중국과 한국의 굴원론(屈原論) 몇 가지 사례를 중심으로

윤인현 ( Yun Inhyun ) 국제비교한국학회 2019 비교한국학 Comparative Korean Studies Vol.27 No.2

전국시대 초나라 충신 굴원은 역대로 중국과 한국에서 문인과 유학자들에 의해 대체적으로 높이 평가되었지만, 경우에 따라서 폄하되기도 하였다. 본고는 그 배경과 이유를 살피면서 두 나라의 문인에 의해 소환된 굴원의 공통점과 차이점을 고찰한 것이다. 이는 굴원을 알기 위한 한 방법이었다. 한나라와 송나라 때의 굴원상은 충절과 청렴함으로 일월처럼 빛났다. 다만 後漢의 반고는 굴원의 투신에 의문점을 표했다. 당ㆍ송 시대 유배객들은 자신들의 심정을 투영하여 굴원을 소환하였다. 이들은 굴원처럼 충언을 고하다 억울한 일을 당했다는 공통점을 보였다. 중국 근대 변혁기의 굴원 소환은 불의에 항거하는 투쟁가 굴원이었다. 외세에 의해 민족적으로나 사상적으로 흔들렸던 근대의 중국은 충절로 뭉친 불굴의 의지를 지닌 굴원이 필요했다. 한국의 신라시대 굴원은 충절가였다. 하지만 당나라에서 벼슬하던 최치원은, 굴원이 현실 타협적인 어보(漁父)의 삶에 초점이 맞춰 있어, 타국의 고단함을 읽히게 하였다. 또한 고려 무신정권 시대를 살았던 이규보는, 굴원이 죽음으로써 군왕의 악만을 드러내는 꼴이 되었다고 혹평하였다. 하지만 고려 말기 충신 정몽주는 굴원의 외교적 능력을 높이 샀다. 원나라와 명나라 교체기의 고려는 풍전등화의 길을 걷고 있었기 때문이다. 조선전기 굴원상은 훈구세력과 사림파에 의해 차이를 드러냈다. 훈구세력은 현실 지향적인 태도로 자신의 삶에 안주하는 듯한 자세를 취하면서 굴원의 마지막 행적인 추방된 삶을 따르고 싶지 않다는 뜻을 보였다. 이에 반해 사림파는 굴원의 충절을 본받으면서 굴원처럼 추방되어도 자신의 신념을 버리지 않겠다는 의지를 보였다. 생육신들도 굴원의 충절을 예찬하면서 자신의 본심을 드러낼 수 없는 상태에서는 굴원이라는 문학적 소재를 빌려와 우국충절의 뜻을 표현하였다. 사화기(士禍期)의 일부 유학자는 굴원의 지조보다는 세상인심에 따라 처신할 것을 은연 중에 비치기도 하였다. 조선후기는 실학자들 중 유배와 관련된 인물들이 굴원을 소환하였는데, 대체로 우국충절의 소유자로 예찬하면서 숭모의 대상으로 삼은 점이 사림파와 비슷하였다. 다만 정약용은 道가 서지 않은 시대에 출사한 굴원이 비극을 자초하였다고 평하였다. 구한말 독립운동가 최익현은 굴원처럼 혼자 죽는 것은 의미가 없다고 하였으며, 황현은 굴원에 자신의 모습을 투영하였으며, 행동화하지 못하는 자신의 모습을 한탄한 결과 자결로 이어졌다. 이는 굴원의 변함없는 우국충절을 계승하면서 조선 유학자의 선비정신을 드러낸 경우이다. 나라가 망함에 대한 선비로서의 책임감에 통감했기 때문이다. 이처럼 중국과 한국의 굴원상은 문인과 유학자들이 처한 역사적 환경과 처지에 따라 그들이 소환하고 변용한 의미는 조금씩 차이가 났다. 하지만 중국인과 한국인에 의해 흠모되고 있는 굴원상의 핵심은 충절가 굴원의 모습이었다. A faithful subject Qu Yuan(屈原) of Chu State in the age of civil wars is most highly respected by writers and Confucianists in Korean and Chinese history but he is sometimes disparaged. This study researched the similarities and differences between two countries while researching its background and reasons. That is the way to learn Qu Yuan. The loyalty and integrity of Qu Yuan brightly shone throughout Han dynasty and Song dynasty. However, Bango raised a question why he jumped to his death in later Han dynasty. Exiles in TangㆍSong dynasty recalled him by reflecting their feelings. They have in common in that they were in trouble by a false accusation of giving counsel like Qu Yuan. Recalling Qu Yuan was a fighter in the age of innovation of modern China. Modern China was precarious in ethnicity and thought because of foreign influence so they needed faithful Qu Yuan with indomitable will. Qu Yuan was a faithful subject in Silla Dynasty of Korea. Choi Chi-won, who took up a public office in Tang Dynasty, said that Qu Yuan focused on complacent life as a fisherman, leading to revealing exhaustion in foreign country. Also, Lee Gyu-Bo criticized in that Qu Yuan revealed the evil of king by killing himself in Goryeo military age. However, Jeong Mong-ju thought highly of him for the ability in diplomacy in the late Goryeo dynasty. It is because Goryeo lay in an extremely precarious state during the transition of Yuan Dynasty and Ming Dynasty. The image of Qu Yuan in the early of Chosun Dynasty was different depending on Hungu-pa and Sarimpa. Hungu-pa was reality-oriented and seemed to settle for the present, and did not follow exilic life as Qu Yuan’s last life. Hungu-pa follow the loyalty of Qu Yuan and stuck to their convictions although they were purged from public life. 6 loyal vassals who survived(Saengyuksin) admired the loyalty of Qu Yuan and expressed patriotism and loyalty borrowing literary subjects because they could not disclose their real intention. Some Confucian scholars implied that they would behave following public mind rather than fidelity of Qu Yuan in the period of massacre of scholars. Silhak scholars recalled Qu Yuan as an exile in the late of Chosun but they admired him for his patriotism and loyalty and yearned for him, which is similar to Sarimpa. However, Jeong Yak-yong said that Qu Yuan brought misfortune upon himself because he entered government service in the period of unstable Tao. The independence activist Choi Ik-hyun regarded Qu Yuan’s death as meaningless because he killed himself in the late period of Chosun. Hwang Hyeon reflected Qu Yuan onto himself and killed himself, lamenting his indecision. It indicates he inherited constant patriotism and loyalty of Qu Yuan and the spirit of Confucian scholar in Chosun. He took it hard that a country perished. To sum up, the image of Qu Yuan in Korea and China is a bit different depending on historical environment and circumstances of writers and Confucianists in that they transformed and recalled the meaning. However, the essence of Qu Yuan image is a patriot that Chinese and Koreans adored.

[국제심포지엄 기조강연] 高麗 恭愍王代의 反元的 改革政治와 ‘丙申年敎書’

민현구 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2021 한국문화 Vol.- No.96

This article is a reexamination of the anti-Yuan reforms of the Goryeo Dynasty, focusing on the “Byeongsinnyeon-Gyoseo” statement. Its contents are summarized as follows. First, this article briefly outlined the beginning and background of the anti-Yuan reforms. In May 1356, King Gongmin purged the pro-Yuan forces(附元勢力) represented by Ki Cheol(奇轍) as an emergency means, abolished Jeongdonghangseong(征東行省) Imunso(理問所) established by Yuan in Goryeo and mobilized troops to attack Yuan's territory in two directions: northwest and northeast. The reasons King Gongmin was able to carry out these reforms include the decline of the Yuan Empire, his sense of crisis due to the Yuan Empress Ki clan, and the growth of an independent historical consciousness in Goryeo around that time. Second, this article examined the process of announcing the “Byeongsinnyeon-Gyoseo(丙申年敎書)” statement and its details. Because it was confirmed that the various measures taken with the beginning of the anti-Yuan reforms were successfully progressed, and in particular, the military activities of the troops advancing to the northwest and northeast were confirmed without any setback, King Gongmin announced the “Byeongsinnyeon-Gyoseo(丙申年敎書)” statement and practically supported the anti-Yuan reform politics. It is worth noting that the use of the Yuan era name called Zhi Zheng(至正) was stopped at the same time as the statement was announced because it means that Goryeo stated in its anti-Yuan stance that it would break away from the international order centered on the Yuan Empire. This statement explained the background of the king's removal of the pro-Yuan forces in the previous section. Based on emphasizing the independence of Goryeo, it vowed to revive and reconstruct the nation anew in accordance with laws and discipline. The latter part presented specific reform proposals for 27 items. Overall, this reform plan was the design of a policy aimed at national reconstruction and an expression of determination to rebuild Goryeo into a normal state. Third, this article examined the progress of the anti-Yuan reforms after the “Byeongsinnyeon-Gyoseo(丙申年敎書)” statement. Looking at the anti-Yuan aspect, diplomatic relations reached the point of collapse due to Goryeo's purge of the pro-Yuan forces and the military actions against Yuan. However, relations between the two countries were almost restored, and the envoy’s visits were normally resumed, for the Yuan dynasty took a short-term measure, and Goryeo adopted an ingenious and active foreign policy. The two countries' relationship was put in a state of Gimi(羈縻, binding and checking), and unlike the period of interference with Yuan, Goryeo had a superficial tribute relationship to Yuan. This was an important achievement of the anti-Yuan reforms. King Gongmin carried out reform policies with a strong will to rebuild the state, and several important projects were promoted such as the Hanyang(漢陽) Cheondo(遷都, transferring the capital) Movement. Transfer of the capital was important in connection with the reform politics toward state reconstruction. However, soon after, all projects were frustrated due to the threat of Japanese Raiders and invasions by the Red Turban Bandits. The king could not abandon the tenacity to transfer the capital because he tried to overcome the regret he had for the failure of the reform politics toward state reconstruction through the realization of the transfer of the capital. Goryeo eventually established its capital in Baegak(白岳), albeit in a modified form, in the 9th year of King Gongmin. The flow of reforms was frustrated by the threat of intrusion from outside forces and was buried in the transfer of the capital to Baegak. .

高麗後期 象嵌靑磁에 보이는 元代 磁器의 영향

김윤정(Kim Yunjeong) 한국미술사학회 2006 美術史學硏究 Vol.- No.249

13세기 후반에서 14세기 전반경을 거쳐 15세기 초기까지 제작된 상감청자의 기형과 문양에 보이는 원대 자기의 영향을 고찰하였으며, 이러한 현상은 각 시기마다 전개되는 고려와 원의 외교정책, 정치적 상황, 窯業이나 무역 상황과도 밀접하게 관련되고 있었다. 麗ㆍ元간 교류의 시기적 특징과 배경, 도자 생산ㆍ유통ㆍ소비 등의 제반 상황, 상감청자의 기형과 문양에 보이는 원대 자기의 영향을 종합하여 상감청자에 元代 磁器의 영향이 수용되는 과정을 시작기, 확산기, 지속기로 編年하였다. 시작기는 麗ㆍ元 관계 초기인 13세기 4/4분기경으로, 이 시기 상감청자에는 원대 자기의 영향보다는 송대 자기나 前時期 상감청자의 영향이 많이 남아 있었으며 등을 맞댄 형태의 쌍어문이나 연화당초문과 같은 일부 문양에서 원대 자기의 영향이 보이고 있다. 이 시기는 왕실이나 관인층을 중심으로 하는 제한적인 麗ㆍ元 교류가 이루어졌지만 문헌기록에서 원대 몽고족과 관련된 그릇인 胡甁이나 원 황실의 기호에 맞춘 畵金磁器 등이 원의 貢物로 제작되고 있어서 원대 문물의 영향이 시작되었음을 알 수 있었다. 확산기는 14세기 전반경으로, 원대 자기의 영향이 가장 많이 나타나는 시기이다. 이 시기에는 용천요 청자, 경덕진 청백자, 난백유자기, 청화자기 등 다양한 품종의 원대 자기들의 영향이 보인다. 충선왕대 對元 정책이 수정되면서 원의 제도와 문물을 적극적으로 수용하였으며, 고려와 원의 도자 생산량이 크게 증가하는 등 양국의 교류가 대폭 확대된 시기이다. 이 시기에 원대 자기의 영향을 받은 상감청자에 보이는 특징은 다음과 같다. 첫째, 已巳나 壬申銘 상감청자의 일부 기형과 문양이 14세기 전반경에 제작된 天順年造銘, 樞府銘 太喜銘 磁器와 같은 元朝의 官用磁器와 관련되고 있어서 已巳와 壬申의 제작시기를 1329년과 1332년으로 추정해 보았다. 또한 간지명 상감청자가 元朝의 전용자기로 사용된 난백유자기의 기형과 문양에서 관련되고 있는 점이 주목된다. 또한 편년 자료들과의 비교로 상감청자에 원대 자기의 영향이 수용되는 시기적인 차이도 거의 없었던 것으로 보인다. 둘째, 원대 자기의 영향을 수용하는 방법은 기형이나 문양구성 등에서 상감청자의 전통을 고수하면서 주로 용문이나 봉황문, 연화당초문, 어문 등과 같은 주문양에서만 원대 자기의 영향을 주체적으로 수용하고 있다. 셋째, 퇴첩, 인화, 청화, 음각 등 다양한 기법으로 표현된 원대 자기 문양의 양식적인 특정을 모두 상감기법으로 재해석하여 시문하고 있는 점에서 고려 상감청자만의 독자성을 확인할 수 있었다. 지속기는 14세기 후반에서 15세기 1/4분기경까지이다. 이 시기의 특징은 14세기 중반 이후에는 원대 자기의 영향이 거의 나타나지 않다가 고려 말ㆍ조선 초에 제직되는 상감청자에 원대 1341년에서 1351년 사이에 제작되는 至正樣式 청화자기의 영향이 다시 보인다는 점이다. 이러한 현상은 1352년에서 1360년경까지 계속된 원의 窯業 중지, 1368년 원의 멸망, 명과의 외교 단절, 강진 자기소의 해체 등 당시 복잡했던 고려의 대내외적인 상황으로 새로운 양식의 明代 靑畵磁器가 유입되지 못했기 때문인 것으로 추정된다. 따라서 고려에 이미 유입되어서 사용되고 있었던 원대 지정양식 청화자기를 모델로 일부 상감청자〔상감분청사기〕를 제작하여서 청화자기에 대한 욕구를 대체했던 것으로 추정된다. 주목되는 점은 14세기 전반경과 15세기 초에는 모두 원대 청화자기를 모델로 상감청자가 제작되지만 14세기 상감청자는 원대 자기의 일부 주문양만을 수용하고 있는 반면에 15세기 초에 제작되는 상감분청사기에서는 문양구성이나 세부 문양표현까지 원대 청화자기의 문양을 수용하고 있어서, 15세기 초 조선사회에서 청화자기에 대한 욕구를 짐작하게 한다. 본 논문은 고려 13세기 후기에서 14세기를 거쳐 15세기 초기까지 긴박하게 변화하는 對元ㆍ對明 관계와 도자 교류의 측면에서 상감청자를 고찰하였다. 고려후기 상감청자는 前代 상감청자의 쇠퇴가 아니라 당시 元을 중심으로 하는 새로운 도자문화에서 원대 자기의 영향을 수용하여 새로운 기형과 문양이 생겨났으며, 원대 자기의 영향을 주체적으로 수용하였음을 볼 수 있었다. 또한 고려후기 상감청자의 편년과 千支銘 象嵌靑磁의 제작시기 등 여러 문제들을 새로운 시각으로 살펴보았다는 점에 의의를 두고자 한다. This thesis studies the influence of Yuan (元) dynasty wares shown in forms and designs of me inlaid celadons in Goryeo (高麗) dynasty made from me late 13th century and me early 14th century to the early 15th century and discovered that it was closely related to circumstances of both countries in me corresponding periods such as diplomatic policies, political conditions, trade conditions and conditions of the ceramic industry Considering me historical backgrounds in exchanges and overall circumstances including ceramic wares manufacturing production and distribution of both countries, I divided the introduction period of me Yuan dynasty wares influence into the following three periods. They are the starting period, the spreading period and the maintaining period. The starting period was the last quarter of the 13th century when Goryeo and Yuan started to build relation, and the inlaid celadons in this period was influenced more by Song (宋) dynasty wares or the previous inlaid celadons rather man by Yuan dynasty wares, but we can witness the influence of Yuan dynasty wares in some patterns such as a lotus scroll design or a couple of fishes design with a back-to-back pattern In this period me exchanges between both countries were only limited to those of me royal family or bureaucrat, but I could find out Yuan culture and institutions started to influence Goryeo in that bobyeong (胡甁, a vessel related to Mongolia of Yuan) and the celadon with overglaze gilt decoration (畵金磁器) which suited imperial family of Yuan were made as offerings to Yuan. The spreading period is the early 14th century and we can witness the influence of Yuan most in this period. The influence of various Yuan dynasty wares shown in this period includes that of a Longquan kiln celadons (龍泉窯 靑磁), a Jingdezhen qingbai wares (景德鎭 靑白磁), a porcelain with luanbai glaze (卵白釉磁器), a blue-white porcelain (靑畵磁器), As King Chungseon (忠宣王, 1309-1313) changed diplomatic policies toward Yuan, Goryeo started to actively accept institutions and culture of Yuan Dynasty. and exchanges between two countries remarkably increased. as we can see in the increase in celadon production volume of two nations. The characteristics of the inlaid celadons influenced by Yuan dynasty wares are as follows. First. some form and design of the inlaid celadons with the inscription gisa (已巳) or imsin (壬申) were related to celadons made in the early 14th century and used in the palace of Yuan such as wares with the inscription Tiansbun nian zhao (天順年造), Sbufu (樞府) and Taixi (太禧). Therefore, I estimated the period gisa (已巳) and imsin (壬申) were made as 1329 and 1332. The fact thar the inlaid celadons with inscription ganji (sexagenary cycle) has some relations with pocelain with luanbai glaze which was used exclusively for Yuan's imperial court in its form and design is also noticeable. Also, there seemed to be no difference in time in accepting the influence of Yuan dynasty wares in the inlaid celadons in chronological comparison. Second, in accepting the Yuan dynasty wares influence. the tradition of the inlaid celadons in a form or a composition of design were well kept but the Yuan dynasty wares influence can be seen only in main design such as a dragon design. a phoenix design, lotus scroll design and fish design. Third, I could reaffirm the uniqueness of the inlaid celadons in that characteristics of Yuan dynasty wares expressed in various techniques such as applied ornament moulded relief, cobalt blue painting and intaglio were all reinterpreted as techniques of inlay and styled. The maintaining period is from the late 14th century to the fust quarter of the 15th century. We cannot find the Yuan dynasty wares influence in the inlaid celadons made since the middle of the 14th century but the influence of Zhizheng style (至正樣式) blue-white porcelain made from 1341 to 1351 in Yuan, was shown again in the inlaid celadons made at the end of the Goryeo Dynasty and the beginning of the Joseon

고려의 북원(北元)칭호 사용과 동아시아 인식 -고려의 양면 외교를 중심으로-

윤은숙 ( Eun Sook Yoon ) 중앙아시아학회 2010 中央아시아硏究 Vol.15 No.-

The replacement of Yuan Dynasty by Ming Dynasty at the end of the 14th century meant that East Asia returned to plural order. From such a point of view, King Gongmin of the Koryo Kingdom was not the one who followed simple diplomacy of `against Yuan and pro Ming`. At two-sided diplomacy under international situation that Yuan was replaced by Ming, King Gongmin adopted practical diplomatic policy by double-sided. After the fall of Yuan, East Asia kept power balance of North Yuan, Ming and Koryo Kingdom by remaining force of Yuan during a certain period so that Ming Dynasty only could not govern East Asia easily. The findings were as follow: Firstly, in 1356, `Murder case of Gi Family` started to take special innovation actions of King Gongmin`s policy that did not follow anti-Yuan policy. In the middle of the 14th century, Yuan was losing power, and it still kept its position of suzerain of giant power of Mongolia so that King Gongmin was unable to escape from system of Mongol Empire. Secondly, King Gongmin`s declaration of North Yuan did not mean simple line diplomatic route. The Koryo Kingdom`s declaration of North Yuan meant not severance of diplomatic relations with North Yuan but start of the relations with Ming. In 1369, the Koryo Kingdom broke off diplomatic relations with North Yuan in appearance and actually got in touch with North Yuan. King Gongmin opened diplomatic relations with Ming and also kept constant relations with North Yuan to seek for double-sided and practical diplomacy. Thirdly, diplomatic relations between Koryo and Ming was broken down because of Koryo to a certain degree. In 1371, Ming was consecutively defeated at the fighting against North Yuan so that it thought that Koryo informed North Yuan of situation in the name of dispatch of an envoy. The theory of Koryo`s involvement in Nagachu`s attack against Niujiazhuang(牛家莊) is thought be appropriate to a certain degree from point of view of King Gongmin`s diplomatic route at that time. The Koryo Kingdom severed diplomatic relations with Ming in 1374 to let Ming make change of attitudes toward Koryo in 1377 that occurred not by changes of internal situation of both countries but by practical diplomacy of Koryo. Considering East Asia` return to plural world, Koryo accepted North Yuan`s demand and had no idea to build up allied force: On the contrary, Koryo wanted to communicate with not only North Yuan but also Ming by resumption of diplomatic relations with Ming.

원간섭기 監察司의 지위와 역할 -충렬왕과 충선왕대를 중심으로-

이정훈 역사실학회 2018 역사와실학 Vol.65 No.-

This study examines the changed status and role of the Goryeo’s inspection institute against bureaucrats when its name was changed from Eosadae to Gamchalsa, especially focusing on the ages of Kings Chungryeol and Chungseon during Yuan’s intervention period. Eosadae(御史臺) was introduced to Goryeo with the reorganization of the Seongjong’s ruling system. Eosadae was responsible for many tasks, but the most important task was the inspection against bureaucrats. By the way, in the early Goryeo era, Eosadae inspected the central officials, while Anchalsa and Mumunsa watched the provincial officials. As such, the inspection duty was duplicated. As the bureaucratic system was downgraded by Yuan in the 1st ruling year of King Chungryeol, Eosadae was renamed Gamchalsa. Gamchalsa succeeded the work of Eosadae in the early Goryeo era. However, as the king, the supreme decision maker of the national administration, frequently left his own land to serve Yuan Emperor, the discipline of the bureaucrats became deteriorated, causing diverse problems in bureaucratic administration and state administration. After his third visit to Yuan, King Chungryeol took control of the natioanl administration with the support of Yuan and carried out Asigamgeom(衙時監檢) to rectify the discipline of the bureaucrats. Asigamgeom was to have Gamchalsa inspect the private lives of bureaucrats twice a year in summer and winter. With the execution of Asigamgeom, Gamchalsa, who had inspected the misconducts, ill rituals, and attitudes during their official works, came to expand its inspection function to the bureaucrats private lives. King Chungseon, who had been critical of King Chungryeol 's confidant politics, reformed the political system by introducing the Yuan’s system based on his long experience in Yuan. King Chongseon introduced the bureaucratic system of the Yuan, which strengthened the position of Eosadae by attaching more importance to the inspector function. He raised the status of Saheonbu(司憲府) up to Jong 2 Pum in his inauguration year and up to Jeong 2 Pum in his rehabilitation year. Thus, he secured Saheonbu to perform the inspection function without being overwhelmed by other authorities. In order to enhance the independence of Saheonbu, he abolished the positions of judges and counselors which had been designated by bureaucrats of the other government offices. The inspection scope of Saneonbu was limited to the central officials in the administrative reform made in his inauguration year. On the other hand, when reforming the administrative system after he came back from Yuan, he made Saheonbu inspect both the central and provincial offices, thereby unifying the dualist inspection work. Unlike in early Goryeo age, Gamchalsa [Saheonbu] during the Yuan’s intervention was not only strengthened in the inspection function with the unification of inspection tasks, but also secured its independence as the inspection office by being raised its status. Of course, the enhanced function and raised position of the inspection office in the Yuan’s intervention was in response to the newly emerging situation of visitation Yuan and returning to Goryeo of kings. However, from the viewpoint of bureaucratic development, this strengthening of the inspection function played a role of enhancing the bureaucratic attribute by establishing the working attitude for bureaucrats and eradicating mischief or corruption. 본 연구는 관료에 대한 감찰을 담당한 어사대가 감찰사로 개칭되면서 변화된 지위 및 역할을 검토한 것으로서, 원간섭기 지배체제가 구축되는 충렬왕대 및 충선왕대를 중심으로 고찰하였다. 어사대는 성종대 지배체제가 정비되면서 고려에 도입되었다. 어사대는 여러 가지 업무를 담당하였지만, 그 중에서도 가장 중요한 업무는 관료에 대한 감찰이었다. 그런데 고려전기 감찰 업무는 중앙관은 어사대가, 지방관은 안찰사‧안무사 등이 담당하였다. 충렬왕 원년 원에 의해 관제가 격하되면서, 어사대는 감찰사로 개칭되었다. 감찰사의 업무는 고려전기 어사대의 업무를 그대로 계승하였다. 그렇지만 국정 운영의 최고 결정권자인 국왕이 親朝로 국정 운영 현장을 떠남에 따라 관료들의 기강이 해이해지고, 이로 인해 관료제 운영 및 국정 운영에 문제가 발생하였다. 이에 충렬왕은 3차 친조이후 원의 후원으로 국정 운영의 주도권을 장악하면서, 관료들의 기강을 바로잡기 위해 아시감검을 시행하였다. 아시감검은 감찰사가 여름과 겨울 두 차례에 관료들의 근태를 감찰하는 것이었다. 아시감검의 시행으로, 관료들의 업무상 잘못, 의례나 조회 때에 예에 어긋난 행동을 규찰하던 감찰사는 관료들의 근태까지 감찰하게 됨에 따라 감찰 기능이 확대되었다. 충렬왕대 측근정치에 비판적이었던 충선왕은 오랜 원에서의 경험을 바탕으로 원의 정치제도를 도입하여 정치제도를 개혁하였다. 충선왕은 특히 감찰의 기능을 중시하여 어사대의 지위를 강화시켰던 원의 관제 운영 방식을 도입하여, 즉위년에는 사헌부를 종2품으로, 복위년에 사헌부를 정2품으로 그 지위를 높여주었다. 그리하여 사헌부가 다른 관청에 휘둘리지 않고 감찰 기능을 수행토록 하였다, 또한 사헌부의 독자성을 높이기 위하여, 다른 관청의 관료가 임명되던 판사직과 지사직을 폐지하였다. 한편 사헌부의 감찰 범위는 즉위년 관제 개혁 때에는 중앙 관료만 감찰하도록 하였다. 반면 재원통치를 실시하였던 복위년 관제 개혁 때에는 사헌부가 중앙관 및 지방관을 모두 감찰하도록 하여 이원화되었던 감찰 업무를 일원화시켰다. 이렇듯 원간섭기 감찰사[사헌부]는 고려전기와 달리, 감찰 업무가 일원화되고 감찰 기능이 강화되었을 뿐만 아니라 감찰을 담당한 관청의 지위를 높여 감찰 업무의 독립성을 보장하였다. 물론 원간섭기에 감찰 담당 관청의 위상이 높아지고 그 기능이 강화된 것은 원간섭기에 새로 대두된 친조, 재원통치에 대한 대응이었다. 그렇지만 관료제 발달이라는 측면에서 볼 때, 감찰 기능의 강화는 관료들에게 근무 자세를 확립하고 비위나 비리를 근절하도록 함으로써 관료로서의 속성을 강화시켜주는 역할을 담당하였다.

루안판의 『북원사』에 대한 비판적 검토 - 주요 서술의 특이성과 쟁점을 중심으로

윤은숙 동북아역사재단 2022 東北亞歷史論叢 Vol.- No.77

Since this book was published as part of the major commissioned project “Research on the History of Ancient Northeast Fang Empire and its Dependent Countries” in 2010 by China’s National Social Science Fund of China, it is necessary to pay attention to the book in that it is a writing that can analyze the latest trend of research on the history of Northern Yuan in Chinese academia. History of Northern Yuan written by Luan Fan who dealt with the history after the Mongol Empire (China Science Publishing & Media Ltd., 2019) is China’s first description that covered politics, economy, culture, ethnicity, and people to earnestly deal with the history of Northern Yuan. Regarding the history of the Mongol Empire as Chinese history, following the logic of traditional Chinese academia and presupposing that the Mongols established a multi-ethnic nation, unifying the northeast region of China, the author would present the Great Yuan Empire, a multi-ethnic nation, founded by the Mongols as a ground for explaining the logic of ‘Zhonghua minzu (Chinese nation)’ historically. Especially, he brings out Northern Yuan and Ming Dynasties as successor states of the Yuan Dynasty to emphasize the history of Northern Yuan, too, is part of Chinese history and argues that the two countries were two governments that coexisted on the Chinese territory after the extinction of the Yuan Dynasty. Like he argues that since the Yuan Dynasty was founded in the Chinese territory, its history was part of Chinese history, this seems to be the groundwork to set out a coercive logic that Northern Yuan would also be part of Chinese history since Northern Yuan existed in the territory of the Yuan Dynasty and succeeded the Yuan Dynasty. 몽골제국 이후의 역사를 다룬 루안판(欒凡)이 쓴 『북원사』(중국사회과학출판사, 2019)는 2010년 중국의 국가사회과학기금 중대위탁항목인 <동북고대 방국·속국사 연구> 과제의 일환으로 편찬되었으므로, 그에 따른 목적성을 내포하고 있다. 이 책은 정치, 경제, 문화, 민족과 인물 등을 총망라하여 본격적으로 북원의 역사를 다룬 중국의 첫 번째 저술로서 중국학계의 북원사 인식에 대한 변화의 추이를 총체적으로 파악할 수 있다는 점에서 주목할 필요가 있다. 저자는 기존 중국학계의 논리를 답습해서 몽골제국사를 중국사로 간주하면서, 몽골족이 중국의 동북지역을 통일하여 다민족국가를 형성하였다고 전제하며, ‘중화민족’이란 논리를 역사적으로 설명할 근거로 몽골족이 세운 다민족국가 대원제국을 제시하고 있다. 나아가, 북원사도 중국사의 일부라고 역설하기 위해, 북원과 명조를 원의 계승국으로 등장시키고, 양국은 원 소멸 이후 중국 영토상에 병존했던 두 개의 정권이라 주장하고 있다. 원(元)이 중국 영토 내에 건설되었기에 중국사의 범주라고 주장하는 것처럼, 원의 판도 내에 북원이 존재하고 원을 계승하고 있으므로 북원 역시 중국사의 일부라는 억지 논리를 펴기 위한 포석으로 보인다.

北元과 明의 대립

尹銀淑(Yoon Eun Sook) 동양사학회 2008 東洋史學硏究 Vol.105 No.-

This study investigated North Yuan's activities through confrontation and conflict between North Yuan and Ming in the era of great reformation in East Asia at the end of the 14th century, and it examined effects of the fall of North Yuan upon political situation changes in Liaodong. North Yuan that moved northward from Daidu could still keep gigantic force and confronted with Ming almost twenty years. In particular, Ayu?iridara Khan who returned to Kara Khorom allowed Koke Temur to control politics as well as military force comprehensively and to reduce disharmony, so that he could keep system in order promptly a little more than one year to recover military force. In 1372, North Yuan greatly defeated as many as 150,000 Ming's soldiers at Qara qorom combat to prepare for base for the restoration and to attack M ing's borders. On the other hand, Ming that experienced North Yuan's strong military force suspended direct attack against North Yuan to suggest negotiations for peace that could keep existing system by converting into defensive attitudes. Zhu Yuan-Zhang who failed in attack against Mongolia suspended direct attack against Mongolia to turn to Liaodong and to start regular attack against Nagachu. At last Nagachu who failed in combined operations with Koryo not to endure Ming's pressure surrendered to Ming, so that Ming suppressed North Yuan power in Liaodong that was still powerful even after the fall of Yuan in 1368 and it could occupy Liaodong region completely. As a result, Ming destroyed connections among Koryo, Nagachu and North Yuan to get rid of North Yuan. Togus Temur regime that failed in control of nomadic power in Mongolia made efforts to overcome crisis by entering into Liaodong, and it was destroyed all of sudden in 1388 at Nagachu's surrender to Ming. When A?asri of Otchigin Family that was last Mongolian power in Liaodong after the fall of North Yuan surrendered to Ming, Mongolian power in Liaodong was actually destroyed. The East Asian world that kept tight relations of triangle balance among Koryo, North Yuan and Ming made change rapidly to become Ming's system at the fall of North Yuan. However, Ming that was new power could not control Mongolian power gradually that reinforced military force in Mongolia to attack Ming. Under such a political change in East Asia. Uryangqai 3wei reorganized power system in East Asia by taking advantages of Ming's political chaos as well as vigor of East Mongolia and West Mongolia.

중,홍콩 무역업자의 무역결제시 위안화 선호도에 관한 연구

구기보 ( Ki Bo Ku ),황원일 ( Won Il Hwang ) 한국외국어대학교 국제지역연구센터 중국연구소 2010 中國硏究 Vol.49 No.-

In this study we drew conclusions for the international trade settlement between Korea and China by investigating the preference of Hong-Kong residents for Chinese Yuan as the key currency in the trade between China and Hong-Kong. The questionnaire was designed to ask about convenience, value stability, and liquidity of Yuan, and businessmen who were engaged in foreign trade at Hong-Kong participated in this survey. Since the subprime crisis began in the US, the Chinese government has driven the policy for the internationalization of Yuan, including the international trade settlement through Yuan. Even though the international trade settlement through Yuan was not successful, as of November 2009, because of its technical problems, insufficient follow-up actions, ill-refined foreign exchange control procedures, general difficulty in money exchange, and preference of importers for US dollars, the empirical study showed that Yuan was highly preferred as the key currency in the trade between China and Hong-Kong. The conclusions drawn from the role of Yuan as the key currency in the trade between China and Hong-Kong are as follows: First, using Yuan and/or Won as the key currency in the trade between Korea and China would prevent trade-shrinking due to the shortage of US dollars. Second, businessmen who are engaged in the trade between Korea and China would expect the convenience of currency increased by using Yuan and/or Won. Third, the risk of foreign exchange loss would be decreased by using Yuan and/or Won because the currency value of Yuan would be relatively stable compared to US dollars. Fourth, the role of Yuan as the key currency in foreign trade would be increased in the near future, and the necessity of relying on US dollars would be relatively decreased. Finally, the systems and procedures that are related to using Yuan and/or Won as the key currency in the trade between Korea and China should be well established.

隨園詩話에 수록된 袁枚의 自作詩 연구

신재환(Jae-hwan Shin) 영남퇴계학연구원 2022 퇴계학논집 Vol.- No.30

본 논문은 『小倉山房詩集』에 총 4,484수의 시를 남긴 淸 중기 性靈說의 주창자 袁枚가 자신의 시학이론 저작 『隨園詩話』를 편찬하면서 수록한 195수의 자작시를 전수 추출하고, 이를 개별 작가의 ‘창작과 비평의 합일’이라는 관점에서 다각도로 분석하였다. 본격적인 분석에 앞서 원매가 『수원시화』를 편찬하는 과정에서 195수의 자작시를 수록한 진의가 무엇인지 추적해 보았으며, 이 자작시들이 형식적인 측면과 내용적인 측면에서 어떤 특징을 지니고 있는지 살펴보았다. 원매의 만년에 成書된 『수원시화』에 수록된 총 195수의 자작시 중 28%에 해당하는 54수만이 『소창산방시집』에 수록되었을 뿐 나머지 72%의 시편들은 『수원시화』의 편찬을 통해 세상에 알려지게 되었다는 사실을 확인하였다. 이것이 동기부여로 촉발되어 『소창산방시집』이 아닌 『수원시화 수록 자작시를 연구의 대상으로 삼아 ‘시인으로서의 원매’를 이해하는 방법을 모색하게 되였다. 원매가 『수원시화』에 적지 않은 자작시를 수록한 목적을 크게 세 가지 관점에서 살펴보았다. 젊은 시절 자의에 의해 散失된 초기시 발굴, 시를 품평하는 과정에서 비교의 기준으로 활용, 그리고 효율적인 성령설의 표방이 그것이다. 이를 통해 개별 시인의 창작성과가 표방하고자 하는 시학이론의 일부로 흡수되어, 서로 유기적인 관계를 형성하고 있다는 사실을 확인하였다. 수록된 자작시는 형식적으로 對偶句 句式(전체의 96%)의 摘句 비평(전체의 70%)이 주류를 이루었다. 『수원시화』가 동시대에 편찬된 여타 詩話書에 비해 상대적으로 방대한 분량임이 인정되더라도 한정된 지면과 편폭 내에서 이루어지는 詩評인 점을 감안하면 이러한 결과는 충분히 예견되는 통계이다. 그리고 채택된 詩形은 원매 자신이 詩作 과정에서 유난히 장점을 보인 7언 절구와 7언 율시의 시형이 전체 시편의 82%에 해당되는 159수를 차지하였다. 이러한 사실을 통해 수원시화서 비평에서 형식상 어떤 句式과 詩形의 작품이 최적의 효과를 발휘하며 채록되는지 이해할 있었다. 수록된 자작시는 내용상 交遊詩·詠史詩·論詩詩·哀悼詩·山水景物詩 등의 다양한 형태로 나타난다. 그 중 교유시가 가장 많이 나타나니, 이는 性靈說의 맹주로서의 명성을 지닌 원매의 위상, 그리고 20대 초반부터 82세의 나이로 세상을 작별하기 전까지 몇몇 정치적 인물을 비롯하여 성별과 신분을 초월한 폭넓은 교유 관계가 복합적으로 작용한 결과로 이해할 수 있다. 교유시는 다시 세속적인 친분으로 맺어진 인물들과의 교유시와 성령설로 맺어진 인물들과의 교유시로 나눌 수 있다. 다음으로 많은 수를 차지하는 영사시는 대부분 묘사되는 역사적 사실이나 인물에 대해 자신의 사상과 감정을 투영하여 확고한 역사인식을 보여주는 작품으로 구성되었으니, 이는 곧 원매 자신이 영사시의 창작에 남다른 성과를 보인 점과 밀접한 관계가 있다. 더하여 단백하면서도 참신한 내용으로 구성된 젊은 시절의 논시시, 그리고 산수경관과 경물에 대한 단순한 묘사에 그치지 않고 감정을 투영시켜 재미와 흥취를 더한 산수경물시도 관심을 받기에 충분히 가치 있는 연구주제이다. This paper extracts and researches 195 self-created poems contained in Yuan-mei(袁枚)'s 『Sui Yuan Shi Hua(隨園詩話)』, xinglingshuo(性靈說)'s leading creator of the mid-Qing(淸) period. This was analyzed from various angles from the perspective of 'unification of creation and criticism' of individual poets. First, I tracked the meaning of 195 self-created poems in the process of compiling 『Sui Yuan Shi Hua(隨園詩話) . It analyzed what characteristics these self-created poems have in terms of form and content. As a result of the study, only 54 poems, or 28% of the 195 self-created poems included in 『Sui Yuan Shi Hua(隨園詩話) , written in Yuan-mei(袁枚)'s later years, were included in his collection of poems. The remaining 72% of the poems became known to the world through 『Sui Yuan Shi Hua(隨園詩話) . This motivated me to find a way to understand ‘Yuan-mei(袁枚) as a poet’ by using self-created poems as the central subject of research in the book 『Sui Yuan Shi Hua(隨園詩話) , not 『Xiao Cang Shan Fang Shi Ji(小倉山房詩集) . The purpose of Yuan-mei(袁枚), which contains a number of self-created poems in 『Sui Yuan Shi Hua(隨園詩話) , was largely divided into three perspectives and analyzed. First, the purpose is to excavate early poems that were passed down as young people. Second, it is intended to adopt self-created poems as the basis for comparison in the process of evaluating other people's poems. Third, it is a strategy to efficiently advocate xinglingshuo(性靈說) advocated by oneself. Yuan-mei(袁枚)'s self-created poems included in 『Sui Yuan Shi Hua(隨園詩話) were generally maintained in the form of a dual sentence(對偶句)(96% of the total) and excerpt diction(摘句) criticism(70% of the total). In the adopted poem form, Yuan-mei(袁枚) himself showed special advantages in the process of writing poetry, and the form of the seven-syllable phrase(七言絶句) and the seven-word verse(七言律詩) occupies 159 numbers, which account for 82% of the total poems. Yuan-mei(袁枚)'s self-created poems included in 『Sui Yuan Shi Hua(隨園詩話) appear in various forms such as a poem of discuss poetry(論詩詩), a poem of socialize(交遊詩), a poem reminiscent of the past(詠史詩), a poem of mourning(哀悼詩), a poem of landscape and objects(山水景物詩). Among them, the number of a poem of socialize(交遊詩) and a poem reminiscent of the past(詠史詩) appears relatively large. This is due to Yuan-mei(袁枚)'s status as advocate of xinglingshuo(性靈說) that formed its power the most widely among the four major theories of poetry in the Qing Dynasty(淸代), and continuous communication with known and unknown poets from all walks of life, including dignitaries. In addition, it can be said that the poems of discuss poetry(論詩詩) written in youth with simple and novel contents are excellent enough to attract the attention of researchers. and it is excellent in the poems of landscape and objects(山水景物詩), which is not only a description of landscape scenery and scenery, but also has the characteristic of reflecting one's emotions and showing fun and excitement.

조선후기 원사대가(元四大家)에 대한 이해와 실제-방작회화(倣作繪畵)를 중심으로-

김경은 동양미술사학회 2023 동양미술사학 Vol.17 No.-

본 논문은 원사대가 방작회화를 중심으로 조선후기 화단에서 원사대가를 이해한 방식과 작품에서의 반영 양상을 고찰하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 이에 18세기 후반에서 19세기 전반이라는 시기에 제작되고 원사대가를 방고대상으로 삼은 방작회화와 동시기 중국과 조선의 회화를 종합적으로 비교하고, 문헌에서의 서술 양상을 검토하는 연구방식을 사용하였다. 17세기 전반 고씨화보 의 전래를 통해 원사대가와 그들의 회화에 대한 인지가 시작되었으며, 이후 허구서의 작품과 문헌 기록을 통해 적어도 18세기 후반 원사대가의 작품과 화가적 면모에 대한 인식이 화단에 자리하였음을 알 수 있다. 특히 18세기 후반과 19세기 전반의 작품 경향에서 화가에 대한 이해와 방작의 양상이 확연히 변화하는 것이 주목된다. 원명웅, 정수영 등의 작품을 통해 18세기 후반에는 원사대가의 방작에 산거의 도상이 채용되는 것이 확인되며, 이는 원사대가를 은사로 인식하였던 화단의 공통된 인식과 은일 주제의 다양한 회화를 제작했던 화단의 시의성에 기반한다. 원사대가에 대한 집합적 인식은 동기창의 화론과 방고화첩의 유입에 따른 것으로 보인다. 19세기 전반에는 원사대가 방작회화와 함께 방원인산수도라는 새로운 유형의 작품이 등장한다. 김정희와 허련의 작품을 통해 동일한 화제 아래 각기 다른 화면이 나타나는 것이 특징적이며, 이는 화단 내 선화의 보편적 가치와 기준을 정립하는 과정에서 예황이라는 병칭이 나타나고 원인이라는 용어로 개념을 확장한 것에 기인한다. 이에 당대 화단에서 추구하는 좋은 화풍은 원인이라는 보편적 개념 아래 모두 수용되었고 방원인산수도는 이를 모두 아우르는 하나의 화제로 자리하게 되었다. The purpose of this paper is to examine how late Joseon art scene interpreted and reflected the concept of “The four masters of Yuan dynasty (元四大家, from this out I’ll mark it as a Yuan-sadaega)” into landscape paintings during the late 18th to the first half of the 19th century. This study employs a comparative approach, analyzing paintings created during this period in Korea and China, particularly those featuring Yuan-sadaega, while also investigating written records. The understanding of the Yuan-sadaega and their paintings began through the early 17th century Gosi's painting manuals(顧氏畵譜). Through Heo Guseo(許九敍)'s works and literary records, It can be observed that the perception of Yuan sadaega's artworks and artistic aspects during at least the late 18th century was established within the art community. Notably, a distinct shift in the understanding of painters and the composition of Yuan-sadaega is observed in the trends of the late 18th and first half of the 19th century. In the late 18th century, the use of dwelling in the mountain(山居) image into landscapes in Yuan-sadaega compositions is evident, particularly in works by artists like Won Myeong-ung(元命雄) and Jeong Su-yeong(鄭遂榮). This trend is rooted in the contemporaneous significance of the art scene that produced a variety of paintings with the theme of ‘benevolence and daily life and in the shared understanding of the Yuan-sadaega as recluse(隱士) within the artistic community. This collective perception of the Yuan-sadaega seems to have been influenced by the influx of theories and writings on painting by Dong qi chang(董其昌) and by the circulation of painting manuals. The early 19th century, a new a new type of painting emerged alongside Bangjak(倣作, paintings of creative imitation) about the Yuan-sadaega, known as ‘Bangjak about Yuan dynasty painters(倣元人山水圖). Through the works of Kim Jeong-hee(金正喜) and Heo Ryeon(許鍊), it is noteworthy that various scenes are depicted under the same theme. This reflects the establishment of universal values and standards for literary painting within the art community. This process led to the term ‘Ni-hwang(倪黃, abbreviation of Ni zan and Hwang gong wang)’ emerging and the concept expanding under the term ‘Yuan-in’ (元人, the symbol of Yuan art scean). As a result, the desired artistic style pursued by the contemporary artistic community was encompassed under the universal concept of ‘Yuan-in,’ and ‘Bangjak about Yuan dynasty painters’ came to embody this comprehensive theme.