일본제국주의에 대한 저항과 협력의 경계와 논리: 1920년대 조선인의 정치운동을 중심으로

김동명 한국정치외교사학회 2009 한국정치외교사논총 Vol.31 No.1

This study deals with the boundaries and logics found in Korean’s resistance movements and collaborations towards Japanese imperialism mainly proceeded in 1920s. Specifically, it involves consideration about how people in the era shared their opinion about the political movement of Koreans and categorized them according to the interaction with governance structure of Japanese imperialism to clarify the logics behind them. Those people who participated in the political movements roughly trisected the movement into three categories, according to governance structure for assimilation by Japanese imperialism. They are resistance movements, separation-collaboration movement types and assimilation-collaboration movement types. Followings are differences in their standpoint according to the main agenda they proposed. Firstly, the resistance movements denied the legitimacy of Japanese imperialism and argued the immediate independence of Korean people. In contrast, the separation-collaboration types conceded the temporary governance by Japan and hoped future independence, and the assimilationcollaboration types actively endorsed the legitimacy of Japan’s governance and gave up any will to found an independent country. Secondly, while the resistance movements and the separation-collaboration types made it clear that the assimilation was impossible and protested it completely, the assimilation-collaboration type acknowledged that both people could be assimilated and asserted equal rights for Korean people to promote assimilation process. Thirdly, about political rights, the resistance movements showed no interest in it and took unyielding stand. On the contrary, separation-collaboration types tried to secure Korean people’s confronted benefits by setting up “Chosun’s governance congress”(조선자치의회) and cooperating with the governing power. The assimilation-collaboration types, demanding sharing of equal rights as a citizen of Japanese empire and maintaining cooperative relationship with governance power, strongly advocated equal political right based on the governance structure for assimilation. As a result, for both the Japanese imperialism and the political movement of Koreans, it was not easy to get what they intended. The complex logics derided from the ideas surrounding political movement in 1920s showed this fact clearly. 본 논문은 일본제국주의의 식민지 지배에 대한 조선인의 저항과 협력의 경계와 논리를 1920년대를 중심으로 분석했다. 구체적으로는 다양하게 전개된 조선인 정치운동에 대해 당시의 사람들이 스스로 어떻게 나누었는지를 고찰하고 그것을 일본제국주의 지배구조와의 조응 속에서 유형화한 다음 각각의 논리를 밝혔다. 먼저 일본제국주의의 식민지 지배에 대한 조선인의 정치운동을 운동에 참가했던 당사자들은 대체로 삼분했는데 그것을 일본제국주의의 동화주의 지배체제에 조응해서 구분하면 저항운동과 분리형협력운동, 그리고 동화형협력운동이다. 다음에 각 운동이 취한 주요 입장을 중심으로 논리의 경계를 지어보면 아래와 같다. 첫째, 일본제국주의의 지배에 대해 저항운동은 그 정당성을 부정했으며 조선민족의 즉시 독립을 주장했다. 이에 대해 분리형협력운동은 일시적 지배를 인정하고 미래의 독립을 희망했으나 동화형협력운동은 지배의 정당성을 적극 인정하고 조선민족만의 독립국가 건설을 완전히 포기했다. 둘째, 저항운동과 분리형협력운동은 모두 조선인의 일본인에의 동화를 불가능하다고 생각하여 동화주의지배체제에 철저히 반대한 데 비해 동화형협력운동은 한일 양민족의 동화 내지는 융화가 가능하다고 인식하고 일본본국주민과 동등한 대우를 통해 동화를 촉진할 것을 요구했다. 셋째, 참정권 부여에 관해서는 저항운동은 철저하게 관심을 보이지 않고 지배 권력과의 비타협적 자세를 견지했다. 이에 대해 분리형협력운동은 지배권력과의 타협을 통해 조선자치의회를 설치해서 조선민족의 당면이익을 쟁취하려 했다. 동화형협력운동은 일본제국의 국민으로서의 정당한 권리향유를 요구하며 지배권력과의 협력적인 관계를 통해 동화주의지배체제에 입각한 참정권 부여를 강력히 주장했다. 결국 일본제국주의는 물론 조선인의 운동세력 모두 목적한 바를 이루는 것은 쉬운 일이 아니었다. 1920년대의 정치운동에서 보이는 저항과 협력의 경계를 둘러싸고 복잡하게 전개된 논리는 바로 이러한 사실을 잘 보여준다.

이주여성들, 정치를 관통하다— 재독 한인 여성들의 1970년대 체류권 투쟁을 중심으로

이희영 한국사회사학회 2018 사회와 역사 Vol.0 No.117

Based on literature sources and oral life histories, this study reconstructs the process of Korean migrant women’s signature-collecting campaign and their struggle for permanent residence in West Germany in 1977~78 and examines its implications. Firstly, Korean migrant women who had been working in medical facilities in West Germany since the 1960s organized women’s groups in each area starting from the early 1970s and held three national seminars between 1976~77. During these activities, they discussed public values such as discrimination in their everyday lives in West Germany, women’s liberation, and the social democratization of South Korea. Though living in an unfamiliar German society, these Korean women walked forth from the ‘past’ to shape a new world for themselves, becoming political subjects in the process. Secondly, the signature-collecting campaign for women’s right to residency was supported in multidimensional solidarity efforts not only of Korean students and Protestant churches, but also of West German religious organizations, citizens and groups that participated in the ’68 movement. During these processes, Korean women formed identities as immigrant women and experienced the possibility of politics beyond boundaries of nationality, religion and class. All their experiences of social participation has become their place of collective memory and a significant orientation in their subsequent lives. Thirdly, through the 1977/78 struggle for permanent residence, Korean women transformed their status from ‘guest workers’ contracted for three years, to an immigrant generation that settled in West German society. With this, they established an institutional basis for their own political voice and social practice in German civil society. Lastly, the Korean Women’s Group in West Germany, which was formed in 1978 through the struggle for the right of permanent residence, has become a political space where Korean women can speak and act freely beyond the institutional achievement of the signature-gathering movement. 이 연구는 문헌자료와 구술인터뷰를 토대로 한인 이주여성들이 1977~78년 서독정부의 체류허가 중단 조치에 대항하여 전개한 체류권 투쟁의 과정을 재구성하고, 그 함의를 고찰하였다. 연구결과에 의하면 첫째, 1960~70년대 서독의 의료기관으로 취업했던 한인 이주여성들은 1970년대 초반부터 각 지역의 여성모임과1976~77년 세 차례에 걸친 전국 세미나를 조직하고, 서독사회 일상에서의 차별과여성해방, 남한 사회 민주화 등의 공적 가치에 대해 자율적으로 토론했다. 이것은낯선 독일사회에서 한인 이주여성들이 과거로부터 걸어 나와 새로운 세계를 형성하고 정치의 주체가 된 것을 의미한다. 둘째, 한인 여성들의 체류권 보장을 위한서명운동은 한인 유학생, 개신교회뿐만 아니라, 서독의 종교 단체 및 68운동을 수행하던 광범한 시민사회 조직과의 다차원적 연대를 통해 진행되었다. 이 과정에서한인 여성들은 이주여성으로서의 공감대를 형성하였을 뿐만 아니라, 국적, 종교, 계층의 차이를 넘어선 정치의 가능성을 경험하였다. 이것은 한인 여성들의 삶의과정에서 중요한 행위의 지향이자 집단 기억의 장소가 되었다. 셋째, 1977~8년체류권 투쟁을 통해 한인 여성들은 3년 단기계약 ‘손님노동자’에서 서독사회에 정착한 이주세대로 전환하게 되었다. 독일 시민사회의 일원으로서 정치, 사회적 목소리를 내고 활동할 수 있는 제도적 토대를 마련한 것이었다. 넷째, 체류권 투쟁을토대로 결성된 1978년의 재독한국여성모임은 한인 여성들이 서명운동의 제도적 성취를 넘어서 지속적으로 자유로운 말과 행위를 할 수 있는 정치적 공간이 되었다.

근대 한국 민족주의의 정치사상 (2)

정영훈(Jeong Young Hoon) 한국동양정치사상사학회 2007 한국동양정치사상사연구 Vol.6 No.2

이 논문은 근대 한국에서 전개된 민족주의운동의 정치사상을 정리하는 대과제의 일부로서, 특히 삼일운동후 1920년대-40년대에 전개된 합작통일운동의 그것에 대해 살핀 것이다. 한국민족주의는 삼일운동후 민주공화주의에 토대한 임시정부를 결성함으로써 민주적 민족주의로의 사상적 진전을 이룩하였지만, 민족운동진영은 사회주의의 유입과 함께 바로 좌우익으로 분열되게 된다. 그리고 이후 1920년대 중반이후부터 40년대 후반까지 민족운동의 우선과제는 좌우익 분열을 수습하여 통일된 투쟁전선과 자주독립역량을 형성하는 일로 집약되게 된다. 합작통일이야말로 적을 물리치고 자주독립국가를 건설하는 데 필수조건이었기 때문이다. 이같은 과제에 부응하여 전개된 것이 바로 1920년대 중반 이래 유일당운동과 민족연합전선운동 또는 좌우합작운동이라는 이름하에 전개된 일련의 합작통일운동이었다. 이 합작통일운동은 물론 역사의 추이가 증명하듯이 실패로 돌아갔고 분단과 전쟁이라는 한국현대사의 아픈 비극으로 이어졌다. 그러나 이 운동이 정치사와 사상사에서 가지는 의의는 매우 크다. 이 합작통일운동은 민족주의라는 기준에서 보면 한국사 속에서 가장 전형적이면서 치열한 사례로 평가할 수 있을 것이다. 한말이후 본격화한 한국 민족주의는 이 합작통일운동에 이르러 그 민족의식과 실천에서 가장 성숙한 모습을 보여주고 있다. 합작통일운동은 통일을 위한 지도이론을 모색하는 과정에서 사회주의와 자유주의라는 근대 세계의 양대 이데올로기와 씨름해야 하였으며, 좌우 사상의 장단점을 지양종합하면서 동시에 민족의 현실과 전통에 부합한 이론을 정립하고자 하였다. 민족의 안전과 통일에 그치지 않고 인류평화 문제도 고민하였다. 그리고 그 과정에서 이상적인 국가와 정치에 대한 많은 독창적 이론과 명제들을 창출하였다. 삼균주의나 신민족주의, 조선적 민주주의, 신형민주주주의, 삼본주의, 대공주의 등이 그것으로, 이 합작통일운동 시기는 한국 정치사상사 전반을 두고 보더라도 그 사상적 성과와 축적이 부각되는 시기였다 할 수 있다. This paper discusses on the political thoughts of Korean nationalism, especially on that of the unification movements in 1920s-1940s. The nationalism movement after the Samil Movement developed into the stage of democratic nationalism by accepting the democratic government ideas in the Constitution of the Sanghai Provisional Government after the Samil Movement. But after the influx of socialism, nationalism movement camp devided into the two camps of left and right and the two camps were hostile to each other. And the cooperation and unification of the two camps was embossed as the first task of Korean nationalism. Cooporation and unification was the best necessary condition in the liberation movement and in the state establishing process. And to acting up that task, the coordinating-unification movements were spread out in the 1920s and 1940s by many leaders. Josoang's Samkyunism, Anjaehong's Sinminjokjuui, Sinsuk's Sambonjuui, and Anchangho's Daegongjuui were the representative theories which intended to unify the divided liberation forces and to establish the independent unified nation state. These theoriests selected the proper ideas in socialism, liberalism and democracy at the viewpoint of Korean situation and tasks at that time. And these political thoughts of unifying movements may be called as socialistic nationalism. This paper analysed these political theories especially in the aspect of their plans and thoughts how to unify and coorporate.

민주화 30년의 한국정치 : 정당과 운동정치의 성과와 한계를 중심으로

김윤철 ( Kim Yun Cheol ) 한국정치연구회 2017 정치비평 Vol.10 No.1

이 글은 민주화 30년의 한국정치를 정당과 운동이라는 두 측면에서 조명한다. 한국의 민주화는 정당과 운동을 통해, 즉 제도와 비제도 두 영역의 정치를 통해 이루어졌고 특징 지어졌기 때문이다. 이를 감안해 이 글은 한국 정치가 이미 민주화 직후부터 시대적 과제였던 경제민주화를 30년이 경과하면서도 아직 이루지 못한 이유를 사회적 약자층과 결속하지 못한 채 지역주의 균열과 갈등에 의존해 지위-득표 추구 성향만을 강화해 온 `정당정치의 무능`과 그것의 극복을 유도하거나 실현하지 못한 `시민 없는 시민운동`과 `노동만의 노동운동`에 의존한 운동정치의 한계에서 찾고 있다. 그런 끝에 최근 대부분의 정당이 경제민주화를 시대적 과제로 삼으면서 한국 민주주의의 지속적 발전에 전기가 마련되었지만, 촛불항쟁과 19대 대선을 통해 나타난 `조직되지 않은 대중`의 주도성과 `다당체제`의 조성이라는 환경 변화에 주의를 기울여야 함을 지적하고 있다. 이러한 환경 변화에 정당과 운동정치가 잘 적응할 때, 민주주의의 지속적 발전이 가능하다는 것이다. This article illuminates Korean politics for 30 years of democratization in two aspects: party and movement. Korea`s democratization is characterized through politics and movement. In light of this, this article emphasizes only the tendency to pursue post - democracy pursuit by relying on cracks and conflicts of regionalism, not being able to cooperate with the socially underprivileged for the reason that Korean politics has already been over 30 years since the democratization We are looking at the limits of the movement politics that depend on the `ineffectiveness of political party` and the `citizenless civil movement without citizens` and `labor only labor movement` which did not induce or overcome it. Finally, most of the recent political parties have made economic democratization a task of the past, but there has been a lot of progress in the development of democracy in Korea. However, in the candlelight vigil and the 19th presidential election, the `unorganized mass` and to pay attention to the environmental change. When politics and movement politics adapt well to these environmental changes, it is possible to develop democracy continuously.

1920년대전반동아일보계열의 정치운동구상과 `민족적중심세력`론

윤덕영 ( Yoon Duk Young ) 역사문제연구소 2010 역사문제연구 Vol.14 No.2

Examined in this article, are how the Dong`a Ilbo Newspaper faction called for a political campaign after 1922, how they established their own direction which could be described as an argument claiming to become the `central faction of the nation(the Korean people),` how their actions were related and linked to the so-called `Yeonjeong-hwe council` plan, and what were the nature and shortcomings of their political agenda. In January 1922, the Dong`a Ilbo Newspaper faction started to define the so-called `Cultural Politics` employed by Governor-General Saito as `Grey politics,` and also as a form of ruling that was in essence no different from the military ruling that had been perpetrated by the Japanese authorities in the 1910s. They strongly argued that all kinds of democratic personal rights such as the freedom of press, publication,assembly and association should be restored and allowed to the Joseon public. Such arguments were honed down to certain tangible plans that called for a political campaign which would be led by a `central faction of the nation` that could strengthen the Korean people, and then lead national uprising as well as cultural development. In 1923, the Dong`a Ilbo Newspaper faction and other Nationalist factions tried to organize a political organization as part of their efforts to create a national center faction and launch a political campaign, and such attempt led to the devising of the so-called `Yeonjeong-hwe` plan. Contents of an article written by Yi Gwang-su entitled as National Wisdom were related to the Dong`a Ilbo Newspaper faction`s agenda that had been calling for a national center faction since 1922. It was an agenda that was shared by the Dong`a Ilbo Newspaper faction and the Nationalist faction led by An Chang-ho. In 1924, the Dong`a Ilbo Newspaper faction was on the exact opposite side of the pro-Japanese political factions including the Alliance of Faction Maintenance which all supported the argument of achieving (mere)autonomous control of Joseon and the Joseon people`s political rights. Song Jin-wu was considered as the representative figure of the argument for independence, and the Nationalist factions considered factions arguing for national independence and factions arguing for autonomous control, as clearly different factions. In the meantime, the primary position of the Governor-General office was to render the Korean peninsula as part of Japan, and the discussions regarding the issue of granting the Joseon people any political rights or any level of autonomous control of their country had been put on hold. Police Chief Maruyama who was known to have discussed the issue of autonomous control with the Dong`a Ilbo Newspaper faction was actually a member of the Jeong`wu-hwe community which oppressed the political campaigns of the Dong`a Ilbo Newspaper faction, based upon the above-mentioned argument that Joseon(Korea) should be part of Japan. The characteristic of the Dong`a Ilbo Newspaper faction`s political agenda, which could be characterized by the argument to become a national center faction, can be summarized by the fact that it tried to become a legal, popular campaign. They pursued such avenue because of the internal and external situations of Korea. Yet unfortunately, they merely maintained their arguments, while failing to build a real organization that could materialize those ideas. That was the primary limitation of a Nationalist movement which was led by a press company.

3·1운동 직후 한인의 상해 망명에 대한 프랑스 조계당국의 인식과 대응

이혜린 ( Lee¸ Hye-rin ) 수선사학회 2021 史林 Vol.- No.75

This article analyzes how the French Concession authorities perceived Koreans who came to Shanghai after the March 1st Movement. French concession authorities did not consider Koreans to be immigrants. It recognized the Koreans as political asylum who had escaped Japanese Rule and Suppression. Therefore, the Korean policy of French Concession authorities was applied to based on the principle of non-extradition of political offenders, the anti-Japanese public opinion of the Shanghai Chinese society at that time, and diplomatic judgment. It was also to establish a reciprocal principle between France and Japan for the extradition of political offenses. France demanded that Japan take the same action against Vietnamese revolutionists in Tokyo when Koreans political offenders hand over to Japan authorities. It also restricted the activities of Koreans living in the French concession in Shanghai. A radical independence movement was prohibited, but, the diplomatic independence movement, which appeals to the public opinion of the World Powers for independence, positively conceived as “peaceful activity.”

도산의 교육 및 정치사상에 관한 연구

박병철,주인석 한국민족사상학회 2019 민족사상 Vol.13 No.1

This paper examines Dosan An Chang-ho(1878-1938)’s educational and political thought revealed in his national independence movement. He is a pioneer of Korean national movement, representative independence activist and educator in modern Korean history. With his national campaigns driven in such diverse fields as military, diplomacy, economy and ideal villages, educational and political ideas were systematically interrelated. Dosan’s national movement begins with capacity cultivation to recover national sovereignty, in other words, with educational campaigns to build up national power. As he thought the lack of ‘national power’ caused the loss of national sovereignty, he developed positive educational movements to solve the problem. Thus, Dosan strove to raise leaders and teach the nation by founding Jeomjin School, Daeseong School, Dongmyeong School and Young Students Society. Besides, his political philosophy is regarded as a prototype of national independence movement. He as a revolutionary statesman carried out political activities to restore the unified nation beyond divided ideologies and political factions by organizing the Shinminhoe (New Korea Society), the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea, the Yuil Party and the Young Korean Academy. As a consequence, Dosan’s educational and political thoughts are living emblems of restoring national power in relation to cultivating capabilities to recover Korean national sovereignty. 본 연구의 목적은 도산 안창호(1878-1938)의 민족운동에서 보여준 교육 및 정치사상을 살펴보고자 한다. 도산은 한국근대 민족운동의 대표적인 교육자, 독립운동가 및 민족운동의 선구자라 할 수 있을 것이다. 도산의 민족운동은 군사·외교·경제·이상촌 등 다양한 분야에서 추진되었지만, 교육사상과 정치사상이 중심되어 유기적으로 연계되어 나타나고 있음을 알 수 있다. 도산의 민족운동은 국권회복을 위한 능력 배양, 즉 민족 힘을 배양하기 위한 교육운동에서 시작하고 있다. 도산에 있어 국망의 원인이 ‘민족의 힘’이 없어 발생하였기에, 이를 해결하기 위한 방안으로 적극적으로 교육운동을 전개하게 된 것이다. 따라서 도산은 국민교화를 위해 점진학교, 대성학교, 동명학교, 청년학우회 등을 창건하여 민족의 교육과 지도적 인재양성을 위해 힘썼던 것이다. 나아가 도산의 정치사상은 민족독립운동의 원형이라 할 수 있다. 도산은 혁명적 정치가로서 신민회, 대한민국 임시정부, 유일당, 흥사단 등을 조직함으로써, 분열된 이념과 정파를 초월한 통일된 민족을 찾고자하는 정치활동을 전개한 것이다. 결과적으로 도산에 있어 교육과 정치사상은 국권회복을 위한 능력배양과 관련된 민족의 힘을 찾는 삶의 표상이라 할 수 있다.

Sacred Space and Secular Politics : Myeongdong Cathedral and South Korean Politics, 1945-1969

Jung Soo Jo 한국종교사회학회 2019 종교와사회 Vol.7 No.1

As Catholicism played a crucial role for the wave of democracies in the 1970s and 1980s in some countries around the globe, it also exerted an important influence on the democratisation movement in South Korea. Scholars of South Korean democratisation have long noted the importance of Myeongdong Cathedral in Seoul for South Korea`s democracy movement in the 1970s and 1980s as the sanctuary for democratisation. This article offers a genealogical, temporal account of how Myeongdong Catholic Church gradually attained the spatial significance as the space for spiritual and material welfare of the people and social justice since 1945, prior to the 1970s and 1980s. Through this investigation, the article attempts to contribute to the discussion of the public role of religion (and sacred space) in contemporary South Korean political history, and add to the literature on the relationship between space and social movements.

1920·30년대 물산장려운동의 경과와 종교계

김민영(Kim, Min-Young) 한일민족문제학회 2019 한일민족문제연구 Vol.36 No.-

1919年の3·1独立万歳運動以降、日帝は植民地統治体制を文化統治に 転換した。こうした中、社会進化論に立脚した一部の知識人たちは実力を身に つけてから独立すべきだという｢先実力後独立論｣を唄えながら所謂｢実力養成 運動｣を展開した。実力養成運動は教育と社会·経済において民族の実力を 養成しようというもので、その内、経済的養成運動として展開したのが｢物産奨 励運動｣であった。これに関してはこれまで研究が豊富に蓄積されてきた。しか し、物産奨励運動の背景と展開をめぐっての把握は一面的であり、とくに宗教 界との関わりで論じたものは少ない。 本稿では日帝強占期、とくに1920·30年代に展開した経済的実力養成論の 内物産奨励運動の経過をめぐる主要論点等を宗教界との関わりで検討した。 まずこの時期の実力養成論に対するいくつかの評価と視角について論点を整 理した。また運動の経済的背景と6回以上も刊行した機関誌の基本性格につい ても検討した。さらに、宗教界の動きをみるためにキリスト教と普天教における物 産奨励運動への取り組みについても検討を行った。 要するに、1920·30年代において展開された物産奨励運動は、近代宗教 の公共性の再構築という観点からみると、各々の宗教的表象のなか多様な方 式で産み出されたことが分かった。市場資本主義に対する近代韓国宗教の認 識や経済的実力養成運動への取り組み背景に対する探究も自然に各々の宗 教の社会経済発展観等公共性を帯びた普遍的実践倫理を探るものであったと 言えよう。 物産奨励運動の展開は1920年代後半以降急激に脆弱化し、キリスト教と普 天教等を中心とした宗教界からの取り組みも非常に制限的であった。このことに 関する研究や、解放以降の圧縮経済成長と開発論において宗教的公共性の 発現及び市場資本主義に対する認識変化と未来への模索等についても研究 が進むことを望む。 After March 1st Movement, Japanese imperialism changed its colonial rule into cultural politics. Among this situation some right intelligent people started ‘Skill-cultivation theory’ by declaring ‘Independence after nurturing skill’ meaning that independence can be achieved after nurturing skill. Skill-cultivation movement asked for nurturing skill for people in the area of education and social economy and especially Korean Production Movement was focused on skill-cultivation in economics. The existing research achievement regarding this movement was fully built up. However, major point surrounding the background and progress of Production Movement was only partially understood and in particular the cases in relation to religious circle were limited. Therefore this paper reviewed in relation to major religious circle focused on major point surrounding the progress of Production Movement especially among economic skll-cultivation theory especially in 1920s and 1930s, Japanese Colonial Era hereinafter. As a part I arranged some points surrounding existing various evaluation and its perspective on skill-cultivation theory in this era with a few parts. Further I took a look at the basic nature of official magazine issued more than 6 times along with economic background of the movement. In addition, I reviewed the participation of Production Movement from Protestantism and Bochungyo in the perspective of religious circle. For example considering Production Movement in 1920s and 1930s as reconstruction of publicity in modern Korean religious circle, I could see the movement was expressed in various way among the symbol of individual religion as well. The study on recognition of market capitalism in Korean religion and participation background of economic skill-cultivation theory can be also recognized as major work expressing common practice ethics of publicity like social economic development perspective of individual religion in a natural way. Of course it is because the progress of Production Movement was rapidly weaken after late 1920 but the participation of religious circle surrounding Protestantism and Bochungyo was very limited. Therefore I hope the research will be advanced on showing publicity of religion and process of changing recognition on market capitalism and seeking for its future direction among pressed economic growth after independence and development theory along with its supplement.

한국 좌파 운동의 속성과 한국정치의 진로

우평균 사단법인 한국평화연구학회 2012 평화학연구 Vol.13 No.3

The outcome of the 4・13 general election 2012 in Korea has revealed vividly the existernce of ideological terrain in Korean Peninsula. As a result of the election, the Unified Progressive party(UPP) was raised up to the second largest opposition party in Korean legislative system, but the party showed negative aspects in the processing of the election for candidates within the party with the use of force. More important thing is that UPP members accused of being a “sympathizer with North Korea (JongBuk).” Out of 13 UPP lawmakers-elect, six of them fall into this category. The term North Korea was taboo for a long in the progressive party and civil society and that they fear that the party will be destabilized if they are divided over North Korea issues. This paper has a purpose to explain why this kinds of affairs in Korean leftist party and the movement happened in this time and how it will affect to the future prospect in Korea politics after the beginning of the 19th Assembly. For the explanation, the characteristics of the National Liberlation(NL) group and Jusa(Juche) group is being suggested like the consciousness of ‘chosen people’, collectivism, bureaucratism of the movement group. It can be appointed that the new trends, the phenomenon of “fashion Jongbuk” in civil society with this tendency can be appeared in near future. In this paper, it is pointed that the variables of the “North Korea” is deeply connected with the entrance of the lawmakers-elect who has a tendency of “Jongbuk” to the Assembly. In a conclusion, it is forecasted that the axis of ideology in Korean politics will be very weak by the variable, “Jongbuk“ in real politics. 2012년 한국의 4・13 총선은 한반도에서의 이념적 지형의 실체를 생생하게 보여주었다. 총선 결과 제2 야당으로 부상한 통합진보당의 비례대표 선출을 위한 당내 경선과정에서 여러 종류의 선거 부정에 이어 이에 대한 사후 처리 과정에서 나타난 폭력성으로 인해 진보정당에서의 당내 민주주의 현황에 대해 심각한 문제제기가 있었다. 문제는 선거 부정의 당사자가 종북적 성향을 갖고 있는 후보자들로서 이들이 직접 여러 문제들에 연루되었음에도 불구하고 이에 대한 책임을지지 않고 국회로 곧바로 입성했다는 데에 있었다. 본 논문에서는 한국 정치에서 종북적 성향을 띤 국회의원이 생기는 현상에 대한 분석과 더불어 향후 전개 가능한 한국정치구조에서의 파장 및 전망에 대해 서술하고 있다. 본 논문은 종북적 성향의 의원 배출의 뿌리는 범 NL 조직에서 출발한 정예 종북 주사파 집단이며, 이들이 어떤 집단적 성향을 갖고 있는지에 대해 제시하고 있다. 이들 집단의 주요한 특성으로는 선민의식, 집단주의 성향, 관료주의 및 집단의 경직화를 들고 있으며, 시민사회의 일각에서 등장하는 종북 성향과 관련한 신조류도 지적하고 있다. 또한 본 논문에서는 북한변수와 종북적 성향의 다수 국회의원 배출과의 연관성을 제시하면서, 이를 통해 영향을 받게 될 한국정치의 윤곽을 개괄적으로 묘사하고 있다. 그 결과 한국 정치의 이념적 축이 종북 변수에 취약하며, 현실정치에서 이른바 ‘종북’에 대항하는 구심점을 찾기 어려울 것이라고 전망하고 있다.