고구려 혼인 습속의 계층성(階層性)과 그 배경

김지희(Kim Jihee) 동북아역사재단 2018 東北亞歷史論叢 Vol.- No.60

본고에서는 고구려에서 확인되는 두 가지 혼인 습속인 형사취수혼(兄死娶嫂婚)과 서옥혼(壻屋婚)을 별개로 작동했던 혼인 방식으로 이해해야 함을 논증하고, 이러한 차이가 나타나는 원인을 계층성의 측면에서 찾고자 하였다. 형사취수혼은 북아시아 유목민족에게서 발견되는 혼인 습속으로, 일반적으로 이러한 혼인 습속은 고구려의 선호혼(選好婚)이었다는 것이 통설적 견해로서 이해되고 있다. 그러나 고구려에서 형사취수혼의 실례는 고국천왕의 왕후였던 우씨(于氏)와 후에 산상왕으로 즉위하는 연우(延優)의 결합이 유일하다. 고구려 왕실에서 취수혼이 나타난 이유는, 이것이 당대의 선호혼이었기 때문이 아니라 계루부(桂婁部)와 연나부(椽那部)의 인척관계 유지라는 정치적 목적이 우선되었기 때문으로 보인다. 한편 『삼국지』와 『후한서』에서는 서옥혼이라는 혼인 습속을 확인할 수 있다. 서옥 곁에 쌓아둔다는 ‘방돈전백(傍頓錢帛)’에 대하여 지금까지는 신랑 측이 신부 측에 지불한 혼납금(婚納金)으로 보아야 하며, 이를 부가(夫家)의 재산 망실을 방지하는 취수혼과 연결시켜 이해하는 견해가 기존의 통설을 이루고 있었다. 그러나 사위가 아이가 장성할 때까지 처가(妻家)에 머물렀다는 점에서 봉사혼(奉仕婚, 勞役婚)이었을 가능성이 높으므로, 이는 신부 측에서 신랑 측에 지불한 것으로 보아야 할 것이다. ‘방돈전백’이 신랑 측이 지불한 것이 아니라면 본인이 사망하더라도 신랑 측에서는 재산상의 망실이 없으므로 굳이 취수혼(娶嫂婚)을 선호할 이유가 없다. 서옥혼과 취수혼을 연결해주는 매개였던 ‘방돈전백’이 신부 측이 신랑 측에 봉사의 대가로 지불한 것이라면, 이는 서옥혼과 취수혼이 직접적으로 연결되어 있지 않을 가능성이 높여준다. 결국 형사취수혼과 서옥혼은 각기 다른 방식으로 작동하고 있었던 별개의 혼인 습속일 가능성이 있으며, 이러한 차이는 혼인 주체의 계층 차이로 설명될 수 있다. 문헌 기록과 고고학적 물질문화로 뒷받침되는 고구려 지배집단의 부여 출자는 왜 북아시아 유목민족의 취수혼 풍습이 고구려 왕실에서 재현되었는지를 설명해준다. 부여계 출신 중 고구려의 정치 구조에서 상부를 차지하는 집단이 생기면서 자연스레 취수혼 습속도 함께 들어오게 되었고, 이에 국인들도 이를 자연스럽게 인식하였던 것이다. 이에 비해 절대다수를 차지하는 일반민들의 주된 혼속은 서옥혼이었으며, 따라서 중국 측 사서에는 서옥혼이 고구려의 혼인 습속으로 특기되었을 것이다. 이상에서 살펴보았듯이 고구려의 혼인 습속이었던 서옥혼과 형사취수혼은 양자가 다른 방식으로 각기 작동한 별개의 혼인 제도인 것이며, 양자의 성격과 존속 기간에 큰 차이가 있었던 주요 배경은 혼인 습속을 시행했던 당사자들의 계층성의 차이에 있다고 하겠다. This thesis examines two marital patterns in Goguryeo and argues that the social stratification was the main reason which caused such difference. The levirate is a marriage custom commonly found in nomadic people in Northern Asia. It is a conventional view that the levirate was the most preferred marriage custom in Goguryeo. However, there is only one verifiable record of the levirate in Goguryeo; the marriage between queen Wu of King Gogukchen and Yeon-u who later became a king Sansang. The principal reason why the levirate took place in the royal family of Goguryeo is not because it was the preferred marriage custom of the time. Rather, it is more plausible to understand the case of queen Wu and Yeon-u as the result of the political coalition between Keru tribe (桂婁部) and Yeonna tribe (椽那部). Meanwhile, the marriage custom called son-in-law chamber marriage (壻屋婚) can be identified in Chinese historical records. It was a kind of marriage custom of the son-in-laws’ habit of taking residences at their brides’ houses. The ‘傍頓錢帛(the funds and silk were placed next to the bride’s house)’ was regarded as the price paid by the groom and commonly regarded as a safety valve to prevent the loss of property of bride’s house. However, since the son-in-law stayed at the bride’s house until their child reached adulthood, such kind of the marriage was most likely a labor service marriage. Thus, son-in-law chamber marriage and the levirate may be separate marriage customs operating in different ways, and such different customs may have been derived from the social stratification of Goguryeo society. The origin of Goguryeo ruling groups from Buyeo, supported by historical records and archaeological material cultures, explains why the levirate was performed Goguryeo royal court. Since the ruling class of the Goguryeo’s political structure was dominated by a group of people from Buyeo, the ruling groups of Goguryeo naturally had an appreciation for the concept of the levirate. However, the majority of Goguryeo people were preferring the son-in-law chamber marriage. As a result, the Chinese records are only indicating the son-in-law marriage as the marriage custom practiced in Goguryeo. In conclusion, son-in-law chamber marriage and the levirate were separate marriage customs that functioned in different ways. Although both were practiced in Goguryeo, there were major difference in the character and the duration of practice between two due to the social stratification of Goguryeo society.

中國婚俗中漢語婚姻吉祥字、詞、語初探

阮氏玉華(Nguyen Thi Ngoc Hoa) 중국문화연구학회 2012 중국문화연구 Vol.0 No.21

Language and culture are closely related with each other. As a symbol system, language has a function of bearing cultural information, in which way, language is the carrier of culture, and culture is the connotation of language. Chinese marriage custom is one of the kind, featuring great richness of culture content. It is under this context that lexicon of marital culture is given rise to. In the Chinese marriage custom, auspicious words, phrases and proverbs of Chinese marriage are key components of Chinese marital culture lexicon, and also important part of Chinese culture lexicon. Auspicious words, phrases and proverbs of Chinese marriage feature long history, rich cultural content and profound language connotation. This paper proceeds from the perspective of language and culture to render a multi-directional explore on matters as follows: the status of auspicious words phrases and proverbs of Chinese marriage in the whole lexicon system; auspicious and symbol mark used by auspicious words, phrases and proverbs of Chinese marriage in their expression; the source of auspicious phrases of Chinese marriage which is given particular emphasis in this paper; and a brief introduction of some traits of the application of auspicious words, phrases and proverbs of Chinese marriage, and the Chinese marital psychology features behind all of that. Based upon this research foundation, we can not only obtain information on Chinese culture of marriage custom, but also get an understanding of the inherent value of this category of special auspicious words, phrases and proverbs of marriage. It is rather important to be aware of a countries’ culture within the current frequent exchanges between countries. This paper holds auspicious words, phrases and proverbs of Chinese marriage as the main research objects, with the aim of discovering Chinese marriage custom and Chinese culture, and acquiring expressions of Chinese auspicious marriage phrases at the same time. In teaching Chinese language, this research would also helps to improve foreigners’ proficiency on Chinese expression and their Chinese language level.

중국 몽골족의 전통 혼례습속 연구

전영란 동아인문학회 2017 동아인문학 Vol.41 No.-

The aim of this study is to consider the characteristics of traditional chinese Mongolian marriage custom. As the result of this study, the custom of marriage and principles and procedures of Mongolian marriage summarize as follow. Firstly, Mongolian wedding custom is mixed with the overall marriage methods through the development of human history. However, it includes plunder marriage, marital marriage, trade wedding, derisaism, service marriage, and levirate marriage especially influenced by the survival circumstances, as well as holding axes wedding and wedding of a guest as the other special marriage forms. Secondly, as in the case of traditional Mongolian marriage influenced by the living circumstances as well, they kept exogamy as to the blood relationship, integrational marriage from socio-economic perspective, and parental orders in principle. Third, the procedure of traditional Mongolian marriage is conducted through the similar procedure of six wedding formalities which is the procedure of traditional Han Marriage. However, one peculiar thing is giving livestocks or hada as pyebaek, a wedding present, or thinking a memorial service for the fire important. 본 연구의 목적은 몽골족(네이멍구 자치구 몽골족)의 전통 혼례습속의 특징을 고찰하는 데 있다. 그 혼례형식과 혼인제도의 원칙 및 결혼절차 등을 요약하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 몽골족의 전통 혼례형식은 여타 인류역사의 발전과정에서 나타난 대체적인 혼인방식이 모두 혼재해 있다. 그러나 특히 그 생존환경의 영향으로 약탈혼, 표친혼, 매매혼, 데릴사위혼, 복역혼, 수계혼, 그리고 기타 특별한 형식으로 포부혼과 우객혼 등이 있다. 둘째, 몽골족의 전통 혼인제도 원칙의 경우, 역시 그들이 처한 생활환경의 영향으로 혈연관계에 있어서 족외혼, 사회・경제적 차원에서 등급내혼, 그리고 양가의 아버지가 자녀의 혼인을 주도하는 부배주혼(父配主婚)을 원칙으로 하였다. 셋째, 몽골족의 전통 혼례절차는 중국 한족의 전통 혼례절차인 육례(六禮)와 대동소이한 과정을 거치면서 진행된다. 그러나 특이한 것은 살아 있는 가축과 하다를 빙례의 예물로 준다든지, 불에 대한 제사(祭火)를 중시하는 것 등이다. 이상과 같은 몽골족의 전통 혼례습속의 형성에 미친 환경적 배경으로는 첫째 생활환경과 역사전통의 영향, 둘째 종교-샤머니즘과 라마교의 영향, 셋째, 중국 한문화의 영향을 들 수 있다. 특히 족외혼의 원칙은, 유전학이 발전하지 못했던 시기에 근친혼의 폐해를 경험적으로 인식하고 그것을 금지시켰던 것은, 유목민으로서 야만적인 생활을 한 것이나 다름없는 몽골족에게 있어서는 대단히 선진적인 자각이었다고 본다. 또한 어떤 경우에도 부인의 과거와 태어난 아이를 인정하고 받아들이는 것은 대단히 담대하고 인간적인 면모인 것 같다.

일본에서의 내연(內緣)에 대한 논의와 그 개념의 변화에 관한 고찰

임영수 성균관대학교 법학연구원 2011 성균관법학 Vol.23 No.1

The form of de facto marriage refers to the non-registered combination between a man and a woman. Such a term was created during the Japanese colonial period when the colonial government forcibly converted the form of ceremonial marriage which had been the traditional marriage custom in Korea into that of registered marriage which was widespread in Japan at that time, after taking away the sovereignty of Korea. In terms of legal history, it is clear that such a term has a number of similar parts with the form of de facto marriage in Japan. Since the Meiji Civil Law in Japan, which was passed in 1885, focused on the application of registered marriage which provided the duty of registering marriage according to a legal process, it was required to deny the establishment of marriage in regard to the combination between a man and a woman according to the previous form of ceremonial marriage. Until that time, it had been possible for a man and a woman to keep a marital status without registering marriage. Such a form of marriage had greatly influenced the marriage custom for a long time. However, even if the form of registered marriage was applied by considering the beginning of the non-registered combination between a man and a woman, there was no measure in regard to the related problems. In other words, the legislators of the Meiji Civil Law predicted the occurrence of the non-registered combination between a man and a woman and regarded such a state as de facto marriage, ignorantly believing that the form of registered marriage would be gradually established no matter what. However, the form of registered marriage in Japan was not even established in 1920. Instead, it became a social issue. Such a state was caused by the social trend shown in the process of industrialization as well as various regulations shown in the Meiji Civil Law, which were passed by conservatives. As the form of de facto marriage became a social issue at the end, the Supreme Court in prewar Japan started to recognize the default or liability for damages based on the theory of 'marriage reservation'. Then, the courts in Japan recognized the liability for illegal actions by considering de facto marriage as a marriage-equivalent relationship based on the 'principle of de facto marriage', which was about the application of protection based on the legal form of marriage. Meanwhile, de facto marriage in Korea currently composes the legal principle of protection based on the principle of marriage which is equivalent to the registered one after going through the principle of marriage reservation, which is the legal principle of protecting de facto marriage in Japan. In Korea, there seem to be frequent cases of carrying out discussions after including various kinds of human combination in the West in the category of de facto marriage. However, it is necessary to think about whether it would be appropriate to execute such discussions without providing any precondition. In other words, it is necessary to carry out discussions think about how the human combination in the West has the same inevitable background as the form of de facto marriage in Korea, or how the Korean society understands such a human combination. However, such discussions have not been actively executed in Korea yet. Instead, there have been some discussions regarding cohabitation without marriage, which can be regarded as homosexual or heterosexual combination with no intention for marriage. It seems that the concept of cohabitation without marriage was introduced in Korea in 1980s. However, there were discussions about such a concept in Japan in 1970s. It was defined as 'de facto marriage' and the principle of protection for it was developed. In Japan, the unmarried relationship between a man and a woman can be classified into de facto marriage or engagement or adultery, while de facto marriage can be classified into 'de facto marriage of agreement' and 'de facto marriage' which can be reg... The form of de facto marriage refers to the non-registered combination between a man and a woman. Such a term was created during the Japanese colonial period when the colonial government forcibly converted the form of ceremonial marriage which had been the traditional marriage custom in Korea into that of registered marriage which was widespread in Japan at that time, after taking away the sovereignty of Korea. In terms of legal history, it is clear that such a term has a number of similar parts with the form of de facto marriage in Japan. Since the Meiji Civil Law in Japan, which was passed in 1885, focused on the application of registered marriage which provided the duty of registering marriage according to a legal process, it was required to deny the establishment of marriage in regard to the combination between a man and a woman according to the previous form of ceremonial marriage. Until that time, it had been possible for a man and a woman to keep a marital status without registering marriage. Such a form of marriage had greatly influenced the marriage custom for a long time. However, even if the form of registered marriage was applied by considering the beginning of the non-registered combination between a man and a woman, there was no measure in regard to the related problems. In other words, the legislators of the Meiji Civil Law predicted the occurrence of the non-registered combination between a man and a woman and regarded such a state as de facto marriage, ignorantly believing that the form of registered marriage would be gradually established no matter what. However, the form of registered marriage in Japan was not even established in 1920. Instead, it became a social issue. Such a state was caused by the social trend shown in the process of industrialization as well as various regulations shown in the Meiji Civil Law, which were passed by conservatives. As the form of de facto marriage became a social issue at the end, the Supreme Court in prewar Japan started to recognize the default or liability for damages based on the theory of 'marriage reservation'. Then, the courts in Japan recognized the liability for illegal actions by considering de facto marriage as a marriage-equivalent relationship based on the 'principle of de facto marriage', which was about the application of protection based on the legal form of marriage. Meanwhile, de facto marriage in Korea currently composes the legal principle of protection based on the principle of marriage which is equivalent to the registered one after going through the principle of marriage reservation, which is the legal principle of protecting de facto marriage in Japan. In Korea, there seem to be frequent cases of carrying out discussions after including various kinds of human combination in the West in the category of de facto marriage. However, it is necessary to think about whether it would be appropriate to execute such discussions without providing any precondition. In other words, it is necessary to carry out discussions think about how the human combination in the West has the same inevitable background as the form of de facto marriage in Korea, or how the Korean society understands such a human combination. However, such discussions have not been actively executed in Korea yet. Instead, there have been some discussions regarding cohabitation without marriage, which can be regarded as homosexual or heterosexual combination with no intention for marriage. It seems that the concept of cohabitation without marriage was introduced in Korea in 1980s. However, there were discussions about such a concept in Japan in 1970s. It was defined as 'de facto marriage' and the principle of protection for it was developed. In Japan, the unmarried relationship between a man and a woman can be classified into de facto marriage or engagement or adultery, while de facto marriage can be classified into 'de facto marriage of agreement' and 'de facto marriage' which can be regarde...

중국 후이족의 전통 결혼습속에 관한 연구

全英蘭(Jeon, Young-Ran) 동아인문학회 2014 동아인문학 Vol.28 No.-

후이족 문화는 이슬람교와 중국전통문화가 서로 결합하여 형성된 것이며, 후이족 문화의 일부인 후이족 혼인습속의 형성 역시 이와 같다. 후이족의 혼례습속에는 이슬람교의 교리를 바탕으로 한 무슬림의 교법과 중국대륙에 이주한 후 이민족, 특히 한족과의 교류를 통해 체화된 중국 전통혼례습속이 융합되어 나타나고 있다. 본 연구는 이러한 민족적, 종교적 특성을 가진 중국 후이족의 혼례습속을 그 형성과정과 특성 및 혼례의 절차와 내용을 역사적으로 고찰해 보는데 목적을 두었다. 주요 고찰 내용은 다섯 부분으로 구성되어 있다. 첫째 서언에서는 후이족의 개관 및 연구의 목적과 그 의의를 서술하였다. 둘째, 후이족 혼례습속의 형성과정을 논의하였다. 셋째, 후이족 혼례습속의 특징 및 지역별 차이를 살펴보았다. 넷째, 후이족 혼례습속의 주요 내용인 혼인에 대한 인식과 태도, 배우자 선택의 조건 및 혼인제도와 혼인의 형식 등을 고찰했다. 그리고 마지막으로 후이족 혼례습속이 주는 교육적 함의를 논의하였다. In this paper trying to understand about the national psyche and national culture of Muslim(Hui ethnic) by introducing and discussing on traditional marriage customs of Muslim. The thesis is divided into five chapters. The first chapter is an introduction, including the background and significance of writing. The second chapter discussed the formation process of Muslim traditional marriage customs. The third chapter is the core of this article, describing general peculiarities and the regional character of Muslim traditional marriage customs. The fourth part of this article consider major contents in all aspects of Muslim traditional marriage customs-materialization condition, course, ceremony, taboo subject etc. of marriage and divorcement process. The fifth chapter debated on the educational implication of Muslim traditional marriage customs. In short, Hui"s traditional marriage customs was the amalgamation of Islamic doctrine and Han"s traditional marriage customs. However, the former is its body the latter is Chinese its branch.

혼례 속에 담긴 문화요소들과 그 의미를 활용한 한국문화 교육방안 연구

문형진(Moon, Hyoung-jin) 한국외국어대학교 역사문화연구소 2011 역사문화연구 Vol.40 No.-

본고는 혼례 속에 담긴 문화적 요소와 그 의미를 활용한 한국문화 교육 방안에 대해 살펴보았다. Ⅱ장 혼례의 변천과정에서는 한국 혼례의 역사적인 변천과정에 대해 살펴보았다. 한국 혼인문화의 경우 오랜 세월을 거치면서 변화되었기 때문이다. Ⅲ장 혼인문화 속에 담긴 문화적 요소에서는 의례문화, 언어문화, 정신문화, 제도문화로 나눈 후, 그 속에 담긴 역사적인 현상과 의미들을 중심으로 살펴보았다. 의례문화의 경우 혼례과정과 그 절차에 주목하였고, 언어문화에서는 외국인 학습자들이 필수적으로 익혀야 할 전문 어휘들을 정리함과 동시에 속담 속에 담긴 혼인관련 표현들과 그 사용법들에 대해 다루었다. 정신문화에서는 혼인문화속에 담긴 유교사상의 의미와 가치체계 그리고 음양오행 사상의 영향 등에 대해 살펴보았다. 마지막으로 제도문화에서는『대명률』과 『경국대전』등 조선시대 법전 속에 담긴 혼인관련 요소들을 중심으로 살펴보았다. Ⅳ장 혼례를 활용한 교육방안 연구에서는 Ⅱ,Ⅲ장에서 살펴본 여러 문화요소들을 활용한 다양한 교육 방안에 대해 현대의 학습자들이 영상자료에 익숙한 세대인 점을 감안하여 그림을 활용한 교육 방안을 제시하였고, 의미론적 접근방안에 서는 ‘어떤 현상이 존재하였다’보다 ‘어떤 의미가 담겨있다'에 주목하였으며, 학제간 융합 교육 방안에서는 역사적 학문과 민속학 그리고 언어학 등이 융합 적으로 교육될 필요가 있음을 언급하였다. 마지막으로 비교문화적인 교육 방안에서는 외국인 학습자들이 한국혼인문화를 습득하는 과정에서 겪게 되는 문화 충돌현상을 최소화함과 동시에 한국문화를 쉽게 수용하도록 하기 위해 주변국 혼인문화를 비교하여 습득하는 교육 방안을 제시하였다. This study examined meaning in Korean marriage custom and the educational methods. In the chapter Ⅱ, this study examined historical changing procedures of Korean marriage custom. It is about the changing procedures of Korean traditional marriage custom which was changed from Seoryubuga(Korean traditional marriage custom) to Chinyeongjae(Chinese marriage custom). I wrote about changed custom and linguistic elements during the process in this article. In the chapter Ⅲ, this study divided cultural elements in ritual custom, linguistic custom, mental custom, institutional custom. And it examined historical phenomenon and the meanings of them. In the chapter Ⅳ, ‘study of educational methods which utilized marriage’, this study suggested educational methods by using pictures which considered that modern learners are accustomed to images. The study attentioned more about 'which it means' than about ‘which phenomenon was existed' in the semantic approach. It mentioned that historical learning, folklore and linguistics should be educated amalgamatively in the educational methods about school systems.

시베리아 코략족 <까마귀 신화>에 나타난 혼인풍속의 양상과 의미 연구

곽진석(Kwak, Jin-Seok) 한국문학회 2013 韓國文學論叢 Vol.65 No.-

이 글에서 혼인 모티프를 포함하고 있는 <까마귀 신화> 가운데 까마귀 자식들 사이의 혼인 또는 까마귀 자식들과 그들의 친척 사이의 혼인을 다루고 있는 신화에 나타나는 까마귀의 위상과 함께 혼인풍속의 양상과 의미를 밝혔다. 코략족 신화에서 까마귀는 다양한 위상으로 나타난다. 변형자 또는 조정자, '최초의 조상', 문화영웅, 트릭스터, 샤먼, 신(神)의 사자(使者)오서의 위상이 그것이다. 까마귀 자식들 사이의 혼인 또는 까마귀 자식들과 그들의 친척 사이의 혼인을 다루는 코략족 신화에서 근친혼 가운데 남매혼과 사촌혼의 모티프를 확인할 수 있다. 이러한 신화는 '근친혼 → 중재 → 근친혼 허용/불허'를 그 기본구조로 삼는다. 이런 구조를 바탕으로 남매혼과 사촌혼 모티프를 포함하는 코략족 신화는 다양한 변이를 보여준다. 먼저 코략족 신화에서 남매혼은 어떤 중재 과정을 거치더라도 원천적으로 불허된다. 이와 달리 사촌혼은 일정한 중재 과정을 거치면 허용된다. 그러나 어떤 신화에서는 사촌혼이 어떤 중재 과정을 거치더라도 불허된다. 한 신화에서는 이 같은 사촌혼이 불허된 다음 교환혼이 이루어지기도 한다. 혼인 모티프를 포함하고 있는 코략족 신화의 다양한 변이는 곧 그들의 혼인풍속의 변화를 반영하고 있다. 즉, 코략족 신화에서 보이는 '남매혼 불허' → '사촌혼 허용' → '사촌혼 불허'(사촌혼 흔적) → '교환혼 허용'으로의 변화는 그들의 혼인 풍속이 점차 족내혼에서 족외혼으로 바뀌어가는 과정을 보여준다. 자연적인 교환 관계를 파괴하는 근친혼은 사회적인 그리고 자연적인 영역에서 혼돈을 야기한다. 따라서 코략족 신화에 반영된 족내혼에서 족외혼으로의 변화는, 사회적인 그리고 자연적인 영역의 혼돈이 점차 질서의 상태로 전환되고 있음을 간접적으로 보여준다. This paper revealed the aspects and meaning of marriage custom in the <Raven myth> and discussed the status of the raven in the myths which deal with marriage between offsprings of the raven and one between them and their relatives. Changes in marriage customs of the Koryak were also discussed. Ravens appear in various status in the myths of the Koryak. They play the role of transformer or mediator, 'the first ancestor', cultural hero, trickster, shaman, and messenger of God. Intermarriage motifs such as brother-sister marriages and cousin marriages have been identified in the myths of the Koryak, specifically involving marriage between offsprings of the raven and their relatives. These myths take 'intermarriage → mediation → permission/non-permission of intermarriage' as a basic structure. The Koryak myths including brother-sister marriage and cousin marriage motif show diverse variations based on this structure. First, in the myths of the Koryak, marriage between a brother and sister is fundamentally not allowed despite any mediation process. However, cousin marriage is allowed if it goes through a certain mediation process. Although, in some myths, cousin marriage is not allowed under any circumstances, and in one myth, exchange marriage appears after cousin marriage is prohibited. Variations of the Koryak myths which include marriage motifs reflect the changes in their marriage customs. More specifically, they show that their marriage customs have passed from endogamous to exogamous. Such change is indirectly showing that pervious social and natural chaos caused by intermarriage is becoming more orderly.

한국의 혼인과 가족 문화의 관점에서 본 <선녀와 나무꾼> – 결혼 생활에 관한 집단 기억과 공유된 정서를 중심으로

전주희 한국고전여성문학회 2019 한국고전여성문학연구 Vol.0 No.39

This research attempts to suggest a new understanding of <A Fairy and A Woodcutter> in terms of marriage custom and family culture of Korea because the tale’s centre of materials are a married couple and family relationship. There are so many varieties from the tale and they almost involve the meeting and parting of a fairy and a woodcutter excepting a variation story ‘a fairy’s ascension’. Therefore, in this research, I mainly deal with the variations of the tale as ‘a woodcutter’s ascension’, ‘a woodcutter’s return to his ground’(the origin story of a being cock), and the couple’s descending’, because these variations suggest a problem of ‘separation’ from their family of origin or parents for their marriage. A fairy and a woodcutter, either of two is always miss his or her family of origin and base even though they live together. So the ‘separation’ also implies an issue about their independence. In fact, marriage is a very important event for the contracting parties in their own marriage and families of origin. Especially, the marriage custom of Korea becomes patrilocality in modern 19 century, Korean women have to live with their in-laws and suffer from all problems with their life. Korean men also have difficulties to be a head of the household and to separate his family of origin. They have a burden as responsibility for supporting their parents and family. I attempted to explain their marriage lives which have been experienced by the previous generation, and their collective memory and shared passion about the marriages. For this purpose, I will suggest many of oral life stories from the women who have been experienced patrilocality(sijip-sari) and explain the relevance between the stories and the tales that they narrated. I also demonstrate how their attitude and cultural memories about the marriages appear in the <A Fairy and A Woodcutter> which have been described by the storyteller’s gender. With this, I determine each different meaning of a ‘separation’ result from the marriage for men and women. It is kind of tribulation for their spiritual growth to women, otherwise, it is a situation to be never barely conceivable to men. Therefore, such research leads us to make concrete our past marriage history and the passion of it which couldn’t be appeared in the tale and think the meaning and completion of the marriage at present again. 본 연구는 부부와 가족 관계를 중심소재로 하는 <선녀와 나무꾼> 이야기를 한국의 전통 혼인 제도와 가족 문화의 맥락에서 재조명한다. <선녀와 나무꾼>은 다양한 변이형들이 있는데, 여기에서는 선녀승천형을 포함하는 다른 이야기들- 나무꾼 승천형, 나무꾼 지상회귀형, 동반하강형을 대상으로 하여, 선녀와 나무꾼이 반복하는 만남과 이별의 근본적인 원인으로서 ‘분리’의 문제가 있다고 주장한다. 이것은 그들의 양쪽 집안 식구들과 맺는 관계에서도 중요한 사안이 된다. 선녀와 나무꾼 부부는 함께 할 때마다 늘 한쪽이 자신이 떠나온 터전을 잊지 못함으로써 서로 헤어지게 된다. 필자는 이것이 부부가 혼인을 통하여 원가정으로부터의 물리적· 심리적으로 ‘분리’하여 구성가정으로 ‘독립’하는 과정에서 생기는 문제를 상징하고 있다고 보았다. 실제로 혼인은 혼인 당사자와 양가 집안에게 있어 대사(大事)이다. 특히 한국의 혼인 문화는 근대에 접어들어 시집살이혼이 일반화되었기 때문에 결혼은 이전 세대의 여성들에게 큰 심리적 부담이 되었다. 마찬가지로 그 세대의 남성들이 아내를 맞아 가장이 되고 독립하는 과정은 힘들었다. 그들은 자신들의 터전에서 원가정과 구성가정을 모두 부양해야 하는 책임이 있었다. 본 연구에서는 이처럼 비슷한 혼인 문화를 경험했던 이전 세대의 여성들과 남성들에게 결혼 생활이 어떻게 기억되고 재현되는지를 ‘집단 기억’과 ‘공유된 정서’라는 개념을 통하여 밝히고자 하였다. 또한 그러한 문화적 기억들이 <선녀와 나무꾼>을 구연하는 제보자들의 언술에서 성별로 어떻게 다르게 나타나는지를 제시하였다. 이를 통해 남편과 아내에게 혼인으로 인한 ‘분리’는 각각 다른 의미를 지니고 있음을 밝혔다. 따라서 <선녀와 나무꾼>이 전승되는 맥락으로서 이전 세대의 결혼에 관한 ‘집단 기억’과 ‘공유된 정서’를 돌아보는 것은 이 이야기에서 충분히 재현되지 못한 혼인의 문화사와 정념을 구체화함과 동시에 현 세대에게 혼인의 여정과 그 완성의 의미를 재고하게 한다.

契丹文字文献所见契丹人婚姻习俗初探

包阿如那 한국몽골학회 2023 몽골학 Vol.- No.72

Marriage customs are the epitome of social history, with strong national characteristics and local flavor. During the Liao Dynasty, the Khitan nobles always maintained the marriage system of Yelü and Xiao, and expressly prohibited the intermarriage between ordinary people and vassals, which provided fertile ground for the formation and further development of the unique marriage customs of Liao Dynasty. According to relevant Chinese historical materials, the special features of marriage customs in Liao Dynasty can be seen, and the Khitan script's materials also more or less reflects the political alliance characteristics of the Khitan in-law group. Based on the Khitan large and small script's epitaph , this paper conducts a preliminary research on the embodiment forms of the marriage system of the Khitans, such as "uncle and nephew marriage", "adoptive marriage" and "successive marriage", and researches the khitan small script that means "maternal grandfather".

서울지역의 혼수 및 예단 풍속에 관한 연구 : 일제말부터 현재까지

홍나영,최혜경 서울시립대학교 서울학연구소 2001 서울학연구 Vol.- No.17

This study will attempt to observe how the marriage customs in Seoul, Korea have changed due to social fluctuations and values related to the fluctuation from the end of Japanese colonial period to the present. Seoul has performed a major role in Korean culture as the capital of Korea. However, Seoul gad experienced more cultural transition on a account of urbanization of process of modernization, and consequently Seoul has not been able to make the most of its specific characteristics. At this point, this study observes how modernization of Korea have influenced on our marriage customs around Seoul. For this, this study deals with the transition of the meaning of marriage and mate selection process. Also, it examines the transition of wedding gifts exchanged between the bride and bridegroom, marital goods, and wedding ceremonies around Seoul, in this period. In order to understand traditional wedding ritual and change in wedding practices, this study carried out literacy research. It also carried out case studies to find content involved in traditional and present wedding practices. The implication of this studies are as follows: First, the meaning of marriage of marriage as familism has altered to a form that emphasizes individualism, and mate selection process has changed to more various, concrete. Second, wedding gifts exchanged between the bride and bridegroom have become various and expensive due to materialism. Marital goods as devotion have become practical and rational. Third, wedding gifts box in wedding ceremonies has simplified as a busy life style of city. Brides gifts/food to her parents-in-law prepared by home work have changed to be commercialized and specialized. Since Korea have adopted the products of Western civilization, modernization, and urbanization, individualism, materialism, rationalism, and commercialism have emerged, and affected people's values. In the result, these values or attitude are the factors determine ritual customs including marriage.