근대로 향하는 길? 무시 대교(Jembatan Musi)를 통해서 본 도로건설과 지역개발의 상관관계

여운경 한국동남아학회 2014 동남아시아연구 Vol.24 No.1

South Sumatra’s capital, Palembang, has long maintained a river-oriented transportation system. With road transportation’s increased importance for exploiting natural resources, however, hundreds of roads have been constructed since the Dutch colonial period. This article examines how the construction of roads and bridges affected people’s lives and social networks in Palembang, and what social and political significance it has in the context of a region in the postcolonial Indonesia, with a focus on the huge river called the Musi River, which horizontally crosses the city. After independence, there has been strong aspiration to link these two parts by road, and in 1965 the Musi Bridge (then the Sukarno Bridge) over the river was eventually opened. The construction of the bridge apparently initiated socioeconomic transformations and development in the region, including Ulu (the southern river bank)’s rapid urbanization. However, the features of regional development actually were prerequisites for “national” development. The regional development was impossible without financial support from the central government, and the local or regional aspiration for development was often supported only when it fitted with national envision. The Musi Bridge was a model case that fitted with such national envision. While it was the symbol of regional development, it was also celebrated as an exemplary sign of “national” development, by both Sukarno’s government and Suharto’s New Order regime. By analyzing the discussions and discourses regarding the Musi project since early 1950s, in addition to its social and economic impact after the construction, this article explores the continuities and changes in the roles and significance of the (construction of the) Musi Bridge with the changing political backstops in both regimes. Together with it, this article also aims to reexamine the interplay between “the national” and “the regional” in the prevalent aspiration for the national and regional “development” throughout the 1950s and 1960s.

1950년대 인도네시아 지역반란과 화인사회:국민당계의 몰락을 중심으로

여운경 경희대학교(국제캠퍼스) 국제지역연구원 2014 아태연구 Vol.21 No.1

This article explores regional rebellion and the changes in Chinese community in Indonesia in the 1950s, focusing on the decline of the Kuomintang (pro-Taiwan) group. In the mid-1950s, regional rebellion (PRRI, Permesta) broke out under the banner of anticommunism and regional autonomy. Obsessed with the Cold War mindset of ousting the pro-PRC and pro-communist Indonesian government, the U. S. and their allies supported the rebels. Among the allies, Taiwan supported the rebellion in a large scale, and many Kuomintang Chinese were involved in it. As a result, the political division of the Chinese community in Indonesia was intensified, and the Kuomintang group faced political and economic suppression by the government. This study exhibits that the rebellion was a site where Indonesia was connected to other countries in the Asia-Pacific region in the Cold War context, and examines what impacts the rebellion had on the ethnic Chinese in the 1950s. 본 논문은 1950년대 인도네시아의 지역반란과 그로 인한 화인사회의 변화, 특히 국민당계(친 대만) 화인들의 쇠퇴에 대한 연구이다. 1950년대 중반 수마트라와 술라웨시에서 반공과 지역자치 강화의 기치를 내건 지역반란(PRRI, Permesta)이 발발했을 때, 냉전 사고에 사로잡혀 친 중국, 친 공산주의 성향의 인도네시아 정부를 몰아내려 한 미국과 대만을 비롯한 우방국들은 반군세력을 지원했다. 대만이 반란을 적극적으로 후원하고 또 인도네시아의 국민당계 화인 다수가 이 반란에 연루되면서 화인사회의 정치적 분열이 심화되었고, 국민당계 화인들은 정부의 정치적, 경제적 탄압에 직면했다. 이 연구는 당시의 지역반란이 냉전구도 속에서 인도네시아가 미국 및 다른 아시아-태평양 지역 국가들과 연결되는 장이었음을 보여주고, 이런 상황이 1950년대 인도네시아 화인사회에 어떤 영향을 끼쳤는가를 분석한다.

탈식민지기 동남아시아의 해적과 밀무역: 술루해를 중심으로

여운경 한국외국어대학교 동남아연구소 2022 東南亞硏究 Vol.32 No.3

This article examines the structure of maritime trade in postcolonial Southeast Asia through the issues of smuggling and piracy in the Sulu Sea. The expansion of colonial powers and the establishment of territorial states in Southeast Asia in the late 19th century led to the determination of territorial sea and maritime boundaries, which redefined the legality/illegality of “daily” economic activities. While institutional arrangements and technological developments weakened “illegal” piracy, newly established boundaries have encouraged cross-border economic activities such as smuggling. This situation was reproduced with the decolonization of the 1950s and 1960s and the emergence of new states. Piracy and smuggling in the Sulu Sea, a maritime border area between British North Borneo, the Philippines and Indonesia, is a good example. The activities of pirates in the southern Philippines, and the responses of the governments of the three countries to the smuggling fleets around the Sulu Sea shows the arbitrariness and fluidity of the licitness/legality of economic activities, and, like the end of the 19th century, exhibits that the emergence of new states and borders influenced the structure and interpretation of trade in the region. 본 논문은 술루해의 밀무역, 해적이라는 문제를 통해 탈식민지기 동남아시아의 해상무역 구조를 살펴본다. 도서부 19세기 후반 동남아시아에서 식민 세력의 팽창과 영토국가의 건설은 영해와 해상 경계의 확정을 가져왔고, 그것은 “일상적” 경제활동의 합법성/불법성을 새롭게 규정했다. 제도의 정비와 기술의 발전이 “불법적” 해적 활동을 약화시켰지만, 한편으로 새롭게 설정된 경계는 밀무역 같이 경계를 넘는 경제활동을 활성화를 가져왔다. 이런 상황은 1950-60년대 탈식민지화와 새로운 국가들의 등장과 함께 재현되었다. 영국령 북보르네오, 필리핀, 인도네시아 접경지대인 술루해의 해적과 밀무역은 그 좋은 사례이다. 당시 필리핀 남부에서 출몰하는 해적의 활동, 술루해 주변에 출몰하는 밀무역 선단에 대한 삼국 정부의 대응은 경제 행위의 적합성/합법성의 자의성과 유동성을 드러내고, 19세기 말과 마찬가지로 새로운 국가와 경계의 등장이 이 지역 무역 구조와 해석에 영향을 끼쳤음을 보여준다.

Palembang in the 1950s

여운경 동양사학회 2014 동양사학회 학술대회 발표논문집 Vol.2014 No.2

1950∼60년대 인도네시아의 정치적 혼란과 셀레베스 해(Celebes Sea) 밀무역

여운경(Woonkyung Yeo) 한국문화역사지리학회 2014 문화 역사 지리 Vol.26 No.1

본 논문은 1950∼60년대 셀레베스 해에서 성행했던, 술라웨시(인도네시아), 영국령 북보르네오(사바), 필리핀사이의 밀무역에서 파생된 복잡한 국제관계를 분석한다. 이 시기에 술라웨시와 필리핀의 천연자원(코프라)이 종종 북보르네오 항구 타오 타와우로 밀반출되었고, 그 반대급부로 쌀과 사치품이 반입되었다. 북보르네오 화인들, 인도네시아 선원들, 심지어 싱가포르와 홍콩 상인들까지 이 풍요로운 사업에 참여했고, 필리핀인들도 밀수꾼 흑은 해적으로 등장했다. 이렇듯 셀레베스 해의 밀무역은 이 지역 경제의 초국가적 성격과유동성을 잘 보여준다. 한편 밀무역은 프르메스타반란이나 인도네시아-말레이시아 분쟁과 같은 정치적 갈등, 그로 인한 국경의 강화(혹은 약화) 속에서 성쇠를 겪게 되었고, 특정 한 정치적 상황에서 각국은 자신의 이익에 따라 밀수에 대해 서로 다른 입장을 보인다. 셀레베스 해 밀무역의 구조와 그를 둘러싼 논란을 분석함으로써, 이 논문은 정치, 국경(형성)과 밀수의 관계를 다시 생각해본다. This article analyzes complex international relations formed by secret πade around the Celebes Sea, between Sulawesi (Indonesia), British North Borneo (Sabah), and the Philippines throughout the 1950s and 1960s. Throughout this period, natural products (mostly copra) of Sulawesi and the Philippines were frequently smuggled to Tawau, a North Borneo port adjacent to border, where rice and luxury goods were shipped to Sulawesi and the Philippines in return. In this lucrative business, Indonesian sailors, traders from Singapore and Hong Kong, let alone Chinese traders in the British North Borneo, were deeply involved. Filipinos also played a part, sometimes as smugglers, sometimes as pirates. As such, smuggling around the Celebes Sea testifies to the transnational character and mobility of the region's economy. In addition, the status of smuggling fluctuated with political conflict in and around Indonesia, such as the Permesta Rebellion and the Confrontation between Indonesia and Malaysia, and the subsequent strengthening(or weakening) of the border. The three states showed different standpoint towards the issue of smuggling, based on their own interest in specific political conditions. By investigating the structure of and debates over smuggling around the Celebes Sea, this article rethinks the connectedness between politics , border (formation) and smuggling.

[동남아시아] 경계 넘기와 새로운 시각의 모색

여운경(Yeo, Woonkyung) 역사학회 2016 역사학보 Vol.0 No.231

The studies of Southeast Asian history in Korea in 2012-2015 have achieved ‘development’ in scholarship, responding to new theories and approaches in the field of (Southeast) Asian studies and other disciplines. While producing in-depth research on political and legal changes in premodern Southeast Asian societies, scholars of Southeast Asian history also sought to find answers to contemporary scholarly trends in the field, such as search for more interdisciplinary approaches, growing interest in more contemporary histories and more diverse topics, the critiquing of the idea and power of nation and nationalism, and quest for more international and transnational perspectives in interpreting Southeast Asian history. These new trends were encouraged by the interdisciplinary Southeast Asian studies initiated by the Humanities Korea Project and the participation of scholars outside the field of Southeast Asian history. Such an approach helped scholars study it as an integrated area rather than a collection of individual states. The rise of “New” Cold War history also contributed to the growth of studies on contemporary Southeast Asia based on transnational perspectives. As such, during the last four years the field of Southeast Asian history has communicated with diverse voices of scholars of other regions and disciplines in and outside Korea, and paved the way for a more integrated yet multidimensional study of Southeast Asian history.

자연, 과학, 권력: 식물원과 국가 만들기

여운경 ( Yeo Woonkyung ) 한국동남아학회 2016 동남아시아연구 Vol.26 No.4

베스털링(Westerling)을 찾아서: 1950년대 인도네시아의 탈식민지화와 네덜란드인 문제

여운경 ( Woon-kyung Yeo ) 경남대학교 인문과학연구소 2018 人文論叢 Vol.47 No.-

이 논문은 1950년대 인도네시아의 탈식민지화 과정에서 인도네시아의 네덜란드인을 둘러싼 정치, 사회적 갈등과 그 영향을 다룬다. 특히 1950년 초 반둥 지역에서 이른바 “정의로운 왕의 군대(APRA)” 반란을 일으켰던 베스털링(R. A. Westerling)을 둘러싼 논란에 주목한다. 독립 직후 발생한 이 사건은 신생국가의 안정을 위협하는 상징적인 사건으로 부각되었는데, 반란 실패 직후 싱가포르로 탈출한 베스털링의 체포 및 송환을 둘러싸고 극심한 정치적, 법적 논란이 있었다. 인도네시아 정부는 1950년 8월 베스털링이 유럽으로 추방된 후에도 그의 행적을 추적했고 송환을 위해 노력하였다. 한편 1950년대 중반 슈미트, 융슐라허 등 식민지 군 출신들이 반정부 활동 혐의로 체포되었는데, 재판 과정에서 이들이 1950년대 베스털링의 활동에 연루된 것으로 알려졌다. 이 재판을 통해 이들은 “또 다른 베스털링”으로 부각되었고, 인도네시아 민족주의와 탈식민지화의 걸림돌이라는 네덜란드인의 이미지가 형성되었다. 이 논문은 APRA 반란과 베스털링의 행적을 둘러싼 논란, 그리고 융슐라허 재판을 살펴봄으로써, 1950년대 인도네시아의 탈식민지화 과정에서 베스털링과 네덜란드인 문제가 어떤 의미를 지니고 있었고, 특히 그 속에서 베스털링이라는 인물의 상징성이 어떻게 이용되었는가를 분석한다. This article explores political and social conflicts surrounding the Dutch in Indonesia and their impacts in the decolonization of Indonesia in the 1950s. More specifically, it focuses on the case of Westerling who launched a rebellion called Angtakan Perang Ratu Adil (APRA) in Bandung in early 1950. This rebellion was regarded as a symbolic threat to the security of the newly independent state. After the rebellion failed, Westerling smuggled himself to Singapore. There were intense political and legal disputes over the extradition of Westerling to Indonesia. The Indonesian government chased him even after he was deported to Europe, and continued to attempt to extradite to Indonesia. Meanwhile, some Dutch ex-military officers of the KNIL, such as Jungschlaeger and Schmidt, were arrested for anti-government activities in the mid-1950s. During the trial, they were allegedly accused of being involved in Westerling’s campaigns in the 1950s. Through this trial they were labeled as “another Westerling”, and the image of the Dutch was formulated as an obstacle to Indonesian nationalism and decolonization. By exploring the APRA rebellion, debates on Westerling’s whereabouts, and the Jungschlaeger trial, this article analyzes what Westerling and the Dutch question meant in the decolonization of Indonesia in the 1950s, and how the image of Westerling was manipulated in the process.

1950-60년대 인도네시아의 정치 변화와 수카르노의 “혁명”

呂運京(Woonkyung Yeo) 동양사학회 2017 東洋史學硏究 Vol.139 No.-

In the mid-1950s, Indonesian society suffered from political conflicts and economic downfall in the context of regional rebellions and the Cold War. As a solution to these problems, Sukarno, the 1st president of Indonesia, suggested the return to the “Revolution (Revolusi).” In Indonesian history, Revolution refers to the anti-Dutch struggle for independence in 1945-49. Sukarno explicated that the Revolution was not over yet and the revolutionary spirit should be revived to accomplish the goal of Indonesian nation for an independent state, social justice, and a new international order. He suggested a new political system called “Guided Democracy” as an alternative to parliamentary democracy, which was often criticized as an western system unsuitable for Indonesian society. Under this system the political power was concentrated on the president, while political parties and parliaments were dissembles or transformed according to the governmental policy. Two political powers, the military forces and the communist party, grew rapidly in the absence of powerful parties, and the Guided Democracy was operated through the interplay between these two groups, while Sukarno working as an powerful arbiter between the two. However, increasing conflicts between the two archrivals eventually led to the collapse of the system and the emergence of Suharto’s “New Order.” The New Order abandoned the quest for Revolution, and was completely different from Sukarno’s government in its economic goals and international relations. Yet its basic political system - such as enormous power of the president and the role of functional groups – was inherited from Sukarno’s Guided Democracy. Ironically, the practices of a revolutionary political leader contributed to emergence of a most reactionary government.

확률영역에서 시스템 출력만을 이용한 시스템 규명

박성만,여운경,이동희,채교순,허훈 한국소음진동공학회 2007 한국소음진동공학회 학술대회논문집 Vol.2007 No.3