supplement the descriptions of the use of the “tools for ceremonial purposes” as the Tongsinsa members travels in procession. The objects depicted in the illustration are almost identical in order to the tools held by Koreans in the 1711 Deungseong(登城) Parade(行列圖) of the Joseon Tongsinsa. The illustration depicts various flags, weapons, musical instruments, The box of an official seal, and personalities using their real characteristics, and the name is generally correct. “Joseoninnaebinggi” was handed down to the Watanabe(渡辺) family, a warrior(藩士) in Yodo Domain(淀藩). Watanabe was in charge of the entertainment of the delegation in the Yodo castle town during the visiting of the Tongsinsa in 1748, and at the end of the book, he describes the customs, costumes, and equipment of the Tongsinsa he observed on six pages. The characteristic of the illustration is that, first, many of the Joseon style names of the objects described are not recorded. The size, shape, and purpose were mainly explained. Second, from the standpoint of watching the movement of the delegation, the most noticeable large and colorful instruments, for example, flags such as Cheongdogi(淸道旗), Gyoja(轎子), and kilns carrying the Gukseo box(國書函), were not recorded at all. Watanabe recorded a number of belongings and favorites that could only be known by observing the members of the delegation group from a very close distance rather than the articles for the design. These include rice bowls, rice caps, kombangdae, folding hand fans, dae(되), rice cookers, dining tables, and even the winnowing basket. Illustrations in the he historical records related Joseon Tongsinsa are both visuals and documentation with specific information about Tongsinsa, and sometimes convey the reality of the travel of Tongsinsa that is not depicted in the ‘Picture of Tongsinsa Parade(통신사행렬도)’.