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Owing to the high mortality rate of influenza diseases, the early examination and accurate detection of the influenza virus are crucial for preventing potential tragedies. This paper reports the design of a highly reliable machine learning classifier for automatic detection of the influenza virus based on an image of its detection kit. Convolutional neural networks (CNNs), currently the most reliable image classifiers, were designed for the images of an influenza detection kit, and their hyperparameters were fine-tuned using an architecture search algorithm, Bayesian optimization, and hyperband (BOHB). With an overall accuracy of 90.14%, the designed and optimized 2DCNNs algorithm successfully separate the influenza virus from normal using the detection kit images.
The Balkan region has historically been an area of tension and conflict, owing much to the co-existence of five ethnic groups speaking four different languages. Since 1389, when the Osman Turks conquered Serbia, the Balkan territory was divided into separate spheres of influence, the northern area under the influence of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the southern assimilated into the Muslim culture. In the first half of this century, the Serbs found themselves fighting against Croatians and Slovenians, thus leading to the ethnic conflict that has carried on to this day. Although the hostilities were put aside under the leadership of Josip Tito when he united the people under socialist Yugoslavia, tensions flared up again after his death in 1980. The Bosnian conflict, which lasted for 3 years and 7 months from April 1992 until the end of 1995, was, in short, the struggle for independence by the different nations under the Serbia-dominated Federation. Adding to the complexity was the forceful resistance by the Serbian militia who opposed the independence movement in each of the republics. The crisis began with the proclamation of independence by Slovenia and Croatia, which triggered similar movement in neighboring Bosnia. Following the aborted referendum that was to decide Bosnia's fate, violent clashes ensued. The situation worsened with respective interventions by Serbia and Croatia. During the early stages of the conflict, it seemed as if a peaceful resolution could be reached. Representatives of the European Community and later the United Nations spent many months trying to find a solution acceptable to Milosevic, the leader of the Serbs. Nonetheless, as doubts grew concerning the motives of Milosevic and the federal army, the UN Security Council decided to send in troops to Croatia and posed economic sanctions on the Yugoslav Federation. The purpose was to get the Bosnian Serbs out of Bosnia, but the results were unsatisfactory. The response of the U.S. and Western European governments, Russia, and the UN has been generally deemed irresponsible with destructive consequences. Despite a series of arbitrary actions of Milosevic's Serbian government and the Serbian-dominated federal army leadership, the aforementioned powers have only belatedly decided on economic sanctions and implementation of a no-fly zone. The United States, in particular, has somewhat reluctantly taken on the responsibility of finding a solution for the crisis in Bosnia due to pressures arising from public opinion. But, still haunted by the trauma of Vietnam, U.S. actions have remained at providing emergency relief as opposed to direct military intervention. The United Nations has also restrained from direct intervention, although it had hinted at the possible use of force from the beginning. Due to the passive attitude of the UN, the risk of casualties, limited activities of the UNPROFOR, and conflicting national interests, active peacekeeping was virtually impossible. It was the international community's cries for action at the appalling news of ethnic genocide being carried out by the Bosnian Serbs and the dissolution of the Vance-Owen peace proposal that led the UN to order NATO air strikes on the Serbs. The fighting ended temporarily with Carter's mediation, and the ensuing diplomatic efforts by Holbrooke led to the signing of the peace accord The peace agreement, reached in November 1995, was the culmination of U.S. diplomacy and its initiative in the actual negotiations. To achieve the objective of the "51-49 territorial division", however, NATO air strikes had to continue. In addition to the division of territory, the warring parties agreed to the retention of the Yugoslav federation, a unified Sarajevo, and the importation of UN peacekeeping troops. The Bosnian conflict, which produced 200,000 casualties and more than 3 million refugees, holds important lessons for the future. First, it has shown that mediation efforts through mere diplomacy only tend to prolong tensions. Second, the use of force in dealing with internal affairs of another sovereign nation requires meticulous planning and preparation. Third, once involved, there must be a clear objective at hand, without internal division or hesitation. In the Balkan region, the fundamental problems remain. As such, the Dayton peace accord may serve only as an ad-hoc solution.
The introduction of the Guidelines for U.S.-Japan Defense Cooperation(hereinafter the Guidelines) in New York on 23 September 1997 has been received with mixed emotions. On the one hand, the Guidelines are expected to strengthen the existing U.S.-Japan security ties, thereby contributing to the security environment in East Asia. On the other hand, alarmists point to Japan's expanded military role which could eventually lead to Japan's remilitarization, an unsavory development given Japan's past record as an imperialistic power. Whatever the verdict, the Guidelines are generally perceived as a milestone, with the potential to reshape the political·military landscape of the region as a whole. Immediately at issue is the question of how to step up Japan's military role in situations in areas surrounding Japan, including possible contingencies on the Korean peninsula. China, meanwhile, has accused the Guidelines of implying a possible intervention in case of a contingency in the Taiwan straits. Officially, the Guidelines are designed to strengthen Japan's rear area support to U.S. forces in operations. This would necessitate Japan conducting such activities as mines-weeping, surveillance, and intelligence gathering. Although strictly restricted by the "peace constitution" when it comes to forces deployment, the Guidelines seemed to clear the way for Japan's military activities on the high seas as well as in international airspace. This of course is where the focus of the debate lies. Against the backdrop of China's emergence as a major power, the North Korean nuclear threat, and more immediately the Okinawan rape incident, the United States and Japan made the decision to commit themselves to build a more specific and balanced system of military cooperation. The paper discusses some of the main problems and issues arising from this reinforced alliance network. In doing so the Guidelines are put into proper historical perspective, especially from a post-Cold War context. Some of the main questions raised are: What is the significance of the Guidelines? Will the Guidelines serve as a stepping stone for Japanese military expansionism? What problems still lie ahead in the implementation of the contents of the Guidelines? Was this a political as much as a military decision? In examining these and others questions, a point is made about the inevitability of the outcome of the Guidelines. In the end, the impact of the Guidelines on the Korean peninsula is discussed as to how the new U.S.-Japan agreements affect the South Korean government's security outlook and planning. It is argued that given the specific guidelines are within the rigid framework of U.S.-Japan Security Treaty, there's more to gain than fear from South Korean perspective. The South Korean government is therefore encouraged to make every effort to join the U.S.-Japan cooperative scheme, rather than shy away from it, through diverse channels of dialogue.