과거청산과 역사서술 - 독일과 한국의 비교

安秉稷 역사학회 2003 역사학보 Vol.177 No.-

磻溪隨錄의 方法과 體系

안병직 한국실학학회 2022 한국실학연구 Vol.- No.43

The Sirhak trend of late Joseon seems originated from Yulgok(栗谷) Yi- yi(李珥). Yulgok turned philosophy-centered Joseon Confucianism into a governance-centered one by focusing on systemic reform [務實] to remedy the abuse of taxation including military taxation and local tribute to the king. After the Japanese Invasion, with the emergent need for reform to sustain the state, Jibong(芝峯) Lee Su-kwang(李睟光), Gu-am(久菴) Han Baek-kyum(韓百謙) and Po-Jeo(浦渚) Jo-ik(趙翼) also advocated “practical action for systemic reform[務實力行].” In this atmosphere, Taedong tribute tax was forced in Kyong-gi Province in 1608, and Eoudang(於于堂) Yu Mongin(柳夢寅) insisted to promote monetary economy as well as commerce and industries of mining, fishery, livestock, hunting, and gathering. It was the time of Bangye(磻溪) Yu Hyeoung-won(柳馨遠). He abandoned the road to be a governmental official like his predecessors and decided to write to save the miserable. Bangye Surok, which he started at age 31 and finished at age 49 just 3 years before his death, was the result of his efforts. Bangye found his theoretical ideal of reform in the Classics of Ancient Three Kingdoms in China which was so-called a small but solid state [小康社會] and found the social agenda of his time reviewing reform politics in Joseon history. With this regard, Bangye Surok is not only one of the best books on reform plans in late Joseon, but also the book that shows the reality of the time. Bangye’s epistemic premise started from the li/ki dualism but concluded with “the practical li (實理論)”. He thought the first causes and principles were not the Supreme Pole (太極) or yin-yang (陰陽) of li/ki dualism, but “Sung(誠)” in traditional Confucianism, expressed as “Sung is the way of heaven, and to be Sung is the way of man.” Here, Bangye successes the Sirhak thinking of “Sung is the practical” and thought that everything becomes practical when you realize “Sung.” “Because li of the universe is expressed in everything, without material, Li can’t be disclosed; Because the way of Sage is performed in everywhere, without administration, the right way can’t be demonstrated.” he concluded. In this regard, Bangye thought that he can restore the whole image of Ancient Classics by comprehensive studying modeling “the way the sages do the work” because the Classics were based on the ‘li of the universe’ and ‘the way of sage’, even though the book was scattered in all directions. “The way the sages do the work” is the same method as “Studying classics but searching for the truth from real facts” in 『漢書』河閒獻王德傳, which aims to study Classics with the approach of philology, philosophy, and logic. Bangye Surok’s description method is using Julmok(節目) and Goseol(攷說). The most part of Bangye Surok is written in Julmok style, to explain the governing principles categorically. Bangye suggested the well-field system (井田制), royal contribute taxation (賦貢制), and bureau system (官制) as the governing system in the Ancient Kingdoms. The well-field system can total solution to the problem of land and military taxation in 公田·經田·田稅·軍役. The royal contribute taxation (賦貢制) is the way to promote the monetary economy and various industries, while the bureau system (官制) is needed to optimize the governmental offices to perform the projects. As a result, we can say the essential characteristics of the late Joseon Sirhak, “Searching for truth from real facts (實事求是)” and the governance principle was finally established in Bangye Surok, and that Bangye was the progenitor of Joseon Sirhak. 조선후기의 실학적 학풍은 栗谷으로부터 시작된 것으로 보인다. 율곡은 軍役, 進上 및 貢物 등 부세수취과정에서 발생하는 隣徵族徵 및 胥吏의 苛斂誅求 등의 폐단을 제거하기 위한 제도개혁 즉 務實을 강조함으로써 經學중심의 유학적 학풍을 經世學으로 크게 회전시켰다. 임진왜란이후 개혁을 하지 않고서는 이제 더 이상 국가를 유지할 수 없는 상황이었기 때문에 芝峯, 久菴 및 浦渚 등도 務實力行을 강조하고, 그러한 분위기속에서 1608년에 경기도에서 대동법이 실시되었으며, 於于堂은 화폐의 유통과 상업·광업·어염·축산·수렵·채집 등 산업의 장려를 주장했다. 이러한 시대적 분위기에서 성장한 磻溪는, 집안의 世業이던 관계로의 진출을 단념하고, 조상의 賜牌地가 있던 부안에서 농장을 경영하면서 도탄에 빠진 인민들을 구제하기 위한 저술에 몰두하기로 했다. 그 결과가 31세에 起草하여 별세하기 3년전인 49세에 탈고한 『반계수록』이다. 『반계수록』의 저술에 있어서는, 小康社會가 실현되었다고 일컬어지는 중국三代의 경전에서 개혁의 이론적 모형을 찾고 조선의 역대개혁방안에서 시대적 개혁과제를 모색했다. 이러한 점에서 『반계수록』은 조선후기의 최대의 개혁서의 하나일 뿐만이 아니라 조선후기의 실상을 잘 알려주는 저서이기도 하다. 반계의 인식론은, 이기론으로 출발했으나, ‘實理論’으로 귀결했다. 그 배후에는 사물를 움직이는 기본요인이 이기론의 太極·陰陽이 아니라 유학의 전통적 관점인 ‘誠’이라는 인식이 있었다. 즉 ‘성은 하늘의 道이요, 성을 이루는 것은 사람의 도이다’라고 하는 것이다. 여기서 반계는, ‘성이 곧 진실이다’는 선행의 실학적 학풍을 이어받아, 성실하면 만물과 만사가 진실되지 않은 것이 없게 된다는 인식에 도달하게 된다. 그 결과 ‘천지의 理는 만물에서 드러나니 物이 아니면 이치가 드러날 데가 없고, 성인의 道는 만사에서 행해지니 일이 아니면 도가 행하여질 데가 없다’는 결론에 도달한 것이다. 이러한 관점에서 반계는, 삼대의 古經은 ‘천지의 理’와 ‘성인의 道’를 기초로 저술된 것이므로, 지금은 비록 삼대의 典章이 각 고경에 흩어져서 쉽게 파악하기가 어렵다고 하더라도, ‘古人이 진실로 그 일을 일로 삼는’ 자세로 고경을 종합적으로 탐구하면 그 全體像을 복원할 수 있다고 생각했다. 여기서 ‘古人이 진실로 그 일을 일로 삼는’ 탐구의 방법은 『漢書』河閒獻王德傳의 ‘학문을 닦는데 있어서 옛 것을 좋아하되 사실을 核實해서 옳은 것을 밝힌다’는 것과 같은 것으로서, 고경을 탐구하는데 있어서 訓故·義理·條理를 밝히는 것을 목표로 하는 것이다. 『반계수록』의 서술방법은 節目과 攷說로 구성되어있다. 절목이 『반계수록』의 주된 서술방법인데, 반계는 절목에서 경세학의 조리를 절목별로 나누어 서술하였다. 이러한 과정을 통하여 획득된 삼대의 경세학체계가 井田制 및 賦貢制와 관제이다. 정전제는 公田·經田·田稅·軍役의 문제를 일관적으로 해결할 수 있는 제도이며, 부공제는 화폐의 유통과 각종산업의 진흥방안이며, 관제는 이러한 국정과제를 수행할 과료기구의 정비이다. 이렇게 보면, 『반계수록』에서 비로소 조선후기실학의 기본특징인 실사구시라는 방법과 경세학의 체계가 정립되었다고 할 수 있다. 이러한 점에서 반계는 조선후기실학의 鼻祖라 일컬어질만하다.

日本植民統治의 經濟的遺産에 關한 硏究

安秉直 서울大學校商科大學韓國經濟硏究所 1965 經濟論集 Vol.4 No.4

As a younger student of colonial history, I an deeply interested in the modern colonial history of Korean whose destiny depended upon the history of capitalism in Japan. Among the various types of colonies, the most interesting type of colony to the students of underdeveloped countries may be the colony that was founded upon feudal society by the western or eastern imperialism. The typical colonies of this are Korea, India, China, Indonesia, Indo-China, though China was half-colonial nation. This type of colonies went through the three stages of development, as the western capitalism developed from commercial capitalism and industrial capitalism to imperialism. Of the three stages of the colonial development, the third stage of them is the subject of our study, not noly because it, as the nearest past of the colonial nations, is the causes of their proverty and misery, but because the study of it will illuminate the way of winning them. Socialists and critical "bourgeois" economists of colonization alike agree on the following conclusion of the studies of colonization. (1) Where the western or eastern capitalists were faced by established society with rich and ancient cultures, still precapitalist or in the embryonic state of capitalist development, they rapidly determined to extract the largest possible gains from the host countries, and to take their loot home. Thus they engaged in outright pounder or in plunder thinly veiled as trade, seizing and moving tremendous wealth from the places of their penetrations. (2) For the unilateral transfers of wealth from the colonial countries to the imperial capitalists provide the prerequisites of capitalism in the precapitalist or in the embryonic state of capitalist development. By breaking up the age-old patterns of the agricultural economy, and by forcing shifts to the production of exportable crops, Western capitalism destroyed the self-sufficiency of the rural society that formed the basis of precapitalist order in all countries of its penetration, and rapidly widened and deepened the scope of commodity circulation. By outright-in many countries, massive-seizure of peasant-occupied land for plantation purpose and other uses by foreign enterprise and by exposing their rural handicrafts to the widening competition of its industrial exports, it created a vast pool of pauperized labor. Enlarging thus the area of capitalist activities, it advanced the evolution of legal and property relation attuned to the needs of a market economy and established administrative institutions required for their enforcement. Only in order to expand and tighten the economic and political grip on the areas of its domination, it forced the diversion of some of their economic surplus to the improvement of their systems of communication, to the building of railroads, harbors, and highways, providing thereby as a by-product the facilities needed for profitable investment of capital. (3) Accelerating with irresistable energy the maturing of some of the basic prerequisites for the development of a capitalist system, the intrusion of Western capitalism in the now underdeveloped countries blocked with equal force the ripening of other. The removal of a large share of the effected countries' previously accumulated and currently generated surplus could not but cause a serious setback to their primary accumulation of capital. Their being exposed to ruinous competition from abroad could not but smother their fledgling industry although the expansion of commodity circulation, the pauperization of large numbers of peasants and artisans, the contact with western technology, provided a powerful impetus to the development of capitalism, this development was forcibly shunted off its normal course, distorted and crippled to suit the purposes of Western imperialism. Based on the above three general conclusions of the studies of colonial history, we can propose the following three questions. What importance had the colonial countries to the imperial as the market of goods and capital investment of the imperial? How much devoted the colonial countries to the imperial as suppliers of foods and raw materials to the imperial? What were the economic conditions on the part of the colonial countries that enabled the imperial powers to do the above. This thesis aims to illuminate the basic characteristics of the relation between Korea and Japan in the colonial period and the legacies from the Japanese colonial control which now are the causes of the poverty and misery of Korea. Ⅰ. Korea as a market of the goods and capital investment of Japanese capitalism Korea as a market of Japanese capitalism went through two stages: Korea as a market of consumption goods of Japan and as a market of capital investment of her. The first stage begins roughly in 1876 and ends in 1929; the second begins in 1930 and ends in 1945. The demarkation of the stages is based on the importance of Korean market as the market of Japanese consumption goods or that of her production goods. The statistics of foreign trade of Korea show that in the constitution of imported goods from Japan the share of consumption goods always exceeds that of production goods over the whole period of her colonial control. But capital import accompanies not only the import of capital goods, but also that of consumption goods. The constitution of imported goods from Japan does not matter here. The important criterion of the period demarkation lies on the role of each commodity by which the foreign trade was led. The importance of Korea as a Japanese export market is appreciated by the proportion of the whole export of Japan which is destined to Korea. The statistics of foreign trade whow that the importance of Korea as a Japanese export market steadily increased from 6.1% in 1910-12 to 21.5% in 1934-36. After 1930 Korea was a largest foreign market of Japan. But the importance of Korea as a foreign market of Japan does not limit to the proportion of Japanese export of which Korea had taken. When we scrutnize the statistics of foreign trade, we find that the proportion of Japanese export of which Korea had taken increased or decreased according to the conditions of Japanese foreign trade, though the proportion of which Korea had taken increased steadily through the Japanese colonial control. The proportion increased in the year of depression and decreased in the year of boom. That is, Korea as the foreign market of Japan should sacrificed her own interest for sake of that of Japan. Korea as a foreign market of Japanese consumption goods had taken an important role. The proportions of consumption goods of the imports which were taken from Japan were 66.3% in 1919, 58.7% in 1929, 52.7% in 1935 and 49.8% in 1939, of which the shares of the goods of secondary industry were 55.5%, 47.7%, 41.2%, 38.0% and 38.3% respectively. Of the consumption goods, tissues, clothing, yarn, sugar and manufactures thereof and wine were the main stocks. Each of tissues and manufactures thereof, clothing and accessarieis thereof, yarn and the like, which were imported to Korea, took 10%, 18.1%, and 7.4% of the whole exports of each commodity in 1934-36. The tissues and manufactures thereof took 30-40% of the whole imports from Japan in the same period. Form the above, we can conclude that Korea was not only the largest foreign market of Japanese capitalism, but also the safety-value of it. Returning to the capital import from Japan, the active import of it had begun in 1930. The year of 1930 was not only the turning point of the world capitalism, but also that of the Japanese. As the depression of 1929 which was begun in the weakest link of capitalism prevailed all over the world, there were large stocks of capital in capitalist country which sought the investment opportunity. The financial capital of Japan found it in Korea. The capital imports of Korea from Japan began as early as 1882. But until 1930 the amount of them was not so great, and they themselves were small and medium-sized. The imports of large monpolistic capital were few but social over-head capital. The statistics of capital imports from Japan proves that the capital which was invested in Korea by the Japanese amounted to 7,329 million yen in 1931. Because these statistics show only the volume of the Japanese investment in Korea, which consisted in original capital investment, reserve funds and valuation profit, they do not tell how much capital imported from Japan, but we can use them as indicators which reflect the capital imports from Japan. Moreover, when we compare the capital imports from Japan based on the capital investment by the Japanese, we should remind that, of the capital investment which was done until 1931, the Japanese capital made in Korea was great. The capital investment by the Japanese in Korea during the early period of their colonial control was made in the process of the "Primitive accumulation" in which capital was accumulated in the hand of capitalists by plunder, violence, deception, usury, etc. This gives positive proof of the fact that the active capital imports from Japan began after 1930. Capital imports usually accompany the imports of capital goods. According to the foreign trade statistics, the proportion of capital goods of the whole imports increased from 31.3% in 1912, 34.6% in 1919, 33.6% in 1929 and 38.0% in 1935 to 43.9% in 1939. Especially the increase in machinery imports was very high: from 5.7% in 1912, 9.2% in 1919, 7.1% in 1929 and 8.8% in 1935 to 14.1% in 1939. The above statistics show that the increase of capital goods imports show comparatively rapid increase after 1935. This is not the whole story. In the early stage of the colonial control, the large capital goods importing countries were Western Europe and the United States. The capital goods imports from Japan were very little. If we consider this, we find that the capital goods tell that imports from Japan increased faster than the above statistics tell. By 1931 the capital invested in Korea by the Japanese amounted to 2,128 million yen. It consisted of exchequer investment, investment by corporate bodies, floating capital and investment by noncorporate bodies. The capital investment of them amounted to 898, 434, 625 and 433 million yen, respectively. Of the investment of corporate bodies, the capital invested in manufacturing was 26.9% of it, and others were invested in land, commerce and banking. But in 1941 the investment of corporate bodies amounted to 3,941 million yen which is compared to the 434 million yen in 1931. Form the above statistics we can conclude that after 1930 the capital investments in Korea by the Japanese were conducive to the industrialization of Korea in spite of its distortion, while before 1930 they engaged in the exportation of the natural resources and accumulated wealth in Korea by means of plunder, violence, deception, usury, etc. The contribution of Korea as a foreign market of Japanese investment can be appraised by the share taken by Korea of the whole foreign capital investment of Japan. But we are to appriase it with the proportion taken by Korea of the whole exports of capital goods of Japan. The method of the latter will help us to understand the colonial attributes of the capital imports from Japan. The main stocks of capital goods imports from Japan were minerals and manufactures thereof, ores and metals, metal manufactures, and machinery. The proportion of minerals and manufactures thereof of the whole export of the same commodity from Japan which is destined to Korea increased from 25.5% in 1922-24 to 42.3% in 1934-36, that of ores and metals from 10.7% to 28.5%, that of metal manufactures from 8.0% in 1916-18 to 30.5% in 1934-36, and that of machinery from 7.2% in 1916-18 to 26.4% in 1934-36. The above statistics show that the share of capital goods imports of Korea from Japan exceeds on the average 30% of the whole capital goods exports of Japan during the later period of the colonial control of Korea. This reflects that the economic structure of Japan was subordinate to the Western capitalist countries and imperial to Korea and other Far Eastern countries. Ⅱ. Korea as a supplier of foods and raw materials of Japanese capitalism From the early days of the modern trade Korea supplied foods, mineral products and gold-and-silver to Japan. Agricultural raw materials, e.g. various kind of hides and cotton, were important exportable commodities. But during the early period of the Japanese colonial control rice and beans and pulses were the main stocks of exportable commodities, while minerals gained the importance as exportable commodities in the later period of it. Korea as a supplier of foods to Japan gives the worth of the name of Korea as a colony of Japan. Rice alone takes about 50% of the whole exports of Korea. And the rice which was exported to Japan occupied nearly 30% of the whole output of her. The export of beans and pulses occupied 30% of the whole output of her. The contribution of Korea as a supplier of foods to Japan is appraised by the following. The rice export from Korea to Japan takes 67.9% in 1931-39 and 67.6% in 1934-36 of the shortage of that of Japan. That of beans and pulse takes 30-35% of the shortage of that of Japan on the average over the years of 1910-36. Korea as a supplier of the raw materials to the Japanese industry had also an important role. Comparing with Japan, minerals produced in Korea were abundant not only in their kind but also in their deposits. The proportion of the mineral export to its output of Korea reached to 10-15% before 1920, but after 1920 it reached to 30-35%. The contribution of the mineral export to Japan was 5-10% of the whole imports of Japan.

기획1 : 러시아 동유럽 사회주의 역사서술의 변화 통일 이후 독일 역사학의 동향 -역사로서의 동독연구를 중심으로-

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植民地下의 朝鮮國際收支와 資本輸出入(1910-1945) (其 1)

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