17세기(世紀) 중엽(中葉) 중국인(中國人)의 제주(濟州) 표도(漂到) -현종(顯宗)8년(年)(1667) 명(明)나라 상인(商人) 림실관 일행(林實觀 一行)의 청주(淸州) 표착(漂着)과 처리(處理)를 중심(中心)으로-

강창룡 ( Chang Yong Kang ) 제주대학교 탐라문화연구소 2004 탐라문화 Vol.0 No.25

This study deals with the adrninistration of the Jaseon government, both central and local, concerning Chinese who were drifted to its territory in the mid 17th century. The main discussion in the study is focused on a group of Ming merchants who accidentally landed on Jeju Island in 1667(the 8th year of the King Hyeonjong's rule), dealing with the details such as their job, name, age, birth place, the list of goods carried in their ship, measures of the Joseon government to send them back, and the general policy of local government for handling the Chinese related matters. It was on May 23 in 1667, the 8th year of the King Hyeonjong's rule, that a group of 95 Ming merchants lost their trade route to Japan and had to land at the coast of Gaekkak, Yerae-ri, Daejeong-hyeon of Jeju. The merchants, among them was a government-sponsored merchant named Lian yan guan from Fujan Province of Ming China, had trade goods in their ship such as white confections, deer hide, herbal medicines and good-quality silk. Most of these Ming merchants were found to have come from Quan zhou fu, tong An Xian, tin tiang xian, Nan an xian, zhang zhou fu and zhang tai xian. Records show that the arrival of Ming merchants on May 23 in 1667 was preceded by other groups of foreigners who arrived, also accidentally, at Sameup of Jeju on February 9 in 1652(the 3rd year of the King Hyojong's rule). In total, two Ming ships brought 123 Chinese merchants. The news of the 1667 incident was promptly delivered to the court on June 21 by Hong Cheo-hu, Governor of JeoIla-do, and a cabinet meeting was held two days later, on June 23, to decide how to deal with the Ming merchants. Views of the government ministers were divided. Members from the non-mainstream faction of Seoin( 'party of the West' ), such as Jeong Chi-hwa(Chief Minister in the Right), Yu Hyeok-won(Provincial Governor), Yi Gyeong-eok(Justice Minister}, O Jeong-il(Mayor of the Capital), Hong Myeong-ha(Prime Minister) and Kim Jwa-myeong(Military Minister), insisted that the merchants should be sent back to their home where Ching had toppled Ming. By contrast, members from the mainstream faction, including Min Yu-jung (Chief Royal ecretary), Seong Ji-seon, Yi Yu-sang, Nam I-seong, Yi Dan-ha, Bak Se-dang, Yi Sang-ik, Yi Ji-ryeom, Gwon Gyeok, had a view that they should be sent to where they wanted to go to. The opinion of the latter, that Joseon should respect Ming as the only authoritative dynasty of China and disregard Ching as a regime of "northern barbarians", succeeded in persuading the ruling faction, Noron(Elders' Discourse}, of Seoin. Accordingly, a decision was made to send the 95 Ming merchants to China under the reign of the Ching Dynasty. The 28 Chinese merchants who landed at Jeongui-hyeon of Jeju Island on February 9 in 1652 were also sent to Beijing, China. On June 14 of the same year, King Hyojong decided to simplify the existing report system and ordered that all foreigners drifted to his territory should be dealt with according to the decision of Bibyeonsa (Border Defense Council) without reporting to army or navy commanders. In 1657(the 8th year of the King Hyopng's rule), a group of influential statesmen, including Song Jun-gil and Song Si-yeoL argued that to maintain the traditional allegiance to "civilized China", all the official documents of their government, including memorials sent up to the throne and royal edicts, should avoid using reign titles of Ching. On May 25 in 1670(the 11^th year of the King Hyeonpng's rule), another Chinese ship was drifted to Geutdeunggae of Jeongui-hyeon, Jeju Island. No Jeong, governor of Jeju, acceded to the request of the Chinese merchants by allowing them to sail back to Nagasaki. Japan. When yet another Chinese ship was drifted to the island in 1675(the 1^st year of the King Sukjong's rule), the Jeju governor kept the ship from coming ashore. The governor didn't make an official report of the incident for the court, and gave admonition for his people to keep it in secret. On December 10 in 1693(the 19^th year of the King Sukpng's rule), a Chinere ship canying 32 Ching merchants, including cheng gan-shun from liangningfu in south China, was wrecked at a coast of Gwideok-ri, east of Myeongwoljn. The Ioc.al government acceded to their request and issued a written certificate to ensure their safe passage in their return purney.

12세기의 여일교류(麗日交流)와 송상(宋商)

고은미 ( Eun Mi Go ) 수선사학회 2014 史林 Vol.0 No.49

Japanese merchants as well as envoys deployed by Japanese local governments visited Goryeo for maritime trade in the 11st century, the records of which are frequently found in the History of Goryeo. However, the book contains a little content regarding the trade activities during the 12th century, leading to the interpretation that the number of Japanese visits to Goryeo ports dramatically decreased. Meanwhile, in the History of Goryeo, the articles about sea trade between Song Dynasty and Goryeo by Chinese merchants are founded on a nearly annual basis until 1104 and since then such record was written in a sporadic manner. Aside from the History of Goryeo, however, other Goryeo anthologies and Chinese historical materials prove the existence of regular visits by Chinese merchants throughout the Goryeo period. Given the difference between contents of the History of Goryeo and actual traffic of Chinese merchants, the decline in the number of such records in the History of Goryeo could not be considered as the evidence of actual shrinkage of sea traffic between the two countries and it appears more accurate to perceive such decline as a result of selectively recording in the 12th century. The selective recording adopted in the History of Goryeo requires a careful approach to translate a decrease in articles about Japanese merchants`` visits in the 12th century as actual decline in trade between Goryeo and Japan. Therefore, this paper reviews exchanges between Goryeo and Japan in the 12th century with a focus on Chinese merchants who engaged in sea trade with a foothold in Japan. The port of Hakata in Kyushu was the Japanese official trade port governed by the Dazaifu, the Japanese regional government, especially in charge of external affairs. As the Chinese quarters were formed in Hakata in the middle of 11th century, the region severed as the center of overseas trade. Those Chinese merchants who settled down at the quarters were called hakata goshu 博多綱首 meaning Chinese ship owners residing the port of Hakata. They mainly concentrated on trade between Japan and Song Dynasty but were sometimes found to engage in intermediate trade between Goryeo and Japan. It is found that Japan obtained Buddhist scriptures of Goryeo three times during the period from 1097 to 1120; in the first case, a Dazaifu minster sent an envoy to Goryeo while in the two other cases, Chinese merchants brought the Buddhist texts to Japan at the requests of Japanese Buddhist monks who traveled from Nara to Hakata. Transit trade with Goryeo by Chinese merchants dwelling in Japan can be found in as early as the 1070s. In the 11th century, a lot of merchants who did trade with Goryeo lived in the Dazaifu region and some of them are deemed as Chinese merchants. One historical record shows that a figure, assumed as a Chinese merchant in Japan, traveled between Goryeo and Japan even in 1147. This suggests that merchants still continued to trade with Goryeo even in the 12th century although only little record exists in Goryeo historical materials. Those merchants could be seen as an extension of the merchant group who did maritime trade with Goryeo in the 11th century.

목포 개항장 상인층의 존재양태와 그 성격

박이준(Bark Lee-joon) 역사문화학회 2006 지방사와 지방문화 Vol.9 No.1

Mokpo Port opened on October 1, 1897 and many merchants, who worked at the open ports in Busan and Incheon, etc, moved into Mokpo Port. We divided these merchants as Korean merchants and foreign merchants who put down roots in Mokpo. As Korean merchants, the commission agency had the initiative at the early of opening ports. They formed the ‘commission agency association’ for the first time and Muan Sasang Company. Through these organizations, they expanded their commercial power in opening port. But Japan pushed their colonial policies more than more, Korean commercial power contracted. Some Korean wealthy merchants pursued their profits through cooperation with Japanese colonial organization. The other side, Japanese merchants, Incheon Gaerim Jangupdan, formed their places as the Mokpo merchants. But the inland commerce right was not recognized in the early of opening port and they could not succeed because of their poor communication. But they expanded their commercial power because many Japanese moved into Mokpo and social infra was expanded through Japan pushed their colonial policies. As the result, Japanese merchants became wealthy merchants in Mokpo. The number of Chinese merchants was less than Korean and Japanese merchants. Thought they bought the land near opening port and ran the store, they did not influence to the commerce. According to the above facts. Mokpo merchants of opening port competed and developed between Korean merchants and Japanese merchants in the early of opening port. Their characteristics showed modernity and colonialness at the same time through under the rule of Japanese imperialism. Through this study, we found out the outline of existence aspects and characteristics of Mokpo opening port merchants. However, we could not investigate the detailed aspects because of the lack of personal data and study for them. This is the limit of this study. In future, it will study in detail if we find the more data to make clear.

개성상인과 일본 오미[近江] 상인의 비교 연구 - 그 기원과 정치권력과의 관계를 중심으로 -

양정필(Yang, Jeong Pil) 역사실학회 2019 역사와실학 Vol.69 No.-

개성상인의 특징을 또 다른 측면에서 확인하기 위해서 일본의 오미 상인과 비교 연구를 수행하였다. 그 결과 행상을 본령으로 하고, 각지에 점포를 내고, 또 자체적으로 상인을 키우는 제도를 갖고 있는 등 공통점이 있었다. 그러나 그에 못지않게, 차이점도 확인할 수 있었다. 특히 그 기원과 관련해서 오미 상인은 권력과 연결되지 않을 수 없었다. 반면 개성상인은 권력과 무관하게 활동하였다. 다음으로 오미 상인으로 자수성가하면 그 경제력을 유지 발전시키기 위해서 노력하였다. 이는 그 자손도 대대로 상인으로 활동할 것을 전제로 하였다. 반면 개성상인은 성공하더라도 그 자손이 상인으로 남기를 바라지 않았다. 공부를 시키거나 과거를 준비시켰다. 이러한 차이는 그들이 속한 사회의 운영원리의 차이에서 비롯된 면이 강했다. We compared Gaesong merchants and Omi merchants based on their origins and their relationship with political power. The two merchants have similar aspects, such as using peddlers as their headquarters and opening stores in the area they enter and training their own merchants. However, there were as many differences as he did. First of all, his attitude toward political power was different. Omi Merchant was naturally forced to form a relationship with political power. And some Omi merchants were protected and supported by political power in the process of growing up as merchants As a result, they have been passive in developing their own commercial institutions. This limited them to strengthening their competitiveness, and led to those who could not adapt well to the modern economic environment. The Gaesong merchant has been independent of political power since its origin. Since then, he has not resorted to political power even in commercial activities. They had to achieve economic success with their own abilities, and created various commercial systems. By the systems, they were able to increase their self-sufficiency. Gaesong merchants were a group of merchants who shared a single commercial style with a single origin. On the other hand, the Omi merchant, by its general name, may be called the Omi merchant, but inside there were merchants in lower categories with slightly different personalities. The sub-category merchants had slight differences in their background, commercial style, and so on. In some cases, we can identify cases in which we compete against each other. The Kaesong merchant, on the other hand, shared the historical experience of political discrimination. This has driven them to have the same identity and strong unity. There was also a difference in affection for home. When the ban on Daimyo’s relocation was lifted, Omi merchants moved their home to another area where they were doing business in large numbers. This shows that they were not very attached to their hometown. On the other hand, Gaesong merchants rarely changed their home base, even if they went to other areas to do business. He always left his wife and children in Kaesong, and if he succeeds economically, he returned to his hometown. As such, Omi merchants and Gaesong merchants can find similarities in peddlers, store management and merchant training, but there were many differences. Comparing the differences, we found that Gaesong merchants have great characteristics such as distance from political power, developing commercial systems, enhancing self-sustaining power, strong internal solidarity, and attachment to their hometown.

개성상인과 중국 산서(山西)상인 비교 연구

양정필 ( Yang Jeong-pil ) 제주대학교 탐라문화연구원 2019 탐라문화 Vol.0 No.62

개성상인을 중국의 산서상인과 비교 연구하였다. 두 상인은 5백년 넘게 존속하면서 활동하였고, 또 당대 최고의 상인이었다는 공통점이 있다. 그러나 다른 부분도 존재하였다. 우선 정치권력에 대한 태도가 달랐다. 산서상인은 明代에 경제적 성공을 거두고 또 대상인을 배출하는 과정에서 정부 정책에 큰 도움을 받았다. 산서상인과 정치권력과의 관계는 이후에도 지속되어, 주체와 장소와 상업 방식에는 차이가 있지만 산서상인의 성장에는 정치권력의 지원이 존재하였다. 반면 개성상인은 정치권력에 의지하지 않고 상업활동을 전개하였다. 조선시대에 개성인은 정치적 차별을 받았기 때문에 정치권력에 의지해서 상업활동을 전개하는 것이 거의 불가능하였던 것이다. 둘째, 개성상인과 산서상인은 19세기를 전후하여 위기에 직면하였다. 이에 대해 산서상인은 표호업으로 전신함으로써 위기를 성공적으로 극복하였다. 그런데 표호업을 통한 경제적 성공 뒤에는 정부의 혜택이 큰 역할을 하였다. 그런데 청나라가 몰락하면서 표호업도 위기를 맞게 되고 산서상인은 이 위기를 극복하지 못하고 결국 쇠락해 갔다. 반면 개성상인은 인삼 재배를 통해서 위기를 타개하고자 하였다. 개성상인이 생산한 인삼은 국제적인 경쟁력을 갖춘 상품이어서 개성상인의 생존력을 강화시켜주었다. 이러한 핵심 상품의 존재는 개성상인의 경쟁력을 크게 강화시켜 주었고, 그들이 근대에도 몰락하지 않고 활발하게 활동할 수 있는 원동력이 되었다. 셋째, 개성상인과 산서상인은 젊은 상인을 양성하고 활용하는 제도를 갖고 있었다. 산서상인은 시대에 따라 상인 활용이 달랐는데, 표호를 운영하던시기에는 점원 제도를 운영하였다. 표호 지점이 전국에 있었기 때문에 그 짐포를 운영할 점원이 필요하였던 것이다. 유능하고 믿을 만한 점원을 양성하기 위해 산서상인은 특별한 제도를 발전시키기도 하였다. 반면 개성상인은 상인 양성 제도를 갖고 있지만, 양성한 상인을 점원으로 사용하기보다는 독립 상인으로 활동할 수 있게 하였다. 다수의 독립 상인이 배출되었고, 그들은 개성상인의 경쟁력을 강화시켰다. 반면 점원은 가게 주인과 운명을 같이하는 경우가 많아서 위기에 직면하여 타개책을 마련하는 데 한계가 있었다. 이처럼 개성상인은 산서상인과 비교할 때 정치권력에 의지하지 않고, 자신들만의 경쟁력 있는 상품을 갖고 있었고, 또 능력 있는 젊은 상인을 지속적으로 배출하였다는 특징을 갖는다. 이러한 특징은 그들의 경쟁력을 강화시켜서 근대 이후에도 그들이 지속적으로 활발하게 활동할 수 있게 하는 원동력이 되었다. The Gaesong Merchant was compared with the San-xi[山西] Merchant of China. The two merchants have been in business for more than 500 years and were the best merchants of the time. But other parts also existed. First of all, his attitude toward political power was different. The Shanshi merchants were greatly helped by the political power. The relationship between Shanshi Merchants and the political power continued afterwards. And there was support of political power in the growth of Shanshi Merchants. On the other hand, the Kaesong merchant carried out commercial activities without depending on political power. Second, Kaesong merchants and Shanshi merchants faced crisis around the 19th century. The Shanshi merchants successfully overcame the crisis by running P’iao-hao[票號] business. However, the government played a big role behind the economic success. And with the fall of the Qing Dynasty, the P’iao-hao[票號] business faced a crisis and the San-xi merchants failed to overcome the crisis and ended up falling. On the other hand, the Kaesong merchant wanted to overcome the crisis by growing ginseng. Ginseng produced by Gaesong Merchant is an internationally competitive product, which has strengthened the survival of Gaeseong Merchant. Third, Kaesong merchants and San-xi merchants had a system of training young merchants. During the period when P’iao-hao was running, the shop clerks system was operated. In order to train competent and reliable clerks, San-xi Merchants also developed a special system. On the other hand, the Kaesong merchant had a merchant training system, but instead of using the trained merchant as a clerk, they allowed him to act as an independent merchant. A number of independent merchants have been active in business and they have strengthened the competitiveness of Kaesong merchants. Compared to San-xi merchants, Gaesung Merchant did not rely on political power, had its own competitive products, and continuously produced talented young merchants. These features have strengthened their competitiveness, making them constantly active even after modern times.

淸末(1882-1894년) 漢城 華商組織과 그 位相

김희신(Kim Hee-Sin) 중국근현대사학회 2010 중국근현대사연구 Vol.46 No.-

This study was conducted as a part of research on the history of overseas Chinese, focusing on the diplomatic relationship between Korea and China, in order to see how Chinese in Korea adapted and organized themselves for the changing new society of Chosun. Chen Shu Tang, who was sent as the General Trade Commissioner, ordered Chinese merchants to recommend an director who would be selected to supervise the ground leveling work, and just after the selection, instructed to establish the ‘Chinese Guild’. The Guild was built on April 26 in 1884 on the site of a purchased tile­roofed house to the left of the Commercial Affair Office. As the guild was established for pursing the common goals, namely, the development and unity of the Chinese merchant association, it was the first private office launched mainly be Chinese merchants. Chinese merchants opened the center for discussing public affairs and recommended the representative of the guild. In addition, it collected 0.4% dues from the members’ trades and used it for the operation of the guild, and even boatman(chuan hu) agreed on ‘Regulations on the Guild’ stipulated by Chinese merchants for raising funds for the operation of the guild. This suggests that there were motives for voluntary participation. However, the selection of director, the representative of the guild, was initiated by the role of supervising the ground leveling work for the Incheon settlement, and official seal was paid by the Commercial Affair Office. Furthermore, half of the money for buying the guild building was borrowed by General Commissioner Chen Shu Tang from official funds. Considering these facts, the guild was launched not as a completely private organization but as ‘a semi­governmental’ institution. During the early stage of Chinese settlement, a federation called ‘Chinese guild(Chinese Merchant Center in Hanseong)’ was organized in April, 1884 in order to lay a stable base. From that time on, the number of Chinese merchants increased and their interests were changed, and as a result, the Chinese Merchant Center in Hanseong was divided into the northern and southern centers on December 9, 1885, In October, 1888, Chinese merchants in Seoul were divided gradually into the northern, southern and Guang groups. Each group recommended their own director. Directors during this period included Xiong Ting­han, Zhu Guan­Guang, Lu En-Shao(Chinese Guild), Lu En-Shao, Jiang Yan­Zi, Chen Guang­Run(Northern Group), Yuan Xian­Zhang, Lin Yue­Jiao, Zhang Chuan­Mao(Southern Group), and Dam Yi­shi (Guang Group). In this way, Chinese merchants in the early Chinese society in Korea formed their groups centering on specific localities, and the structure divided into groups was a remarkable phenomenon. However, while complying with the goals of the organization of the ‘Chinese Guild’, the Chinese merchants wanted to form their own group with culturally homogeneous members, separated the organization, and to promote the group’s common goals. This is also probably the reason that they were grouped by locality according to the traditional principle of organization. ‘Overseas Chinese’ in Korea originated from Chinese merchants at the end of the Qing Dynasty. Different from premodern overseas Chinese irrelevant to state power, modern overseas Chinese grew in close connection with state power. Chinese merchants in Seoul were managed strategically by their motherland from the early period of overseas Chinese social organizations. On the other hand, Chinese merchants used state power by complying with the state’s political strategies actively. As each Chinese merchant had to be a member of a group in order to run their business in Korea, the guilds in Seoul naturally became the center of overseas Chinese society. This provided a base for Chinese merchants to grow and surpassed Korean and Japanese merchants in Seoul where competition among Korea, Japan and China was most fierce.

근현대 개성상인의 경제조직 시론 ―3대 상업제도와 3대 사업부문을 중심으로―

양정필 ( Yang Jeong Pil ) 역사문제연구소 2008 역사문제연구 Vol.12 No.2

In the Korean history, no merchant family or a merchant organization which had been successful during the Joseon dynasty period continued to prosper under the colonial ruling. Activities of enterprisers who were successful in the Japanese occupation period seem to have never dated back to the era before 1876. Yet the Gaeseong region merchants, whom to be primarily examined in this article, continued to be successful in their businesses for over five hundred years, since the early half of the Joseon dynasty period and through the Japanese occupation period. As we all know, the Gaeseong region merchants were the representative group of merchants in the Joseon dynasty period. Yet there have been so little studies and researches done upon the changes they went through, either after the opening of the country, or during the Japanese occupation period. As a result, it is unknown to us what kind of merchant power they would have had under the colonial ruling. Analysis done by this essay indicates that although the Gaeseong region merchants have gone through many changes, they still rose successful during the occupation period. The reason for their success, even under colonial ruling, is explored in this article through three business areas and three economic devices. The former includes normal commercial activities, Jinseng farms[蔘圃] managements and landlord managements. The latter includes the Shibyeon(時邊) finance, the Chahin Dongsa(差人同事) practice, and the Sagae Songdo Bugi(四介松都簿記) register. What turned out to be exceptionally crucial for their success were the Jinseng farms, the Shibyeon finance and Chahin Dongsa practices. Other merchant groups which thrived in the Joseon dynasty period, such as the Capital area merchants or the Pyeongyang region merchants, did not have these elements at their disposal or failed to efficiently utilize them. And that was one of the reasons why the Gaeseong merchants were so successful under colonial ruling, while other merchant groups were not so lucky and actually withered during the occupation period. Jinseng farms managements has been a monopolized asset of the Gaeseong merchants since the 1820s. The Jinseng farms managed by the Gaeseong merchants achieved the capability to compete with other foreign entities with their products, and therefore were able to remain solidly successful even under colonial ruling. Since the 1920s, Gaeseong merchants continued to collect profits, which mounted to the average of 20 hundred thousand Korean won annually, through the Jinseng farms managements. The Shibyeon finance was actually a civilian financial organization, which was also only accessible to the top wealthy people, actually only about 150 people among the Gaeseong merchants. Under colonial ruling, the interest rate of this Shibyeon finance was higher than that of the banks. But loaning from this finance did not require security(presenting a mortgage was not necessary), the loaning process was extremely brief, participants got to become not only loanees but also loaners, and various mechanism were in place to prevent financial losses. So even under colonial ruling, the Shibyeon finance kept operating and continued to be accessed. Gaeseong merchants were able to resolve many of their financial problems by accessing Shibyeon. And the amount of money that moved in the early 1930s is presumed to have ranged from 30 hundred thousand to 80 hundred thousand Korean won. The Chahin Dongsa practice was a mechanism to train and raise Gaeseong regional merchants. In Gaeseong, teen boys generally got a job as unpaid errand boys in other people`s shops. They worked there for about 10 years without being paid, and acquired skills and techniques necessary to become a merchant. In the meantime, the shop owner would monitor and examine what kind of talent the boys possessed that would define their future as businessmen. Only few of those errand boys were selected by the owners and become Chahin figures, which was a term that referred to businessmen who initiated their own business with the investment of the shop owners they had been serving. Most of them lived in major cities throughout Korea, and tended to their own businesses. And very few of these Chahin figures succeeded as big time merchants. Number of these Chahin figures in the 1930s is estimated as roughly 2 thousand. The Gaeseong merchants used these three business areas and three economic devices to the best of their abilities, and as a result, emerged victoriously. The merchant power of the Gaeseong merchants in the 1930s are generally believed to have been one billion Korean won.

개항장객주의 변모 양상과 성격 고찰

김연지(Kim Yeon-Ji) 한일관계사학회 2013 한일관계사연구 Vol.44 No.-

19세기 말 조선은 개항을 맞이하면서 사회?경제?문화 전반에 걸쳐 많은 변화를 겪는다. 특히 개항으로 인해 외국상인과의 거래가 빈번해졌고 이는 조선후기 상업계에 큰 영향을 미치게 되었다. 외국상인의 등장으로 그들과 무역을 담당해야 하는 새로운 상인층이 필요하였고 그 중심에 ‘개항장객주’가 부상하고 있었다. 본고는 19세기 말 등장한 개항장객주의 성격이나 위상에 대해 아직 정립되지 않았음을 지적하고 그들의 형성부터 성장, 발전, 변모하는 양상을 살펴보고자 한다. 개항장객주의 주요업무는 위탁매매였는데 그들은 판매자와 구매자로부터 구문을 수취하여 이익을 취하였다. 그들이 자본을 축적하면서 점차 그들의 권리(권익)를 보호하기 위해 단체를 설립하는 모습이 보이는데, 그 객주 단체가 이른바 객주상회소이다. 개항장객주는 위탁매매뿐만 아니라 금융업, 창고업, 해운업, 무역업 등에 종사하게 되는데, 이러한 모습은 자본을 축적하여 상회사를 설립하는 과정을 통해 확인할 수 있다. 이렇게 성장?발전해 가던 개항장객주는 여러 가지 요인에 의해 점차 변모 양상을 띤다. 그 중 일본상인의 내지 침투가 가장 큰 요인이라 할 수 있다. 개항장객주는 점점 자신들의 입지가 좁혀지는 가운데 도산하기도 하고 축적 자본이 많은 자들은 회사를 설립하여 근대 자본가의 모습을 띠기도 한다. 개항장객주의 개항장에서의 활동 시기는 짧다. 그러나 쇄국과 개항이라는 과도기적인 시기에 가장 큰 역할을 수행한 상인층이라 할 수 있기 때문에 조선후기 상업사에서 한국 근대 상업사, 경제사로의 과도기적 단계에서 그들의 존재를 간과해서는 안 될 것이다. Two themes of this article focus on the role of the character or position of the merchants in the open ports and in observing the growth, development, and decline of the merchants. The principal business of the merchants in the open ports was the consignment trade. They received the gumun(口文) from the seller and the buyer, and thus gradually gained profit. As the semerchants saved their funds, they gradually tried to establish an association for protecting their rights. This association was the Chamber of Commerce and Industry. The Chamber of Commerce and Industry, however, was soon abolished because foreign merchants interfered. The merchants engaged in not only the consignment trade, but also in finance, warehousing, and marine transportation. This was seen through the merchants saving their funds and establishing commerce. The merchants grew and developed, but they failed due to many factors. The most important factor is said to have been that Japanese merchants filtered into Joseon. The merchants failed while their status narrowed. On the other hand, some agents who saved their capital established their own companies and became a kind of modern capitalist. The period of activity of the merchants was short. The merchants, however, carried out a major role among many merchants during the transition from isolation to the open ports. Therefore, their existence is not overlooked in the transition period in the history of commerce in late Joseon to the history of commerce in modern Korea.

松商과 晋商의 商道에 관한 比較硏究

최상문(Choi Sang-Moon),김확열(Kim Hwak-Yeol) 부산대학교 한국민족문화연구소 2008 한국민족문화 Vol.32 No.-

This paper discusses the comparison of commercial morality between Song merchants and Jin merchants. Commercial morality covers merchants consciousness, merchants moral character, commercial policy and management system. The findings of this study can be summarized as follows. In the sprit of merchants, Song merchants may be defined as justice(義), credit(信), frugality(實). But Jin merchants may be defined as honesty(誠), credit(信). In the organizatinal management system, Song merchants had adopted Song-bang (松房), Cha-in system (差人制度). Jin merchants had Storekeeper system (掌櫃負責制), labor-sharing system (人身頂股制). This system prescribed that the hired hands could share out bonus with shareholders. In the credit system, Song merchants had a unique credit system as Si-beon system(時邊制). But Exchange Shop(票?) by Jin merchants had been brilliant in the credit system. In the accounting system, Song merchants had Sagae-Chibu booking system (四介治簿法). Jin merchants also had Long-Men-Zhang(龍門帳). Both bookkeeping system was journalized as four factors by double entry. The causes of the rise and decline of Song merchants and Jin merchants was measures taken by two merchants, including the morality and concept, engaging in trade with virtue, seizing opportunities, pursuiting privilage, credit restrain, management system and employing no outsiders.

근대 이행기(1894~1919) 서울 시전 상업의 변화

전우용 서울시립대학교 부설 서울학연구소 2004 서울학연구 Vol.- No.22

The Sijeon, the stores licensed by the government, has dominated the commerce in the capital city as a national purveyor and retailer since the foundation of Choseon Dynasty. The dynasty government gave the government-licensed merchants various commercial preferential treatments instead of the levy of national service. Under the privileged commercial order connected to the state power, the government-licensed merchants could occupy a better position in the distribution of commercial profit. The privileged commercial order was threatened from the small domestic merchants. But, the persons who ultimately destroyed them were foreign merchants who advanced into Seoul after the opening of the ports. In progress of the Kap-o Reform of 1894 under the pressure of Japan, Geumnanjeongwon, a monopolistic commercial right, in Yukuijeon, Six Licensed Stores(in Seoul), was formally abolished. But, under the political power of progressive party, the privileged commercial order was preserved. The domestic merchants got used to the existing commercial practice, and they had no power of promoting the construction of new commercial order. As matters stood then, the government could not help utilizing the part of the merchants with the special right. After the collapse of the political power of Progressive party, the phenomenon that returned to the privileged commercial order has become salient all the more. The merchants in Yukuijeon tried to revert to the traditional practice. For accomplishing it, they established Imperial central general association in 1898. This organization took active part in formalizing the privileged commercial system centered on Yukuijeon. The government that had the ideas of achieving the 'modernization', taking advantage of the merchants' capital and their experiences made them recovered their privilege in various ways. The merchants in Sijeon could take part in the national projects under the control of the Imperial Household. And, they could make a profit by the administration of government funds in the nation and the Imperial Household. In this atmosphere the establishment of company by the partnership with the aristocratic officials and the merchants were in fashion at that time. However, as Japan that won in Russo-Japanese War set into motion a colonization work on Korea, the merchants in Sijeon' dream who hoped to grow as 'modern capitalists' under the support of State power was vain. The strong reform measure by Japanese imperialism played a role in transferring the tangible·intangible assets that they have accumulated to Japanese and the pro-Japanese profiteers as well as changing the merchants' situation in Sijeon swiftly. The small minority of merchants in Sijeon only who could adopt the new man of power as a supporter achieved success in changing into 'modern industrialists'. The absolute majority of the government licensed merchants were ousted from the shelter of power, and could not help competing with the rising industrialists-the youth of noble blood who gave up their dream to the government post, the sons of local magnates, and lower and middle class officials who ousted from their government posts- in the small markets permissive to the Korean. In general, they were collapsed and became 'survivors of the Dynasty'. The vocational association that is, the capital association in each store, that has been united in one for the hundreds of years ceased to exist, leaving the minute common property and mutual friendship only.