서울시립대학교 개교 80주년 기념 서울학공개 대담

서울학연구소 서울시립대학교 부설 서울학연구소 1998 서울학연구 Vol.- No.11

서울시립대학교 개교 80주년 기념 서울학공개 대담

서울학 연구와 발전방향

全相運 서울시립대학교 서울학연구소 1994 서울학연구 Vol.- No.1

1930년대 서울 노래의 이중성 : 웃음과 눈물의 이중주 The duet of smile and tear

장유정 서울시립대학교 부설 서울학연구소 2005 서울학연구 Vol.- No.24

The purpose of this article is to look at the view and emotion of people at the time of 1930s through Seoul songs. For this purpose, the situation of Seoul at that period was described as 'duplicity of Seoul' in Chapter 2. The duplicity of Seoul was found from the fact where the traditional and modern image meets each other and there are different cultures divided into Namchon(南村) and Bukchon(北村) by the Cheonggyecheon(淸溪川). It is quite natural that popular song reflects the life and emotion of the people especially when Jongno(鐘路) in Bukchon appeared in the popular songs quite often. In Chapter 3, Seoul songs were divided into two big categories. One includes the songs that contain the smile of Seoul and the other includes the songs that describe the tears of Seoul. It was possible to depict the smile of Seoul because the speaker was looking at Seoul from the point of critical view from a distance. The works that show the smile of Seoul do not really mean the real happiness and pleasure of its smile. It signifies the ridiculous smile with sneer voice. Also, it is noticed that the ridicule using happiness smile gives us both educational instruction and pleasure. Next, in the works describing the tears of Seoul, the speaker actually experiences it and he expresses his emotions that he had gone through from the said experience. In his works, the tears are not wailing but it is tears that stay alone on their own without making a noise. However, these tears do not simply mean loneliness and desolation. They show the passive hope in terms of describing the dark reality, reminiscent of the past and yearning. Therefore, when they come out as a popular song, they do not only limit itself to a lonely cry but also they become a cry with others and the general sensibility is created while crying together. Thus, Seoul songs in 1930s played a duet of smile and tears.

해방 직후 수도 명칭의 결정과 1950년대 개정 논의

김제정 서울시립대학교 서울학연구소 2014 서울학연구 Vol.- No.56

After the liberation, the US Military Government used Gyeongseong or keijo as thename of Seoul. They decided to use ‘Seoul’ instead of Gyeongseong from September 14,but ‘Seoul-si’, ‘Hanseong-si(漢城市)’ and ‘Gyeongseong-bu’(京城府) were used in mix. Atthe end of 1945, the council meeting of Gyeongseong-bu decided to write ‘Hanseong-si(漢城市)’ and to read it as ‘Seoul-si’, but the US Military Government refused it that lingeredthe confusion regarding the name. On August 10, 1946, the US Military Governmentannounced 「Charter of The City of Seoul」 commemorating the 1st anniversary of theliberation. Based on it, Gyeongseong-bu was renamed to Seoul Special Free City under themilitary government ordinance no. 106 on September 19. President Seungman Rhee made a statement on September 16, 1955 suggesting the revisionof the name of Seoul because ‘Seoul’ is a common noun indicating the capital city, itis not a proper noun indicating a land name and it is hard for foreigners to pronounce andrequesting discussion of its alternative. Classical scholars of the country such as Choi Namseon,Lee Byeongdo, Choi Hyeonbae and Kim Yoongyeong and some people expressedopinion of agreement. As alternatives, ‘Hanyang’ and ‘Hanseong’ were suggested manyamong old names of Seoul. Korean linguists suggested a Korean name like ‘Hanbeol’. Also ‘Woonam-si’ was suggested with the nickname of the president. There were opposing opinions against rename. Lee Huiseung, a Korean linguist, manypeople and Donga Ilbo expressed opinion of disagreement. While Seoul is a commonnoun indicating the capital city, as it has been used as a name of a specific region, it must beconsidered to be converted into a proper noun. And difficult pronunciation for foreignersis not a matter of consideration in deciding the name of the capital city. And, the reason ofopposition include that it has been widely used for a long time and well known to overseas,and affection of people was formed. The issue of rename of Seoul came to nothing after 1year’ s discussion. The discussion of rename of Seoul was not appropriate in terms of time, and it tookplace abruptly without a proper context. But, considering the fact that representative classicalscholars such as Choi Namseon, Lee Byeongdo and Choi Hyeonbae supported, it wasnot a simple happening that some close associate with the president attempted to changethe name of Seoul to the nickname of the president. In consequence, it demonstratedplainly that the name of the capital city after the liberation was decided without properdiscussion process.

'97 서울학연구소 사업성과

서울학연구소 서울시립대학교 부설 서울학연구소 1998 서울학연구 Vol.- No.10

'97 서울학연구소 사업성과

답사 소개 - 서울학연구 중점연구소 1차년도 국내 답사소개 : 경주시 일대

박희성 서울시립대학교 서울학연구소 2011 서울학연구 Vol.- No.44

근대 이행기 서울의 객주와 객주업

전우용 서울시립대학교 부설 서울학연구소 2005 서울학연구 Vol.- No.24

This thesis is a study about how commission agencies, which are main streams of commercial development in the last period of the Chosun Dynasty era, cop with process of colonization since the opening of a port. Since the last period of the Chosun Dynasty era, Han river' s licensed agencies not only hold exclusive management authority for the goods that produced in each village but also collected unofficial tax from other agencies. Do-yo-Gak(都旅閣), which was set up per each regions and goods, was the committee and organization that collect unofficial tax from other agencies. After the opening of a port, Tong-ri-ah-moon (became Ministry of foreign affair later) prohibited the collection of unofficial tax by commission agencies and gradually unified the collection of tax from licensed agencies into Tong-ri-ah-moon. Licensed agencies in Han River area could be official for the authority of exclusive management and unofficial tax collection with based on taxation duty to Tongri-ah-moon. However, the change of circulation structure in area of Han River after the opening of a port was enough to setoff privilege that commission agencies in Han River area already acquired. Especially, the economic reformation in 1894 even deprived their formal authority that only remained as their authority. Innovational destruction of licensed agencies was performed and opportunity for peddler' s inn business was given to anybody. But, the reigns of Gab-o reformation faction in 1894 was ended in a short term and it was fortunate for commission agencies in Han River area. The reign of Kwang-mu, the next reign after Gab-o reformation faction, declared slogan " Refer newest things based on old things" and it means they want to return to prerogative order in commercial system. Although they recovered their exclusive rights, its quality has already been damaged very seriously. Since the Sino-Japanese War, the fact that Japanese merchants grasp commercial supremacy of Seoul was another disadvantage for privileged commission agencies. New commission agencies, which just opened their business, tried to concentrate on dealings with Japanese merchants than existing privileged commission agencies. Moreover, the process of colonization by Japanese Imperialism that was regularized after the Russia Japanese War was fatal blow for commission agencies in Han River area. Especially, railway system caused absolute decrease of water transport percentage. Accordingly, many of commission agencies moved to outside of Nam-Dae-Moon(South gate of Seoul) that is near railway station. At this point of time, the unity between commission agency and peddler' s inn business began to be destroyed rapidly. All sorts of commercial activities such as inn business, warehouse business, sales agent business and marketing agent business, private loan business, transportation business that are included in commission agent' s business in the last period of Chosun Dynasty era was divided into each fields. From that time, peddler' s inn business was restricted within " Dealing agent business with self liability". Financial strategy that was propelled by Japanese imperialism to colonize Korea promoted this kind of fact more seriously. Right after Japan colonized Korea, Principles of Chosun Company was enacted and it destroyed national circulation network that commission agencies built up with the basis of network system in the past. Japanese Imperialism just wanted simple function of commission agency, which just introduce Japanese product to Korean, as a subordinate business partner of Japanese merchants. Large-scaled sale agent business was assigned as one of business subjects by commercial company, marine company and warehouse company, large bank that are owned by Japanese, nobility and the pro-Japanese group only. It was so exceptional that commission agency achieved success under Japanese Colony. Only a few of them, who could link with Japanese capital and Japanese authority, could ride on ladder of success. Moreover, successful commission agencies were not anymore agencies themselves. They became big landlord or president of big bank or vice-president of any company. Even though commission agencies essentially disappears as commercial order of medieval times dissolute, their history of differentiation had been falsified and restricted by Japanese imperialism. And it was the situation that Seoul commission agencies experienced during the process of colonization by Japanese imperialism.

한국전쟁기 미 공군에 의한 서울 폭격의 목적과 양상

김태우 서울시립대학교 서울학연구소 2009 서울학연구 Vol.- No.35

This treatise analyzes the purpose and phase of the aerial bombing on seoul by United States Air Force(USAF) during the Korean War. The bombing on Seoul, the capital city of South Korea, was proceed by USAF in the course of execution of two different air operations. The first one is Close Air Support(CAS) that has a purpose to assist ground army directly by aerial bombing. CAS was a very important air operation when Seoul is in the center of battle front. The second one is interdiction that bombs communication centers, supply routes, enemy’s barracks and traveling troops to prevent supplementary troops and supplies approaching the battle line. This air operations had an important meaning when Seoul was used as the center for supplies by the North Korean army. South Korean government officially announced that Yongsan district and Chung district were the most harshly damaged area by aerial bombing. These districts lies near Seoul station. The reason why the damage by aerial bombing was centralized near Seoul station is closely related with the procedures of interdiction by USAF. USAF wanted to isolate enemy troops in battle line by the destruction of the Seoul station and marshaling yard. Seoul station and marshaling yard is located in the city center that has the most dense population at that time. This dense populated area was called Panjachon that means shantytown. Seoul station area was so populated with a lot of people and houses that USAF bombers needed very precise bombing skills on military targets. But B-29 medium bombers that bombed Seoul had a very low target hitting ratio. They had to drop more than 1,500 GP bombs in a day to destroy Seoul station area. This is the main reason why the Yongsan district had so many casualties in the first phase of the Korean War. And USAF fighter-bomber would bomb the big buildings in cities and towns of the rear area to detect and destroy enemy’s supply centers. This situation also aggravated the damage of civilians living in cities like Seoul during the Korean War.

서울지역어와 경기지역어의 어휘 대비 연구

최창원(Choi, Changwon),오새내(Oh, Saenae) 서울시립대학교 서울학연구소 2017 서울학연구 Vol.- No.66

이 연구는 전통방언학 방법론으로 수집된 서울토박이말 어휘 자료와 경기지역 어 어휘 자료를 대비하여 서울지역어와 경기지역어의 어휘의 차이를 유형화하고 차이가 비롯된 요인에 대한 사회문화적 요인을 모색하는 데 목표가 있다. 이러한 어휘의 대비를 통해 어휘 사용을 제보자의 지역어에 대한 언어 지식과 서울·경기 지역의 문화적 공통점과 차이점, 서로 다른 지역에 사는 제보자들의 생활양식 과 언어 행동의 차이를 범주화하고자 하였다. 그 결과 서울지역어와 경기지역어 의 어휘들은 어휘의 유사성과 인접 지역 방언과의 관련성을 기준으로 다음과 같 은 6가지의 범주로 구분하였다. ① 서울지역어와 경기지역어의 어휘 유형이 동일 하며 인접 지역 방언과 차이가 없음, ② 서울지역어와 경기지역어의 어휘 유형이 동일하며 인접 지역 방언과 차이가 있음, ③ 경기지역어의 어휘(변이형)가 서울 지역어에 비해 더 다양하고 인접 지역 방언과 차이가 없음, ④ 경기지역어의 어 휘(변이형)가 서울지역어에 비해 더 다양함. 인접 지역과도 다른 유형을 보임, ⑤ 서울지역어의 어휘(변이형)가 경기지역어에 비해 더 다양함, ⑥ 서울지역어에만 등장하는 어휘(변이형)가 있음이 그것이다. 본고에서 분석한 어휘 대비 목록을 여섯 가지 유형으로 구분한 결과 ①, ③, ⑤, ⑥에 해당하는 범주에 대한 예시를 찾을 수 있었다. 이러한 차이는 두 지역의 제보자들의 생활양식과 같은 사회문화 적 요인과 밀접한 관련이 있다. The aims of this research inquire into the subtypes of lexical differences between Seoul and Gyeonggi areal languages in traditional dialectology of Korean. The subtypes are divided by 6 which are ① same lexical type no difference around adjacent areas, ② same lexical type some differences around adjacent areas, ③ More lexical items of Gyeonggi rather than Seoul, and no differences around adjacent areas, ④ More lexical items of Gyeonggi rather than Seoul, and some differences around adjacent areas, ⑤ More lexical items of Seoul rather than Gyeonggi ⑥ Only lexical items of Seoul(Among 6 subtypes, here were determined ①,③,⑤,⑥ subtypes only). The differences are caused by sociocultural factors on two areal languages. This research verified lexical contrast of two areal languages which based on recording survey of indigenous informants who were born prior to the 1940s in their areas. According to traditional dialectology of Korean, ideal informants represent their regional lexical items which are affected by the style of living in their regional groups. Seoul informants live in urban areas so that they are not able to answer some agricultural vocabulary which re¬lated to their lifestyle in Seoul. In contrast, Gyeonggi informants live in rural areas since the previous 1940s period so that they use agricultural vocabulary intimately and frequently which are affected way of living in the rural areas. This study determines the cause of difference lexical items between two areal languages which are closely related to sociocultural factors.

역사적 변천에 따른 서울과 베를린 근교 녹지 특징 비교

채진해(Chae, Jin-Hae),허윤경(Hoh, Yun Kyeong),김성학(Kim, Seong Hak) 서울시립대학교 서울학연구소 2021 서울학연구 Vol.- No.85

서울과 베를린의 근교 녹지를 대상으로 역사적 변천 과정 및 특징을 도출하고 두 도시 간의 유사성과 차이점을 비교함으로써 도시의 발달 과정 속에서 나타나는 가치를 해석하고 정립하고자 하였다. 서울과 베를린의 근교 녹지는 지형적으로 도시 외곽에 위치하고 있으며 환상형의 모양으로 도시의 경계로서 및 남북생태축으로서의 역할을 수행하고 있다. 또한, 개발제한구역·항속림 계약과 같은 제도에 의해 규제되면서 도시의 생태자원을 보존하는 기능을 수행해 왔다. 마지막으로는 서울과 베를린의 근교 녹지는 공공 이용 문화 공간으로서 도시민들의 여가휴양을 위해 활용되어지고 있는 유사점이 있었다. 그러나, 서울은 산으로 베를린은 숲으로 구성되어 있다는 지형적 차이가 있었으며 산림보호를 위해 서울은 공공이 주도하고, 베를린은 시민보호 운동으로 시작되었다는 점에서는 그 차이가 나타났다. 또한 근교 녹지 활용 측면에서도 서울은 서울의 산을 하나의 둘레길로 연결하여 서울의 정체성을 수립하고자 한 것에 반해 베를린은 8개의 광역화 공원으로 구분하여 차별화 되게 조성하였으며 지역관광 및 경제활성화의 수단으로 활용하면셔 지역 문제 해결의 플랫폼으로서 활용코자 하였다. 종합해보면, 서울과 베를린의 근교 녹지는 지속가능한 도시 발전의 목표를 위해 물리적·인지적으로 역할을 수행하고 있음을 알 수 있었다. By deriving historical transformation processes and characteristics and comparing similarities and differences between the two cities in the suburb green areas of Seoul and Berlin, we interpreted and established the values that appear in the development process of the city. The suburban green areas of Seoul and Berlin are located outside the city and serve as the physical and ecological boundary of the city in a ring shape. In addition, it has preserved urban ecological resources while being regulated by systems such as zoning and sustainable forest management. Lastly, the green areas in the suburbs of Seoul and Berlin have similarities that both were used for recreation by urban residents as public and cultural spaces. However, there was a topographical difference that Seoul was composed of mountains and Berlin was composed of forests. Also, forest conservation movement was led by the government in Seoul, while it began as a public movement in Berlin. In terms of the use of suburban green areas, Seoul established its identity by incorporating mountains into a single Dulle-gil, while Berlin divided its green areas into eight big parks and used as a means of regional tourism and economic revitalization. Taken together, it can be seen that the suburban green areas of Seoul and Berlin play a physical and cognitive role for the goal of sustainable urban development.