레비나스의 타자윤리와 제3자의 정치철학

박예은 ( Ye Eun Park ) 서울대학교 인문학연구원 2016 人文論叢 Vol.73 No.1

Emmanuel Levinas, who began the philosophy of the Other, is often defined solely as an ethical philosopher and less valued in the realm of political philosophy. But ethics and politics should never be separated. Moreover, there was a clear political project in Levinas’ thought. How was political thinking possible for Levinas? This paper will examine how his ethics of the Other had moved to the political field through the concept of the third party in Totality and Infinity and Otherwise than Being. Levinas uses the notion of the third party to universalize his ethics of asymmetry. However, there is a difficulty in understanding the third party clearly because the third party is not discussed with due weight and because these two books explicate the third party in different manner. Moreover, it is very doubtable whether the notion of the third party is ever consistently used in the two books. However, we can definitely find his attempt to bridge the gap between ethics, which is face-to-face relationship with the Other, and politics, which is the relationship with the third party. This essay goes beyond this and aims to fend off several suspicions that are related to reality via the notion of the third party when the asymmetric ethics of the Other is thought about in the realm of politics.

북한의 비대칭적 군사위협의 실제와 그 대응

김태웅 한국동북아학회 2015 한국동북아논총 Vol.20 No.2

Asymmetric warfare is the war conception which makes the difference of forces between the enemy and owm army to be most favorable to the own army or to be most unfavorable to the enemy and attain the victory. Asymmetric warfare not only lays the emphasis on the psychological impact and destruction, but also essentially persue the indirect invasion and relative relation of forces. Such a conception of asymmetric warfare will be used widely with socio-political vulnerability in the course of future war execution In such a change of war paradigm the writer would like to survey measures against asymmetric military threat through the investigation of essence and characteristic of the asymmetric military threat in the situation of socio-political vulnerability of South Korea society called characteristic of free democratic society, Id est ①Standing closely together of weaken factors that could make the confusion easily, ②Relative weakness of confrontation volition, ③diversity and disunion of inner opinion of society etc. For this the writer above all survey the theoretical basis of asymmetric warfare including interest asymmetry and strategic interaction on the basis of asymmetric warfare theory and try to analize and evaluate the asymmetric military threat of North Korea, in conclusion propose effective measures against it. 비대칭전(Asymmetric Warfare)이란 교전국 당사자인 피아간 전력의 차이점을 자신에게는 최대한 유리하게 하고, 상대에게는 최대한 불리하게 만들어 전쟁에서의 승리를 쟁취하는 전쟁수행 개념으로서, 심리적 충격 및 붕괴에 중점을 두고 있으며, 간접침략과 전력의 상대적 관계를 그 본질로 삼고 있다. 이러한 비대칭전의 개념은 앞으로의 전쟁수행 과정에서 사회 정치적 취약성(Scio-Political Vulnerability)과 함께 폭넓게 활용될 것으로 예측되고 있다. 저자는 이러한 현대 전쟁양상의 변화 속에서 특히 걸프전 이후 강화되고 있는 북한의 비대칭적 군사위협의 본질과 성격을 규명하여 ① 건드리기만 해도 쉽게 혼란을 야기할 수 있는 위약요소의 즐비, ② 대응의지의 상대적 유약, ③ 내부 여론의 다원성과 분열 등으로 지칭될 수 있는 자유 민주주의 사회의 특징을 갖는 한국 사회의 정치 사회적 취약성 속에서 북한이 도발할 수 있는 비대칭적 군사위협에 대한 고찰을 통해 그 대응방안을 모색해 보고자 하였다. 이를 위해 저자는 우선 앤드루 맥(Andrew J.R. Mack)이 제시한 관심의 비대칭 이론과 전략적 상호작용 이론 등 비대칭전에 대한 이론적 고찰을 실시해 보고, 이를 기초로 북한이 취할 수 있는 비대칭적 군사위협 및 도발 유형을 분석․평가해 본 다음, 그에 대처할 수 있는 효율적인 대응방향을 제시해 보았다.

Brunei’s Response to China’s Belt and Road Initiative: Embracing Asymmetry, Enhancing Authority

Ithrana Lawrence 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 2021 ASIAN PERSPECTIVE Vol.45 No.2

This article examines Brunei’s response to China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Brunei has welcomed investments from China since well before the launch of the BRI in 2013 and has become even more receptive as the investments have grown. Brunei’s low-profile but enthusiastic receptivity to the BRI is motivated primarily by its ruling elite’s legitimation-driven pragmatism to maintain its authority by diversifying Brunei’s energy-based economy. The convergence between the sultan’s Brunei Vision 2035 (Wawasan Brunei 2035) and Xi Jinping’s BRI has increased the political importance of Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) to Brunei. Thus, embracing the BRI is key to the elite’s development-based performance legitimation, which is augmented by an ideology-based pathway of particularistic justification, in the form of a Malay Islamic Monarchy. Since this ideology is not nationalistic, there is little political risk to Brunei downplaying China’s territorial claims over the South China Sea while simultaneously engaging China to maximize economic benefits and forge functional cooperation. These complementary pathways are central to maintaining the Brunei regime’s domestic authority.

유럽 민영화 IPO의 저가발행의 결정요인

최승두 ( Seung Doo Choi ) 한국금융공학회 2015 금융공학연구 Vol.14 No.2

이 연구는 1981년에서 2009년 사이에 민영화된 유럽 18개국 288개 표본을 이용하여 IPO 저가 발행 정도와 저가발행의 결정요인을 분석한다. 그 결과에 따르면 유럽 각국의 민영화 IPO의 저가발행 정도는 나라마다 큰 차이를 보인다. 이러한 민영화 IPO의 저가발행은 민영화 정책에 대한 의지와 자국의 구조적 특성(institutional features)을 반영하여 결정한 정부의 선택으로 설명된다. Perotti(1995) 모형의 예측과 일관되게, 정부는 높은 매각지분율과 높은 수준의 저가발행으로 정부가 민영화 이후 기업 가치를 해치는 정치적 개입이나 규제의 변화를 하지 않겠다는 의지를 믿을 만한 신호(reliable signal)로 전달하게 된다. 반면에 그 나라의 경제성장률이나 재정적자 수준과 같은 경제상황이 저가발행에 미치는 영향은 상대적으로 적다. 따라서 유럽 민영화 기업의 저가발행 정도는 순수한 경제적 동기보다는 정치적 동기와 규제환경이 더 중요한 결정요인으로 작용한다. This paper investigates the initial stock returns of privatization initial public offering (IPO) firms using a sample of 288 privatization IPOs from 18 European countries during the period 1981-2009. This paper also examines the determinants of initial returns of privatization IPOs. Results indicate that governments deliberately underprice privatization IPOs to achieve political objectives such as wider stock ownership, support for the privatization program and increased probability of re-election by reflecting the will of the government and the level of institutional features of domestic country. Consistent with the prediction of the model of Perotti (1995), both the higher degree of underpricing and the stake sold act as reliable signals that the government does not intend to change policy which will adversely affect the firm’s value. In contrast, initial returns of privatization IPOs are relatively less affected by the economic factors. Therefore, the degree of underpricing of European privatization IPOs are more influenced by political movies and institutional features of the country than the purely economic factors.

오키나와 전후(戰後) 소설과 전기(戰記)에서의 조선인(/한국인) ‘재현’과 ‘증언’의 비대칭성 -오키나와․남양군도와 부산․경남의 비교연구를 위한 시론(試論)-

이명원 한민족문화학회 2022 한민족문화연구 Vol.80 No.-

The Korean people's experience of Battle of Okinawa at the end of the Asia-Pacific War is frequently featured in Okinawa novels and non-fiction. This paper sheds light on the problem of asymmetry between 'representation' in fiction and 'testimony' in nonfiction. In novels written by Okinawan writers, the Korean representation simplifies the three-dimensional sense of character. Since it is the war experience of the Okinawans that the novel intensively illuminates, the representation of the Korean people, who are other people, often does not have more meaning than an accidental "meeting." On the other hand, in war-related non-fiction published in Okinawa after the war, the Korean War experience in relations with Okinawans, Koreans, and Japanese is a three-dimensional testimony. In order to overcome this asymmetry between fiction and non-fiction, it is my problem consciousness that organic and overall analysis is necessary beyond the genre distinction. On the other hand, between Okinawa and Korea after the war, important opportunities existed in the process of restoring the truth of the Korean people's war experience. The solidarity between Okinawan and Koreans to get to the bottom of the Gu Jung-hoe family, which was slaughtered on Kume Island, later leads to solidarity for the smuggling and asylum of young people who participated in the May 18 Gwangju uprising. At the same time, in the process of getting to the bottom of the case with Junichi Tomimura and Kim Hee-ro in the mid-1970s, solidarity between Korea and Okinawa became more active. This paper emphasizes the importance of reflecting on the aspects of these events and the meaning of solidarity. The necessity of comparative research between Busan and Gyeongnam and Okinawa, which has been overlooked in Okinawa studies developed in Korea, was also discussed in this paper with several examples. 아시아 태평양 전쟁 말기 오키나와전(戰)에서의 조선인의 전쟁체험은 오키나와의 소설과 논픽션에 빈번하게 등장한다. 이 논문에서는 소설에서의 ‘재현’과 논픽션에서의 ‘증언’ 사이의 비대칭성의 문제를 조명하고 있다. 오키나와 작가들에 의해 쓰인 소설에 재현된 조선인 표상은 인물과 성격의 입체감이 단순화되어 있다. 소설이 집중적으로 조명하고 있는 것은 오키나와인들의 전쟁체험이기 때문에, 타자(他者)인 조선인 표상은 우연적 ‘만남’ 이상의 의미를 지니지 못하는 경우가 많다. 반면 전후 오키나와에서 출간된 전쟁관련 논픽션에는 오키나와인과 조선인, 일본인과의 관계 속에서의 조선인 전쟁체험이 입체적인 증언으로 나타나고 있다. 이러한 픽션과 논픽션의 비대칭성을 극복하기 위해서는 장르상의 구분을 넘어 유기적이면서도 총체적인 분석이 필요하다는 것이 필자의 문제의식이다. 한편, 전후 오키나와와 한국 사이에서는 조선인의 전쟁체험의 진실을 복원해 가는 과정에서, 중요한 계기들이 존재했다. 구메섬에서 학살당한 구중회 일가의 진상을 규명하기 위한 오키나와와 한국인들의 연대는 이후 5․18광주 항쟁에 참여했던 청년들의 밀항과 망명을 위한 연대로 연결된다. 동시에 1970년대 중반 도미무라 준이치와 김희로 사건의 진상을 규명해가는 과정에서 한국과 오키나와의 연대는 일층 활발해진다. 이러한 사건의 양상과 연대의 의미에 대해 숙고하는 일의 중요성을 이 논문은 강조하고 있다. 그간 한국에서 전개된 오키나와 연구에서 간과되어 왔던 부산․경남 지역과 오키나와와의 비교연구의 필요성 역시 이 논문에서는 여러 사례를 들어 논의를 전개시켰다.

연구논문 : 정부계약 원가검증 기간의 결정요인 및 성과

안태식 ( Tae Sik Ahn ),이상희 ( Sang Hee Lee ),현정훈 ( Jeong Hoon Hyun ),김동욱 ( Dong Uk Kim ) 한국회계학회 2013 회계저널 Vol.22 No.5

2008년말부터 시작된 글로벌 금융위기를 극복하기 위한 경기부양 정책의 일환으로, 정부는 재정 조기집행을 시행하고 있다. 이를 위해서는 계약의 조기 체결이 이루어져야 하고, 계약체결의 절차 중 병목 역할을 하는 원가검증 기간의 단축이 뒷받침되어야 한다. 그러나 제한적인 자료 접근성 때문에 원가검증 기간의 결정요인은 무엇이며, 원가검증 기간 단축이 의도한 성과를 내는지에 대한 연구는 부족하다. 본 연구는 군수물자를 주도 조달하는 정부기관의 실제 원가검증 자료를 활용하여 원가검증 기간의 결정요인과 그 성과에 대해서 분석하였다. We examine the determinants and performance effects of cost verification period in government contracts by using actual dataset from the Defense Acquisition Program Administration. Our empirical results show that cost verification period increases when cost analysis method is used, negotiating contract type is used, and contract amount is larger. Moreover, when the military materials are procured and costing managers` workloads are higher, the cost verification period also increases. These findings support hypothesis derived from information asymmetry and political cost. Our results also indicate that the cost verification period has positive effects on cost estimating performance. As cost verification period increases, both probability of contract success and budget reduction ratio increase. Our results have practical implications for government contracts` managers by indicating that reduced costing period can lead to lower cost reduction ratio and lower success possibility in bidding. To improve the efficiency of government contracts, the government regulators need to draw up measures to support costing managers` job specification depending on contract types, contract amounts and workload.

남한, 북한, 중국의 양국 간 경제적 상호의존 및 의존관계 분석

주성환 한국동북아경제학회 2008 동북아경제연구 Vol.20 No.3

Over the past few decades, economic interdependence and dependence through trade between states have been applied to explain many interstate political relations such as conflicts, or cooperations between trading states. Among others, How economic interdependence and dependence between states affecting political relations has been viewed differently from different theoretical perspectives. Liberals argue that heightened interdependence fosters cooperative political relations. But, the critics of this argument maintain that increased economic dependence instead of interdependence generates political dependence. However a number of empirical studies have attempted to fill this disparity, but the studies appear to be incompatible results. So the source of contradictory findings is a subject of considerable debate, and has been identified variously. Among those, the disparity in the empirical findings is a set of important questions concerning how to define and measure economic interdependence and dependence. In this paper, I therefore conceptualized and measured the dyadic economic interdependence and dependence among South Korea, North Korea, and China based on the Barbieri’s and Oneal & Russett’s methods. The results of measuring in economic relations indicate that North Korea depends, increasingly and heavily, on China. The results also show that North Korea depends, relatively not heavily, on South Korea. On the other hand, The measurements reveal that economic relationship between South Korea and China is interdependency, but South Korea is becoming to depend on China as trading between two is extending asymmetrically. These empirical findings indicate that North Korea is expected to depends heavily on China as North Korea’s economic crisis would be continued. And such economic dependence leads North Korea to depend politically on China.

Navigating the Hydroelectric Dam Disputes in the Mekong River: A Psychological Game Theory Analysis

금유진,김종섭 한국동남아학회 2023 동남아시아연구 Vol.33 No.4

The hydroelectric dam dispute in the Mekong River has escalated, posing threats to dam development, economic growth, and regional security. In pursuit of understanding the pivotal factors impeding sustainable dam construction, this study performs a comparative analysis of three mainstream hydroelectric dams in Laos: Xayaburi, Don Sahong, and Pak Beng Dams. The psychological game theory (PGT) proves instrumental in dissecting the fundamental rationale underpinning each country’s strategic yet occasionally irrational decision. By applying PGT to the three dams, this study uncovers that political asymmetry, mainly due to the inclusion of a powerful country, prompts participants to shift from a neutral to a fearful state of mind, leading to a seemingly irrational decision; the cessation of the Pak Beng Dam. The research findings hold substantial implications for hydroelectric dam discourse, as they open the avenue for fostering sustainable dam development, enhancing economic development, and bolstering regional security in the Mekong River.

A friend in need is a friend indeed.

Sung Wook Joh,Jin-Young Jung 한국재무학회 2011 한국재무학회 학술대회 Vol.2011 No.05

Using information on business, professional and social ties of directors, we examine how board independence and lack of independence affect firm value. Independent outsiders improve firm value on average while friendly outsiders have negative impact. Independent boards as monitor perform better in large firms with less-information asymmetry and high transparency. However, friendly boards increase firm value more than independent boards when facing financial volatility and M&A threats. Furthermore, politically connected friendly outsiders have more positive impacts on the domestic companies. Our results suggest that the effectiveness of boards’ multiple roles as monitor, advisor, and facilitator depends on their independence and corporate environments.

ㄴ-삽입 환경의 재검토

오미라 대한언어학회 2006 언어학 Vol.14 No.3