‘정치적 올바름’ 주의와 변종 MCU의 탄생— 영화 <샹치와 텐 링즈의 전설>을 중심으로

진성희 한국중국소설학회 2021 中國小說論叢 Vol.65 No.-

This paper analyzes how the ‘political correctnism’, an issue of the recent popular art discourse, is reflected in films and considers how it is imagined between the subject producing culture and arts and the public, around the film Shang-Chi and the Legend of the Ten Rings(2021). An analysis on expert circles’ criticism about and Eastern and Western masses’ responses to the Shang-Chi by analyzing the formal aesthetics and narrative of it shows that the film’s discourse is largely formed based on the pros and cons on its pursuit of ‘political correctness’. Moreover, it was also possible to find the phenomenon that the subject creating the film devalues the film by carelessly pursuing the ‘political correctness’, in order not to defy the culture market’s trends. Shang-Chi, one of the MCU series produced by Marvel Studios, a giant culture company which has converted its product keynotes in sensitive response to the ‘political correctism’ for recent years, becomes the film of topical interest, in that it initially features an Asian hero. Marvel Studios, however, created what is called a Marvel variant which disrupts the organic characteristics of MCU, as it cannot give up its stereotype toward Asia, in reorganizing the story about the new hero. Although North American audiences may perceive the specialty of Shang-Chi as a fresh factor, Eastern ones probably recognize that it deviates from MCU’s own characteristics. The political disposition of culture and art producers can be freely expressed. The unconditional pursuit of pluralism, however, is not a key to solving all issues. The objective for pursuing the diversity and extending plural awareness would be achieved, only if how the ‘political correctness’ should be used is more critically considered, under the cultural circumstance in which the Marvel hero creates a sensation, as he is from a ‘minority’ and the description of his history and background is still specially recognized. 이 글은 최근의 대중예술 담론에서 화두가 되고 있는 ‘정치적 올바름’ 주의가 영화에 반영되고 있는 양상에 대해 분석하고 문화예술을 생산하는 주체와 대중 사이 ‘정치적 올바름’ 주의가 어떻게 상상되고 있는지에 대해 영화 <샹치와 텐 링즈의 전설>(2021)을 중심으로 고찰한 것이다. 이에 <샹치>의 형식 미학과 서사를 분석함과 동시에 영화에 대한 전문가 집단의 비평과 동서양 관객들의 호응을 분석한 결과 대체적으로 영화의 ‘정치적 올바름’ 추구에 대한 찬반론을 중심으로 담론이 형성되고 있음을 볼 수 있었다. 더하여 영화 창작 주체 입장에서 문화시장의 트렌드를 거스르지 않기 위해 섣불리 ‘정치적 올바름’을 추구해 영화의 가치를 떨어뜨리는 현상에 대해서도 볼 수 있었다. <샹치>는 최근 몇 년간 ‘정치적 올바름’ 주의에 민감하게 반응해 제작 기조를 전향하고 있는 거대 문화 기업 마블 스튜디오의 MCU 시리즈 중 하나로 아시아인 영웅이 최초로 등장했다는 점에서 화제가 된 영화다. 그런데 마블 스튜디오는 새로운 영웅의 스토리를 재구성하는 과정에서 아시아를 향한 스테레오 타입을 여전히 버리지 못해 MCU의 유기성을 헤치는 소위 변종 마블을 탄생시켰다. 북미의 관객들에게 <샹치>의 특별함은 신선함으로 여겨졌으나 동양의 대중들에게는 MCU의 고유한 특성에서 벗어난 영화로 인식되었다. 문화예술 생산자의 정치성은 자유롭게 표현될 수 있다. 그렇지만 무조건적인 다원주의의 추구가 모든 쟁점을 해결할 수 있는 열쇠는 아니다. 마블 시리즈의 영웅이 ‘마이너’ 출신이기에 화제를 낳고 그의 역사와 환경을 묘사한 것이 여전히 특수하게 인식되는 문화적 환경하에서 ‘정치적 올바름’의 추구는 어떻게 이뤄져야 하는지를 더욱 첨예하게 고민할 때 비로소 다양성 추구와 다원적 의식 확산을 향한 목표는 달성될 수 있을 것이다.

소리의 접촉지대로서 <영화시대>와 재현의 정치

전우형 문학과영상학회 2019 문학과영상 Vol.20 No.3

This paper attempted to examine the process of sound rediscovered for the language of representation in the colonial Korean literature and art history and the invention of the politics of representation through sound. The rediscovery of sound, which has become a trace organ in modern literature, comes from the process of interaction between literature and film. This paper attempted to confirm that the process was not only a visual impairment in literature, but also a process of rediscovering sound from literature and reality as well as images. In the early 1930's, when the appreciation of Western talkie films was dominant, it was urgent to discover our words or sounds from literature to solve the problem of local specificities raised by talkie films. In this process, the film was focused on restoring and accumulating sound through the genres of vocal poetry, folk songs, poetry, and contemporary songs. This paper confirms this through the composition of the papers in the early publishing of the Film Age, which emerged during the transition to talkie film. It was clearly close to a control over the tendency of modern literature to lose sound and a new language of representation in the contact zone of literature, film, silent film and talkie film. If the restoration and accumulation of sound through pre modern and modern literature is related to the possibility of sound as the language of representation, the problem of writing and embodying sound in talkie films was the process of inventing the politics of representation through sound. What was noteworthy in the process of debate between pro and tendency film among socialist film discourses during this period was the question of what the film would say to the real public of colonial Korea. It was linked to this situation that the accumulation of sounds from literature in the early days of the Film Age and the imagination of sounds close to the screams of the masses were represented. The imagination of attempting to use the voice of the public as the language of representation in the wake of the emergence of talkie films carries out the politics of representation in that it was a desire for our film that we had never had in between the flood of Western cinema and Japanese control. 소리, 무성영화,This paper attempted to examine the process of sound rediscovered for the language of representation in the colonial Korean literature and art history and the invention of the politics of representation through sound. The rediscovery of sound, which has become a trace organ in modern literature, comes from the process of interaction between literature and film. This paper attempted to confirm that the process was not only a visual impairment in literature, but also a process of rediscovering sound from literature and reality as well as images. In the early 1930's, when the appreciation of Western talkie films was dominant, it was urgent to discover our words or sounds from literature to solve the problem of local specificities raised by talkie films. In this process, the film was focused on restoring and accumulating sound through the genres of vocal poetry, folk songs, poetry, and contemporary songs. This paper confirms this through the composition of the papers in the early publishing of the Film Age, which emerged during the transition to talkie film. It was clearly close to a control over the tendency of modern literature to lose sound and a new language of representation in the contact zone of literature, film, silent film and talkie film. If the restoration and accumulation of sound through pre modern and modern literature is related to the possibility of sound as the language of representation, the problem of writing and embodying sound in talkie films was the process of inventing the politics of representation through sound. What was noteworthy in the process of debate between pro and tendency film among socialist film discourses during this period was the question of what the film would say to the real public of colonial Korea. It was linked to this situation that the accumulation of sounds from literature in the early days of the Film Age and the imagination of sounds close to the screams of the masses were represented. The imagination of attempting to use the voice of the public as the language of representation in the wake of the emergence of talkie films carries out the politics of representation in that it was a desire for our film that we had never had in between the flood of Western cinema and Japanese control. 발성영화, 접촉지대, 『영화시대』, 경향영화, 재현의 정치학

러시아와 중국의 영화정책 상관성 연구

권기배,이태형 한국러시아문학회 2017 러시아어문학 연구논집 Vol.57 No.-

This paper examines the Correlation between Russian and Chinese cinema policies. The film in China and Russia, which have been in common since the introduction of the film, is used in ideological propaganda by political leaders who have founded out the educational function of the film. So, in both countries, the film has lost all its artistic autonomy and character and has a similarity that has deteriorated as a means of explicit political propaganda education. To gain effective and visible fruit of the political function of the film, Both governments have implemented a series of strong policies, including monopolies on the film industry, regulation and censorship of films. Of course, the current policies of the film industry in Russia and China are more relaxed than in the past, the autonomy and openness of the film industry are guaranteed. to some extent. Nevertheless, the two governments have not yet given up the political expectation for the efficiency of the political functions of the film, in other words, the monopoly and regulation of film are replaced by smooth language of material aid and policy support, the film industry in Russia and China is still subject to government policy regulation through government agencies. As a result of the above policy support, it has been established as an influential mainstream genre by establishing special genre characteristics (history - character blockbuster) in the two countries` movies (industry). This tendency, of course, is a factor that significantly impedes the development of both countries` movies. However, even the influential directors, such as Zhang Yimou, the world famous film director of China, are supporting the mass production of "national film" by distorted directing in the cultural and historical context with huge funding from the government.

신중국 최초의 극영화 <다리(橋)>(1949)의 제작 및 상영에 관한 연구

LIU YU 중국문화연구학회 2024 중국문화연구 Vol.0 No.64

In May 1949, the last stage of the Chinese Civil War, a film called The Bridge was released to the public in a liberation zone, an area occupied by the Chinese Communist Party. The existing narrative of film history has not deviated from monotonous content that The Bridge is New China’s first feature film or first film featuring the working class as a main character. In addition, development of empirical research focusing on this film is insignificant. This paper deals with historical background of an entrance of the film The Bridge and a fact about its production and screening that have not yet been identified by using the abundant literature data that have been secured so far. This paper focuses on how an obstacle of lack of filming facilities and professional manpower was overcome during its production process and how it was performed in terms of box-office success while being screened simultaneously with Hollywood movies that were familiar to citizens during its screening stage. In addition, this paper specifically examines the various critical discourses surrounding the film, that is, what kind of repercussions its release caused, from a receptive aspect. At that time, Chinese literature was before it was placed under the absolute control of the Communist Party government. Therefore, it is true that criticism of a film about workers, farmers, and soldiers was allowed to some extent. However, creation and criticism of literature in the liberation zone could never be free from they were political ideology imposed by the Chinese Communist Party. Since socialist realism, which suppressed autonomy and originality, emerged as a rule, box-office success or artistic value was no longer considered in determining the content and form of a film. Political nature of the films was a top priority. Through The Bridge, which appeared at a time when literature about workers, farmers, and soldiers which only allowed the public’s unilateral acceptance, especially intellects’ helpless obedience, became mainstream, its distinct presence as an educational tool which propagated and instigated the party’s dominant ideology can be confirmed.

앙리 르페브르의 정치적 공간담론을 통해본 지아장커(賈樟柯) 영화 속 공간의 정치적 함의

왕겅이 ( Wang¸ Geng Yi ),정태수 ( Chung¸ Tae Soo ) 부산대학교 영화연구소 2021 아시아영화연구 Vol.14 No.2

본 논문은 1978년 중국 개혁 개방 이후 달라진 정치-경제적 양상을 냉철하게 기록하는 중국 제6세대 대표적 감독인 지아장커(贾樟柯)의 영화에 내포된 정치적 함의를 밝혀내고자 한다. 영화는 정치에 의해서 창작되고 정치적인 것은 영화를 통해서 구현된다. 영화가 가지고 있는 정치적 기능은 바로 영화적 공간(화면)을 통해서 실현된다. 따라서 지아장커의 영화적 공간의 정치적 함의에 대해 논리적으로 논의하기 위하여 처음으로 ‘정치적 공간’개념을 내세운 앙리 르페브르(Henri Lefebvre)의 정치적 공간담론을 본 논문의 이론적 토대로 선정한다. 본 논문에서 르페브르가 논의하는 국가권력과 폭력으로서 ‘추상공간’과 정치-자본 이데올로기로서 ‘계획 공간’이라는 두 가지 측면에 입각해 지아장커가 1998년부터 2018년까지 20년 동안 만들었던 12편의 장편의 영화에 내포된 정치적 함의를 밝혀냈다. 보다 구체적으로 추상공간의 측면에서는 지아장커 감독이 기념물과 상징물, 그리고 매체들을 통해서 재현된 국가권력과 폭력, 그리고 민중들에 대한 통제성을 구체적으로 분석했다. 계획 공간의 측면에서는 지아장커 감독이 영화 <동(東)>(2006), <스틸 라이프(三峽好人)>(2006), <세계(世界)> (2004)에서 보여준 국가 계획 공간으로서의 싼샤댐(三峽大壩)과 세계공원(世界公園)에 드러난 폭력성과 억압성에 대해 논리적으로 고찰했다. 이를 통해 지아장커의 영화적 공간에 대해 새로운 정치학적 해석을 시도한다. In this paper, I seeks to shed light on the political implications of China's sixth-generation representative director Jia Zhang-ke, who coldly records the political-economic aspects that have changed since China's reform and opening up in 1978. Film is created by politics, and politics is realized through film. The political function of a film is realized through the cinematic space (screen). Therefore, in order to logically discuss the political implications of Jia Zhang-ke's cinematic space, Henri Lefebvre's political spatial discourse, who first introduced the concept of ‘political space’, is selected as the theoretical basis of this paper. Based on the two aspects of ‘abstract space’ as the state power and violence that Lefebvre discusses in this paper, and ‘planning space’ as a political-capital ideology, the 12 feature films that Jia Zhang-ke made over 20 years from 1998 to 2018 It revealed the political implications of the film. More specifically, in terms of abstract space, director Jia Zhang-ke specifically analyzed the state power, violence, and control over the people reproduced through monuments, symbols, and media. In terms of planning space, director Jia Zhang-ke logically examined the violence and oppression revealed in the ‘Sanxia Dam(三峽大壩)’ and ‘World Park(世界公園)’ as national planning spaces shown in the films < Dong(東) >(2006), < Steel Life(三峽好人) >(2006) and < The World(世界) > (2004).

한국 영화검열과 코미디영화

서곡숙(Seo Kok Sook) 한국영화학회 2008 영화연구 Vol.0 No.36

This study starts from curiosity to know why the comedy film exceptionally hadn't been inspected in strict film censorship in the late 1960's. The preceding studies explained the history of Korean film censorship and insisted on film rating system, but there was few things to learn about the movie text. And this study is to analyze the influence of film censorship on the film comedy in the late 1960's. First, I want to consider the relation between the content of the film censorship and the narrative of the film comedy. Park Jeong-Hee's Administration reinforced anti-Communism ideology in the hostility between South Korea and North Korea, and insisted anti-decadence drive and economy in consumption for modernization and economic development. This policies influenced on the narratives of the film comedy. Park Jeong-Hee's Administration claimed a social organism and unification of idea, and wanted to control public thought by both regulations of anti-government films and encouragement of national policy films. Because of this influence of censorship, there are incongruity of a content and a form, restriction on expression, and an escape from reality in film comedy. Secondly, I want to consider political, economical censorship. In the political censorship, Park Jeong-Hee's Administration strictly controled the social influence of film by systematic film law to reinforce its power. And the economical censorship, Park Jeong-Hee's Administration used both systematic exclusion mechanism-double surveillance system, a stop of production/exhibition of film-and intentional upbringing policy-a share of an income right, promotion of excellent movie-. Then filmmakers controled film comedy to get commercial (financial) advantage-both withdrawing cost of film production and box-office profits-. Therefore formally the film comedy in the late 1960's wasn't strictly controled by the government, but informally was very influenced by the political, economical censorship in its narrative. As a result this pre-censorship had powerful influence on film comedy more than post-censorship.

21세기 한국 SF영화의 정치적 상상력 연구 -영화 <지구를 지켜라>, <설국열차>를 중심으로

엄상준 ( Sang Jun Eom ) 부산대학교 영화연구소 2014 아시아영화연구 Vol.6 No.2

한국의 정치적 영화는 탈정치시대라는 세계사적 조류와 비판적 리얼리즘의 전통아래 영화가 가진 정치성의 다양한 측면을 충분히 개진하지 못하고 있다. 한국의 정치적 영화는 기존 질서나 제도의 효율적 집행이나 올바른 실행으로 정치 고유의 의미를 축소시키고 있다. 장뤽 고다르나 자크 랑시에르의 ‘정치’ 개념은 이에 대한 급진적 비판과 더 넓은 정치적 가능성을 포괄한다. 랑시에르는 정치를 고유의 능력을 가지고 있지 않은 인민들이 자기의 몫을 요구하는 목소리를 내는 것으로, 즉 치안과 반대되는 것으로 파악한다. 즉 사회의 변화를 위해서는 기존 질서와 근본적으로 대결하고 체제를 내파시키는 정치적 상상력이 필요한 것이 지금의 역사적 조건이다. 본고는 현재에 대한 폭로와 미래에 대한 가능성을 장르적 상상력으로 절합하고 있는 SF영화에서 한국 정치 영화의 새로운 가능성을 찾아 찾아보고자 한다. 특히 2000년대 이후 유일한 체제로서 전지구적인 신자유주의 체제는 정치적 영화가 대결해야 하는 중심적인 장으로 부각 되었다. 그렇지만 현실에서 영화적 비판은 이와는 거리를 두고 있다. 장준환의 영화 <지구를 지켜라>와 봉준호의 영화<설국열차>는 제도의 완성 또는 봉합이라는 자유주의적 의제설정을 넘어 한국에서 자본주의의 현실이 불러 일으킨 결과와 대면하고 있다. 이 영화들은 자본주의체제 속의 피 억압자들을 주체로 하고 있으며 이들의 저항과 대결 그리고 정치적 비전은 디스토피아적 배경 속에서 형상화 되고 있다. 본 논문에서는 이들 영화가 담고 있는 정치적 함의들을 점검하고, 이를 통해 한국에서 다양한 SF영화의 생산과 실천적 가능성을 탐구해 보고자 한다. Political nature of Korean films has been pushed out into the vast stream of full-scaled consumer culture being started with an advent of democratization since 90c. This study intends to find out a possibility of creating a niche in limitation of political nature involved in Korean film through science fiction films. For this objective, <Save the Green Planet>(2003), a film directed by Jang, Jun Hwan and <Snowpiercer> (2012), a film directed by Bong, Jun Ho, both of which show a critical attitude toward capitalistic system among Korea SF films would be analyzed as major text. In other words, these films are very rare Korean SF films containing political consciousness of confronting with capitalism. Texts show suppression and violence being mass produced by capitalism through dystopic narration. Above two films depict elements of political theology by borrowing such theology through series of process. In addition, by having main subjects different from traditional marxism to be appeared even in selecting main subject of resistance, a vision of new revolution is presented. In this process, two texts show regression of returning to family ideology on the one hand and through dichotomous revolution theory, its theory is made to be one-sided one on the other. However, it is considered that as all two texts revealed element of social criticism and reflective element of SF film, along with criticism on chronological image with which Korean society is currently faced, political imagination involved in SF genre was upgraded by one step.

정지영의 '성'과 '사회'의 관점

김수남 청주대학교 학술연구소 2003 淸大學術論集 Vol.1 No.-

Ⅰ. Instruction One of the radical list of Korean film world, dir. Jeong, Jiyeong has led the revolution of Korean film from 1980 to 1990 and he also made Korean film audience's consciousness open to know social situation through his film. His viewpoint about sex a nd society asserted in his film was reflected Korean society and political situation. Ⅱ. The World of Dir. Jeong's Film Works is consisted of main two genre, such as social film and thriller. His film life start as the assistant of scenario writer and through a assistant director , he made first film, <Angaeneun Yeojacheoreom Sogsaginda(안개는 여자처럼 속삭인다)1982년>. After this film He has made 11 works till <Ka(까)1998년>. His asserted point is two, one is a viewpoint of sex such as <Angaeneun Yeojacheoreom Sogsaginda>, <Uigi eu Yeoja(위기의 여자)>, <Yeojaga Supneun Sup(여자가 숲는 숲)>, <San Baeam (산배암)>, <Sansani Buseojineun Ireumiyeo(산산이 부서지는 이름이여>, <Ka(까)>, the other is a viewpoint of society such as <Chueog eu bit(추억의 빛)>, <Geori eu agsa(거리의 악사)>, <Nambugun(남부군)>, <Hayan Jeonjaeng(하얀 전쟁)>, <Heolliwudeu kid eu Saengae(헐리우드 키드의 생애)>, <Bulrag Jag(블랙 잭)>. Ⅲ. Conclusion Dir. Jeong acted to hope changing society and also he tried to achieve it in his film. But his interested parts are various and wide so his thought and sound has failed to comunicate with society and his audience. Finally it is very difficult for dir. Jeong to made his film with a consistantly theme which is the thought of film maker.

바이마르 공화국 시기(1918-1933) 상업영화의 정치적 성격

조원옥(Cho Won-Ok) 부산경남사학회 2006 역사와 경계 Vol.58 No.-

As the Weimar Republic had passed by, the films had been entrenched firmly as an art and institution. From the First World War on, the film industry of Germany had developed greatly to raise as a main state-industry. The gay cinemas were built up everywhere in the cities, and the masses were driven into them. Viewing of films offered a consolation and relaxation for the next day's labour at that time. The masses' enthusiasm for films led to the controversies over the political influences or qualities of films. As a result, many political, economic, and religious groups had begaun to take notice of films.<br/> The feature films which had gained successes commercially did not openly displayed out the political qualities. These films, however, showed distinctly the uncertainty and fear, the hard activities and mass fantasies, and the political disturbances and economic polarization in the Weimar society. In fact, the class realities of the Weimar society were reflected on the labour and lower middle classes' cheers and the films which described unreally the society. Therefore the diverse and covert political reckonings and maneuvers were tried out around the film industry to make these classes stable and passive through entertainments. In conclusion, these features of the Weimar film industry demonstrated in some ways a ‘silent propaganda’ that penetrates unconsciously into masses' mentality and exercises the ideological effects on them.

1960년대 한국 ‘작가주의 영화’에 대한 정치적 해석 – <안개>, <휴일>을 중심으로

이광일 건국대학교 인문학연구원 2018 통일인문학 Vol.73 No.-

The 1960s is regarded as a period of political upheaval and a ‘Renaissance of Korean film.’ Nonetheless, it is not easy to find movies that deal with social issues of the time from a political point of view. This fact is a feature of Korean film history compared to the West, which has developed the flow of film movement like ‘New Wave’ in order to represent and express social problems of the time in terms of political criticism. Despite the ‘political age of upheaval’, symbolized by the revolution and the coup, the main reason why the film distances consciously or unconsciously from such materials or subjects is due to the censorship system operated in the anti-communist division system. If so, did the film just conform to such a situation? In order to answer this question, this article will analyze and criticize the works of Kim Su-yong and Lee Man-hee, the representative ‘auteurism directors’ of the 1960s, namely, <The Foggy town> and <Holiday> on the political level. Thus, this essay aims to reveal how the Korean films in the 1960s attempted to position themselves as political beings beyond just conforming to the political oppression of the time. 1960년대는 정치적 격동의 시대이자 ‘한국영화의 르네상스기’라고 평가된다. 그럼에도 불구하고 정치적인 시각에서 당시의 사회문제들을 다룬 영화를 찾기란 쉽지 않다. 이러한 사실은 정치적 비판의 차원에서 당대의 사회 문제들을 재현, 표현하고자 뉴웨이브와 같은 영화운동의 흐름을 발전시켰던 서구와 비교해 볼 때, 한국영화사의 특징이라 할 수 있다. 혁명과 쿠데타로 상징되었던 ‘정치의 시대’임에도 불구하고 영화가 그런 소재, 주제로부터 의식적, 무의식적으로 거리를 두었던 가장 큰 이유는 반공분단체제에서 작동된 검열체제 때문이다. 그렇다면 당시 한국영화는 그런 상황에 단지 순응만 한 것일까. 이 글은 이런 질문에 답하고자 1960년대의 대표적 작가주의 감독으로 평가되는 김수용, 이만희의 <안개>와 <휴일>을 정치적으로 해석, 비평하고자 한다. 무엇보다 그 작품들이 1960년대와 그 이후의 정치지형을 규정하는 ‘4.19혁명’과 ‘5.16쿠데타’ 사이의 긴장과 갈등, 그리고 그것들의 변주과정에서 드러나는 4.19주체들의 상황 인식과 대응을 어떻게 재현, 표현하고 있는지 구명하고자 한다. 그리하여 1960년대 한국영화가 당대의 정치적 억압과 반동에 순응한 것을 넘어 그 자신을 어떤 정치적 존재로 자리매김하고자 했는지 드러내고자 한다.