한국 불교와 ‘종파’:고려초 業이 ‘종파’인가

박광연 한국중세사학회 2016 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.44

This article is an extension of “Goryeo jeongi Bulgyo gyodan eui jeongae yangsang: eop gwa jong eui yongnye reul jungsimeuro” (Hanguk jungsesa yeonggu 34) of 2012. This paper, in particular, focuses on the nature of “eop”(lit. profession 業) which was not explained in the previous one. Since many scholars interpret “eop” as “sect” (jongpa 宗派), the paper first deals with the question regarding “sect” to check the validity of that interpretation. By examining how discussions on “sect” have been carried out in Korea, the paper explores the background in which “eop” in the early Goryeo has been interpreted as sect. The paper first investigates the historical meanings of “zong/ shū” 宗 and “ye/ gō” 業 in the Northern and Southern Dynasties, Sui, and Tang periods of China and the Nara and Heian periods of Japan. Then, it compares those meanings with that in the late Silla and early Goryeo, and infers the nature of this term “eop” in early Goryeo. Previous discussions on “sect” in Korea traced the establishment of sects to either Silla or Goryeo period. There also has been no research denying the existence of sects in Goryeo. Heo Heung-sik, for example, argues that sects appeared in the late Silla in a context in which the governmental control over the Buddhist community was weakened and thereby ecclesiastic administration became more autonomous and independent. Korean academia largely accepted this argument. However, this notion of a sect that had autonomy and independence of ecclesiastic administration is in fact related to Buddhist groups in modern Japan. It is different from premodern Chinese and Japanese “jong.” It seems that Silla Buddhist groups did not run the independent ecclesiastic administration until the late 9th century in terms of supervising and managing precepts-receiving, monks register, and temple land. Some also argue that sects existed in the early Goryeo as the founder Wang Geon 王建 (r. 918-943) established a temple in the capital Gaegyeong and accepted sects. However, it is not sure what these sects really indicated there. ‘Eop’ in the late Silla and early Goryeo records is similar to “gō” of nenbun dosha (annual ordinand 年分度者) in the Heian period of Japan, which shared some features of shijing duseng (regulation of ordination through exams 試經度僧) from the Tang China. In Silla, monks were officially recognized as such through the process of receiving precepts. “Eop” had valid meanings in this process: candidates were required to pick their specialty to receive precepts or to be qualified for Daedeok (Great Virtue 大德). Considering Japanese cases, “eop” did not necessarily correspond with “jong,” and several “eop” may have existed together in one temple or dharma-lineage until early Goryeo. It was in King Hyeonjong's 顯宗 (r. 1009-1031) reign that one temple supported one “eop”. Afterwards, the social role of “eop” increased in the Goryeo society. In the next article, I will look at the meaning of this fact in terms of the relationship between governmental and Buddhist ecclesiastic authorities.

[宗] 불교 정책과 종단

박광연(Park, Kwang Youn) 역사비평사 2018 역사비평 Vol.- No.123

This research focuses on the continuity of policies on Buddhism from the late Koryŏ to the early Chosŏn dynasty in terms of Buddhist sects. The state’s tight control and surveillance on Buddhist organizations in the early Koryŏ period was collapsed under the military rule, Mongol invasions and Yuan’s intervention. As a result, the number of Buddhist sects increased and they obtained immense economic and political power. Each sect also conducted the monastic examinations and exerted its influence to award monastic titles. In the early Chosŏn period, elite bureaucrats mainly criticized Buddhism for the autonomous authority of the Buddhist sects, and claimed reduction of them. This same criticism was initially presented by Yi Saek in the late Koryŏ period. Although King Kongmin of Koryŏ tried to solve this issue in early years of his reign, his attempts were unsuccessful. Under King T’aejong through the reign of King Sejong in the 15<SUP>th</SUP> century, the number of Five Doctrinal Schools and Two Meditative Traditions, as well as the number of monasteries and slaves with in them decreased due to kings’ policies rearranging Buddhist sects. However, their assertion to remove authority to conduct them on astic examination and award monastic titles failed. After Five Doctrinal Schools and Two Meditative Traditions were vanished in the reign of King Sejong, duties of Buddhist sects moved to administrative centers of the Sŏn sect and Kyo sect which helped to reduce their size. Nevertheless, the authority and roles of each Buddhist sect were still recognized, and their power to conduct monastic examinations and award monastic titles still presided. However, the administrative centers of the Sŏn sect and Kyo sect were abolished under the reign of King Chungjong. In this light, policies on Buddhism in the late Koryŏ dynasty acknowledging the authority of Buddhist sects continued at least until the 15<SUP>th</SUP> century.

관직 진출 동향으로 본 조선후기 여흥 민문 성장의 구조

김명숙 한국사상문화학회 2011 韓國思想과 文化 Vol.57 No.-

This paper examined the structure of the growth of Yeoheung Min family focusing on the trend of the advancement to public posts through service examination from the aspect that the study on family can be a meaning index for the understanding of identify of the persons of historical importance and for evaluating the mechanism of the formation of hierarchy and the pattern of the changes of time. The characteristics, which were identified in the course of the advancement to public posts through civil service examination, minor and first level civil service examination, military service examination, recommendation and ancestor's virtue for the period of 270 years from the middle of the 17C in which the political activities of Min family were unfolded in full scale as main force of 'Seo-in' and 'No-ron' to 1894 when the service examination system was abolished, are as follows:First, the advancement of people from Yeoheung Min family to public posts were structurally stabilized during the period of the 18C~19C as many people from Min family could advance to public posts through diversified channel such as civil service examination, minor and first level civil service examination, military service examination, recommendation and ancestor's virtue. In the case of civil service examination, total 163 persons passed the examination, and 73(44.8%) of them were from city sect and 90(55.2%) from country sect. The country sect had 17 persons(10.4%) more compared to the city sect at that time but during the period of power based politics in the 19C the rates of pass of the country sect in civil service examination were all down in the service examination with 3 year term as well as special examination while showing the phenomena of monopoly of special examinations by Yeoheung Min family who belonged to the city sect, which demonstrated the phenomena of clear distinction between the city sect and the country sect in civil service examination. Second, even among Min family, Min Yoo-Joong sect from which Queen Inhyeon came occupied absolute majority of passes for 67.6% of civil service examination, 48.2% of minor and first level civil service examination, 72% of military service examination and 67.3% of ancestor's virtue. Especially in the case of military service examination, many people from the branch of Min Yoo-Joong sect which had distant relationship with central people in Min Yoo-Joong sect could actively advance to public posts through military service examination and formed a so-called powerful military family. We can see that the influential family with vested rights like Min Yoo-Joong family actively made use of the ancestor's virtue as one of the mechanisms to maintain the vested right since the middle of the 19C. Third, the brothers of Min Si-Joong, Min Jeong-Joong and Min Yoo-Joong of Min family who were the influential figures of 'Seo-in' and 'No-ron' and the brothers of Min-Hee and Min-Am of Jeonseogong sect who were the influential figures of 'Nam-in' in the age of King Hyeon-jong and King Young-jo politically confronted each other. The brothers of Min-Hee and Min-Am, who supported the position of Tak-Nam unfolding moderate position for the punishment of Song Si-Yol supporting Huh Mok who was the leader of 'Nam-in' at the debate of Yesong at the age of King Hyeonjong, were defeated by 'Seo-in' going through the incident of great purge in the year of 'Gyeongsin' and political return in the year of 'gapsul' and were politically collapsed to the level of having only one person who passed the civil service examination during the time of King Youngjo. Fourth, only the brothers of Min Ik-Soo and Min Woo-Soo who were grandsons of Min Yoo-Joong were recommended for the public posts from Yeoheung Min family. The brothers were the mother's side nephews of Doam Lee Jae who was a representative sanlim in the first half of King Youngjo and succeeded the academic legacy of 'Nakron' which was succeeded to Song-Si-Yol, Lee Dan-Sang, Jo Seo... 본고는 17세기 중엽 이후 과거가 폐지된 1894년까지 270여 년 동안 문과⋅생진과⋅무과⋅천거⋅음직을 통한 관직 진출 동향을 중심으로 여흥 민문 성장의 구조를 고찰한 것으로 그 특징을 보면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 여흥 민문은 문과에 163명이 급제하였는데, 경파 73명(44.8%), 향파 90명(55.2%)으로 향파가 17명(10.4%)이 많았으나, 19세기 세도정치기에는 향파의 문과 급제율이 식년시⋅별시 모두 낮아지고, 경파인 여흥 민문의 식년시⋅별시 독점현상이 두드러져 문과에서의 ‘경(京)⋅향(鄕) 분기(分岐)’ 현상이 확연해졌다. 둘째, 여흥 민문 중에서도 인현왕후를 배출한 민유중계가 문과의 67.6%, 생진과의 48.2%, 무과의 72%, 음직의 67.3%라는 압도적 다수를 차지하였다. 민유중계는 상층에서 멀어진 지파가 무과를 통해 관직에 적극 진출하여 훈무세가(勳武世家)를 형성하였고, 음직도 관직 진출의 새로운 경로로 적극 활용하여 19세기 중반 이후 기득권을 유지하는 메커니즘의 하나로 활용하였다. 셋째, 여흥 민문의 민시중⋅민정중⋅민유중 형제는 현종-영조대 남인인 전서공파의 민희⋅민암 형제와 정치적으로 대립하였다. 민희⋅민암 형제는 현종대 예송논쟁에서 남인 영수 허목을 지지하고 송시열 처벌에 온건론을 펼치며 탁남의 입장을 지지하였으나, 경신대출척⋅갑술환국을 거치면서 서인에 패배하고 정치적으로 몰락하였다. 넷째, 여흥 민문에서는 민유중의 손자인 민익수와 민우수 형제가 유일로 천거되었다. 이들은 영조 전반기의 대표적 산림인 이재의 외종 조카로, 송시열⋅이단상⋅조성기⋅김창협⋅김창흡으로 이어지는 낙론 학맥을 계승하여, 여흥 민문이 18세기 후반 서울의 노론 낙론 산림가로서 사상적 기반을 마련하는데 일조하였다. 다섯째, 여흥 민문은 문과⋅생진과⋅무과⋅천거⋅음직을 통하여 267명이 관직에 진출하였고, 이 중에서 100명이 당상관으로 진출하였다. 당상관 진출은 민시중계 40.4%, 민유중계 38.7%, 민정중계 28.6%로, 이는 안동 김문 청음파⋅선원파⋅휴암파의 당상관 진출 비율인 25-30%보다도 높은 수준이었다. 19세기에 해당하는 26-29세에 와서 여흥 민문 당상관이 급격히 증가하는데, 그 중에서도 민유중계의 관직 독점이 압도적이었음을 실증적으로 확인할 수 있었다.

로드니 스타크의 교회(Church), 분파(Sect), 이교(Cult) 이론 이해와 의의: 기독교의 사회적 형태에 대한 종교사회학적 이해

김태식 ( Kim Tae Sig ) 한국복음주의역사신학회 2011 역사신학 논총 Vol.22 No.-

The purpose of this study is to understand the formation and process of Rodney Stark`s Church, Sect, and Cult. For this purpose, chapter I identifies foundational issues related to the formation of sociology of religion and surveys prior sociological approaches to the Church-Sect process, including those of Max Weber, Ernst Troeltsch, and H. Richard Niebuhr. Chapter II describes these sociologists` theories about Church-Sect. Weber formed the word `sociology` first and identified the definition of church and sect. According to Weber, the church is a hierarchic, inclusive organization; the sect is democratic and exclusive. Troeltsch extended Weber`s theory by adding the additional criterion of the degree of religious accommodation or compromise with the values of society involved. Sects are negative, with respect to the dominant societal values; the church, meanwhile, achieves its social powers, by compromising crucial ethical or religious values. Niebuhr characterized the sect as a charismatic primary group in tension with the values of the larger society. Niebuhr stressed a dynamism by which sects become churches as they face the dilemma of recruitment and the incorporation of the children of sect members. Chapter III delineates Stark`s position on church, sect, and cult. Stark criticizes the theories of prior sociologists. He describes the church-like dimension as the power of an individual or group which is positively associated with control of religious organizations and with gaining the rewards available from religious organizations and the sect-like dimension as the power of an individual or group which is negatively associated with accepting religious compensations, when the desired reward exists. For the sect-formation, Stark identifies the reasons behind the schism of religious groups, the social cleavage, and conflicts involved in this process, and issues relating to sect leadership, and external forces. He proposes that when some potential sect leaders expect to increase their rewards by leading a sect movement, they will form a new sect. For the formation of cult, he supplies three models: the psychopathology model, the entrepreneur model, and the subculture-evolution model. Chapter VI of the present study concludes with an emphasis on the specific contribution of and a critical evaluation of Stark`s theory. This paper also emphasizes the urgent necessity of dealing with new sects in Korea.

朝鮮後期 浮休門派의 사상과 문파의식

조명제 한국선학회 2009 한국선학 Vol.24 No.-

조선후기 불교사 연구는 지금까지 관심 밖에 놓인 분야였다. 더욱이 학계의 연구는 특정 문중의 입장에서 접근하거나, 근대적인 시각에서 바라보는 편견을 갖고 있다. 전자는 자기 문파의 인물과 사상을 드높이고자 하는 종파적 시각이기 때문에 객관성을 갖지 못하였다. 후자는 근세 이후의 불교가 사상체계의 발전이 없고, 민중적인 신앙 위주로 흘러간 것에 대해 부정적으로 평가하는 문제점을 갖고 있다. 이 글은 이러한 종래의 시각을 벗어나 부휴문파의 경우를 중심으로 조선후기 불교의 사상체계와 특징, 문파의 형성과 그 의의 등에 대해 분석하였다. 그 결과 다음과 같은 사실과 특징이 주목된다. 첫째, 부휴문파는 기본적으로 간화선을 중시하였으며, 아울러 禪敎兼修的인 입장에서 교학과 신앙을 수용하였다. 또한 부휴문파의 승려들은 문인 사족과 교유하였고, 삼교일치적인 경향이 확산되었다. 둘째, 부휴문파는 백암성총이 중심이 되어 明末 중국불교에서 주목한 佛書들을 다시 편집하고 간행하였다. 이러한 문헌은 화엄교학과 관련된 것도 있지만, 淨土寶書 , 四經持驗紀 등의 편찬, 간행이 주목된다. 또한 부휴문파는 도교와 민간신앙을 담고 있는 僞經을 다양하게 간행하였다. 이러한 경향은 불교의 민중화 현상이 확산되는 것을 반영하며, 중국 明淸 왕조에서 寶卷, 善書가 유행하는 현상과 비슷한 맥락이다. 셋째, 부휴문파가 하나의 세력권을 형성하고 독립된 단일한 문파로 자리 잡으면서 문파의식을 만들어 제시하였다. 그것은 임제종을 정통으로 한 太古法統說이며, 이는 조선후기 불교의 일반적인 흐름과 같다. 또한, 부휴문파의 경우에 송광사를 창건한 보조지눌을 현창하기도 하였다. 다만, 지눌이 조선후기 불교에 미친 사상적 영향에 대해서는 한정적으로 이해할 필요가 있다. 한편, 문파의 형성은 당시 사상계의 주류를 형성한 주자학이 커다란 영향을 미쳤으며, 그것은 승가 의례, 교육과정, 문파의식 등에서 다양하게 확인된다. 따라서 부휴문파의 사상과 문파의식을 통해 조선후기 불교는 근세 동아시아불교사의 흐름과 마찬가지로 삼교일치적 경향과 불교의 민중화 현상이 두드러지게 등장한다는 사실이 주목된다. A study of Buddhist history in the latter period of Joseon has stayed out of students' interests till now. The existing students have taken a traditional view or a modern view of Buddhism in the latter period of Joseon. Because the former hold a biased view to support a thought and a person of a particular sect, it was not objective. The latter valuated the modern Buddhism negatively, maintaining that it didn't develop its thought system but changed into a popular faith. This paper studied a thought system, a character, a formative process, and a meaning of Buhyu Sect, freeing from established approaches. In result, remarkable facts are as follows. First, Buhyu Sect valued a manual of Koan Zen(看話禪) and accepted from the point of view of both Zen and non-Zen traditions should be pursued together(禪敎兼修). The monk of Buhyu Sect communicated with a literary man of a noble family. And then a tendency to unite three religion namely, Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism spread abroad. Second, Buhyu Sect, under the leadership of Baegamseongchong(栢庵性聰), complied and published Buddhist books which were paid attention by Chinese Buddhism in the late period of Ming. These books included Jeongtoboseo(淨土寶書) and Sagyeongjiheomgi(四經持驗紀) as well as books on Hwaeom Scripture studies(華嚴敎學). Buhyu Sect also published the uncanonical books based on taoism and folk beliefs. This trend reflected the popularization of Buddhism. It was the same as the phenomenon that Bogwon(寶卷) and Seonseo(善書) were widespread in the reigns of the Ming Dynasty and the Ching Dynasty. Third, Buhyu Sect stirred up a sect consciousness, as it widened its sphere of influence and occupied a position of a independent sect. A sect consciousness of Buhyu Sect was Taego Origin theory(太古法統說) based on Imje Sect(臨濟宗). It corresponded to the general current of Buddhism in the latter of Joseon. Buhyu Sect also gave publicity to Jinul who established Songgwangsa(松廣寺). But it is necessary to reconsider his influence on Buddhist thought in the latter period of Joseon. The formation of a sect was influenced by Neo-Confucianism(朱子學) which became the mainstream in the world of thought of the age. Its influence can be seen in a etiquette, a curriculum, and a sect consciousness of Buddhist monks. In short, a thought and a sect consciousness of Buhyu Sect show that Buddhism in the latter period of Joseon was characterized by a tendency to unite three religion and a popularization of Buddhism, like the trend of Buddhist history in the modern East Asia.

인도불교에서 부파의 성립과 발전

이자랑(Lee, Ja-Rang) 동국대학교 불교문화연구원 2016 佛敎學報 Vol.0 No.74

불멸(佛滅) 후 100년경부터 시작된 불교교단의 분열은 이후 200~300년 동안 이어졌으며, 그 결과 교단은 18 혹은 20여개의 집단으로 나뉘었다. 일반적으로 학계에서는 이 기간을 ‘부파불교(시대)’, 이때 발생한 각 집단을 ‘부파’라고 부른다. 분열 기사를 전하는 제 전승을 통해 분열의 원인 등을 엿볼 수 있으며, 이에 따르면, 이들 부파는 주로 붓다의 가르침에 대한 해석의 차이로 인해 발생한 것으로 보인다. 그런데 부파 분열사에 대해 직접 언급하는 이들 자료를 통해서는 부파 발생의 원인은 파악할 수 있어도, 각 부파의 성립 요건이나 운영 실태까지 알 수는 없다. 다시 말해, 불멸 후 100년경에 발생하여 이후 인도불교사의 주역으로 활동했던 여러 부파가 실제로 어떤 성격의 집단이었으며, 하나의 부파로 인식되는 기준은 무엇이었는지 명확하지 않다. 이를 알기 위해서는 다양한 각도에서 부파의 실상을 검토해 볼 필요가 있다. 이 문제와 관련하여, 부파의 정체성 확립에 있어 특히 ‘율(律, vinaya)’이 갖는 의미의 중요성이 근년 지적되고 있다. 기존에는 교리에 대한 해석의 차이가 곧 부파의 발생 원인이자, 교리 그 자체가 각 부파의 성격을 규정짓는 가장 근본적인 요인이라고 생각되어 온 경향이 있다. 하지만, 근년에 이루어진 많은 연구들은 동일한 율의 수지가 곧 동일한 부파에의 귀속 의식을 심어주는 가장 중요한 기준이었을 것이라는 점에 동의한다. 예를 들어, 빨리율에 근거하여 파승(破僧, saṃghabheda)의 개념을 구체적으로 밝혀낸 베헤르트(Bechert)의 연구는 동일한 갈마(羯磨, 승단회의)의 실행 여부가 독립된 현전승가(現前僧伽)의 성립 여부를 결정하는 절대적인 요건이었음을 보여준다. 부파 역시 하나의 독립된 현전승가를 기준으로 성립되었을 것이므로, 이 연구 결과는 부파 분열과 관련해서도 유용하다. 또한 부파 간에 갈마설의 차이에 의해 자파와 타파를 구별하고 있었을 가능성을 보여주는 예도 알려져 있다. 본고에서는 이들 선행 연구를 기반으로 하여, 동일한 구족계를 받고 동일한 갈마를 실행하며, 동일한 규범에 따라 생활하는, 이른바 ‘율의 공유(共有)’야말로 부파의 가장 중요한 성립 요건이었을 것이라는 점에 대해 고찰하였다. The division of the Buddhist order started around 100 years after the Buddha’s death and continued for 200~300 years. As a result, the Buddhist order was divided into 18 to 20 groups. The academic circles call this period ‘Sectarian Buddhism(Era)’ and each group that was generated in this period is called a ‘sect’. The causes of the division can be inferred from the transmitted documents about the division stories. According to them, the sects seem to have been generated by the differences in the interpretation of Buddha’s teaching. However, even though the cause of the generation of sects can be understood from these documents that directly mention the history of the division, the conditions of the establishment of each sect and their operation status cannot be known. In other words, the actual character and the criteria for recognizing a sect are not clear about the several sects that were established around 100 years after the Buddha’s death and played major roles in the history of Indian Buddhism. In order to understand them, the reality of the sects need to be examined from various angles. Regarding this problem, the importance of the meaning of vinaya 律 in the identity of sects has been pointed out in recent years. In the past, differences in the interpretation of doctrines had been believed to be the cause of the generation of sects and the doctrines themselves to be the most fundamental factor that determine the character of each sect. However, many recent studies agree that the same vinaya was the most important criterion for the sense of belonging to a sect. For example, the study by Bechert, which specifically revealed the concept of saṃghabheda 破僧 based on Vinayapiṭaka 律藏, shows that the practice of the same kamma 羯磨 was the absolute condition that determined the establishment of an independent sammukhībhūtasaṃgha 現前僧伽. This finding is also relevant with regard to the division of sects because the sects must have been established based on an independent sammukhībhūtasaṃgha. Furthermore, some examples show the possibility that sects were distinguished by the differences of kammavācā 羯磨語. According to these examples, the sharing of vinaya which involves the receiving of the same upasampadā 具足戒, the practice of the same kamma, and compliance with the same norms was likely the most important condition for the establishment of a sect. In this paper, the problem of the establishment of sects in Indian Buddhism is addressed based on these results of research, while investigating such issues as the ‘sharing of vinaya’ and the establishment of sects, and Mahāyāna as a school that did not form an independent religious order.

일본불교의 조선포교 양상과 종교시설 현황- 1894~1910년까지의 진종본원사파(眞宗本願寺派) 사례를 중심으로 -

제점숙 국립부경대학교 인문사회과학연구소 2024 인문사회과학연구 Vol.25 No.1

이 연구는 일본불교 진종본원사파(眞宗本願寺派)의 조선포교 활동과 종교시설 현황을 분석한 글이다. 지금까지 일본불교의 조선포교 활동에 관한 연구는 어느 정도 축적되었지만, 주로 1877년 조선에 처음 진출한 진종대곡파(眞宗大谷派)의 조선 내 활동에 대해 중점적으로 이루어졌다. 그 외 종파에 대해서는 간헐적으로 연구가 이루어졌다. 하지만 개항기를 거쳐 일제시기까지 각 종파별 일본불교를 대상으로 조선포교 경위와 그 현황을 집중 조명한 연구는 전무하다 할 수 있다. 이러한 연구 배경에는 일본불교 각 종파의 입장에서 일본불교를 바라보려 한 것이 아닌 이 시기 일본의 불교를 ‘일본불교’라는 하나의 종교 틀에 집어 놓고 식민지 조선에서의 일본불교, 이른바 제국의 종교로써 침략적 행위를 파악하고자 했기 때문이다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 여러 일본불교 종파를 한 개의 ‘일본종교’로써 그 전체상을 파악하는 것에 비판적 시각을 가지고, 식민지 조선에서 가장 많은 종교시설을 확보한 진종본원사파를 연구대상으로 1910년까지 조선에서의 포교활동과 종교시설 현황을 살펴보고자 한다. 당시 조선에 진출한 일본불교 종파는 43개에 이르며 활동 역시 다채롭다. 특히 같은 진종이라 할지라도 진종대곡파와 진종본원사파는 그 양상이 확연하게 다르다. 진종대곡파의 조선포교는 일본 정부 의뢰로 시작되었고 일본 정부의 지원은 어느 종파보다 막강했다. 반면 이글의 연구대상인 진종본원사파는 개인 포교가 그 시작이었고, 조선포교를 위한 본원사파 교단의 재정도 녹녹하지 않았다. 그리고 조선 포교가 안착한 시점은 1877년 진출한 대곡파보다 훨씬 후인 러일전쟁 이후다. 무엇보다 진종대곡파와는 달리 조선인 대상의 포교가 활발했다. 이는 다른 일본불교 종파와는 다른 두드러진 점이다. 또한 1910년까지 파악된 조선 내 종교시설도 필자가 확인한 바로는 35여 개에 이른다. 이러한 양상들은 하나의 ‘일본불교’ 틀에서는 볼 수 없는 본원사파만의 특징이라 할 수 있다. 이상과 같은 일본불교 개별 종파의 조선 활동에 관한 연구는 식민지 공간에서 일본불교 활동의 전체상을 구체적으로 제시하고 그 역사적 의의를 종합적으로 도출하는데 그 의미가 있다 할 수 있다. This study analyzes the activities for propagation in Korea and religious facilities of the Shinshu Honganji sect of Japanese Buddhism. Until now, there has been a certain amount of studies of Japanese Buddhism’s activities for propagation in Korea, but it has mainly focused on the activities of the Shinshu Otani sect, which first entered Korea in 1877. Other sects have been studied intermittently. However, there are no studies that focus on the history and status of Japanese Buddhism in Korea from the opening of the port to the Japanese colonial period. The reason behind this is that the researchers did not try to look at Japanese Buddhism from the perspective of each sect, but rather tried to put Japanese Buddhism into a single religious framework called “Japanese Buddhism” and to understand the aggressive behavior of Japanese Buddhism in colonial Korea as a religion of empire. Thus, this study takes a critical view of the overall picture of various Japanese Buddhist sects as a single ‘Japanese religion’ and focuses on the Shinshu Honganji sect, which secured the largest number of religious facilities in colonial Korea, to examine its propagation activities and religious facilities in Korea until 1910. At that time, there were 43 Japanese Buddhist sects in Korea, and their activities were diverse. In particular, the Shinshu Otani sect and the Shinshu Honganji sect, both of which are part of the same sect, Shinshu, are quite different. The Shinshu Otani sect’s propagation in Korea began commissioned by the Japanese government, and its support was stronger than any other sect. On the other hand, the Shinshu Honganji sect, the subject of this study, began with personal proselytizing, received little financial support from the Honganji sect for propagation in Korea, and was established after the Russo-Japanese War, much later than the Otani sect in 1877. Moreover, unlike the Shinshu Otani sect, it was active in propagation in Korea. This is a distinctive feature that sets it apart from other Japanese Buddhist sects. There were also about 35 religious facilities in Korea by 1910, according to this researcher. These aspects can be characterized as unique to the Honganji sect that cannot be found in a single “Japanese Buddhism” framework. The above study on the activities of each sect of Japanese Buddhism in Korea are significant in that it concretely presents the overall picture of Japanese Buddhist activities in the colonial space and comprehensively draws out their historical significance.

한국사상(韓國思想)(사학(史學)) : 관직 진출 동향으로 본 조선후기 여흥 민문 성장의 구조

김명숙 ( Myeong Sook Kim ) 한국사상문화학회 2011 韓國思想과 文化 Vol.57 No.-

본고는 17세기 중엽 이후 과거가 폐지된 1894년까지 270여 년 동안 문과·생진과·무과·천거·음직을 통한 관직 진출 동향을 중심으로 여흥 민문 성장의 구조를 고찰한 것으로 그 특징을 보면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 여흥 민문은 문과에 163명이 급제하였는데, 경파 73명(44.8%), 향파 90명(55.2%)으로 향파가 17명(10.4%)이 많았으나, 19세기 세도정치기에는 향파의 문과 급제율이 식년시·별시 모두 낮아지고, 경파인 여흥 민문의 식년시·별시 독점현상이 두드러져 문과에서의 ``경(京)·향(鄕) 분기(分岐)`` 현상이 확연해졌다. 둘째, 여흥 민문 중에서도 인현왕후를 배출한 민유중계가 문과의 67.6%, 생진과의 48.2%, 무과의 72%, 음직의 67.3%라는 압도적 다수를 차지하였다. 민유중계는 상층에서 멀어진 지파가 무과를 통해 관직에 적극 진출하여 훈무세가(勳武世家)를 형성하였고, 음직도 관직 진출의 새로운 경로로 적극 활용하여 19세기 중반 이후 기득권을 유지하는 메커니즘의 하나로 활용하였다. 셋째, 여흥 민문의 민시중·민정중·민유중 형제는 현종-영조대 남인인 전서공파의 민희·민암 형제와 정치적으로 대립하였다. 민희·민암 형제는 현종대 예송논쟁에서 남인 영수 허목을 지지하고 송시열 처벌에 온건론을 펼치며 탁남의 입장을 지지하였으나, 경신대출척·갑술환국을 거치면서 서인에 패배하고 정치적으로 몰락하였다. 넷째, 여흥 민문에서는 민유중의 손자인 민익수와 민우수 형제가 유일로 천거되었다. 이들은 영조 전반기의 대표적 산림인 이재의 외종 조카로, 송시열·이단상·조성기·김창협·김창흡으로 이어지는 낙론 학맥을 계승하여, 여흥 민문이 18세기 후반 서울의 노론 낙론 산림가로서 사상적 기반을 마련하는데 일조하였다. 다섯째, 여흥 민문은 문과·생진과·무과·천거·음직을 통하여 267명이 관직에 진출하였고, 이 중에서 100명이 당상관으로 진출하였다. 당상관 진출은 민시중계 40.4%, 민유중계 38.7%, 민정중계 28.6%로, 이는 안동 김문 청음파·선원파·휴암파의 당상관 진출 비율인 25-30%보다도 높은 수준이었다. 19세기에 해당하는 26-29세에 와서 여흥 민문 당상관이 급격히 증가하는데, 그 중에서도 민유중계의 관직 독점이 압도적이었음을 실증적으로 확인할 수 있었다. This paper examined the structure of the growth of Yeoheung Min family focusing on the trend of the advancement to public posts through service examination from the aspect that the study on family can be a meaning index for the understanding of identify of the persons of historical importance and for evaluating the mechanism of the formation of hierarchy and the pattern of the changes of time. The characteristics, which were identified in the course of the advancement to public posts through civil service examination, minor and first level civil service examination, military service examination, recommendation and ancestor`s virtue for the period of 270 years from the middle of the 17C in which the political activities of Min family were unfolded in full scale as main force of ``Seo-in`` and ``No-ron`` to 1894 when the service examination system was abolished, are as follows: First, the advancement of people from Yeoheung Min family to public posts were structurally stabilized during the period of the 18C~19C as many people from Min family could advance to public posts through diversified channel such as civil service examination, minor and first level civil service examination, military service examination, recommendation and ancestor`s virtue. In the case of civil service examination, total 163 persons passed the examination, and 73(44.8%) of them were from city sect and 90(55.2%) from country sect. The country sect had 17 persons(10.4%) more compared to the city sect at that time but during the period of power based politics in the 19C the rates of pass of the country sect in civil service examination were all down in the service examination with 3 year term as well as special examination while showing the phenomena of monopoly of special examinations by Yeoheung Min family who belonged to the city sect, which demonstrated the phenomena of clear distinction between the city sect and the country sect in civil service examination. Second, even among Min family, Min Yoo-Joong sect from which Queen Inhyeon came occupied absolute majority of passes for 67.6% of civil service examination, 48.2% of minor and first level civil service examination, 72% of military service examination and 67.3% of ancestor`s virtue. Especially in the case of military service examination, many people from the branch of Min Yoo-Joong sect which had distant relationship with central people in Min Yoo-Joong sect could actively advance to public posts through military service examination and formed a so-called powerful military family. We can see that the influential family with vested rights like Min Yoo-Joong family actively made use of the ancestor`s virtue as one of the mechanisms to maintain the vested right since the middle of the 19C. Third, the brothers of Min Si-Joong, Min Jeong-Joong and Min Yoo-Joong of Min family who were the influential figures of ``Seo-in`` and ``No-ron`` and the brothers of Min-Hee and Min-Am of Jeonseogong sect who were the influential figures of ``Nam-in`` in the age of King Hyeon-jong and King Young-jo politically confronted each other. The brothers of Min-Hee and Min-Am, who supported the position of Tak-Nam unfolding moderate position for the punishment of Song Si-Yol supporting Huh Mok who was the leader of ``Nam-in`` at the debate of Yesong at the age of King Hyeonjong, were defeated by ``Seo-in`` going through the incident of great purge in the year of ``Gyeongsin`` and political return in the year of ``gapsul`` and were politically collapsed to the level of having only one person who passed the civil service examination during the time of King Youngjo. Fourth, only the brothers of Min Ik-Soo and Min Woo-Soo who were grandsons of Min Yoo-Joong were recommended for the public posts from Yeoheung Min family. The brothers were the mother`s side nephews of Doam Lee Jae who was a representative sanlim in the first half of King Youngjo and succeeded the academic legacy of ``Nakron`` which was succeeded to Song-Si-Yol, Lee Dan-Sang, Jo Seong-Gi, Kim Chang-Hyup and Kim Chang-Heup and contributed to the establishment of ideological base for Yeoheung Min family as persons living in forest for ``Noron`` and ``Nakron`` in the latter half of the 18C. Fifth, out of the people from Yeoheung Min family, the number of persons who advanced to public posts through civil service examination, minor and first level civil service examination, military service examination, recommendation and ancestor`s virtue were 267 persons, and only 100 persons representing approximately 1/3 of them were advanced up to the dangsanggwan. The dangsanggwan were taken up for 40.4% by Min Si-Joong sect, 38.7% by Min Yoo-Joong sect and 28.6% by Min Jeong-Joong sect, and these levels were even higher than the level of 25~30% which corresponds to that in the period of power based politics by Cheongeum sect, Seongwon sect and Hyuam sect of Andong Kim family. The numbers of persons who were promoted to the dangsanggwan in the government were rapidly increased at the age of 26~29 years old which corresponds to the period of power based politics in the 19C, and the author could positively confirm the fact that during the period of power based politics the monopoly of public posts taken up by Min Yoo-Joong sect even among Yeoheung Min family was at absolute level.

밀교종단 진각종의 교리형성과 소의경전

한진희 ( Han Jin-heui ) 한국밀교학회 2022 불교학밀교학연구 Vol.2 No.-

조선 초기 불교탄압으로 밀교종파가 한국에서 역사에서 사라진지 5백여 년이 지난 이래 한국 밀교를 중흥한 종단인 진각종이 회당 손규상 대종사(1902~1963)에 의해 창종되었다. 그는 육자진언 옴마니반메훔을 염송하여 깨달음을 얻게 되었고, 이후 그는 불교 교리에 입각하여 그의 깨달음을 정립해 나가게 된다. 종단 초기에 대종사는 『금강경』, 『유마경』, 『법화경』 등과 같은 일반적인 대승경전의 교리에 입각하여 그의 깨달음을 표현하고자 하였으나, 육자진언과 관련한 밀교 교리와의 연관성을 발견하고 그는 자신의 깨달음을 가장 잘 표현할 수 있는 밀교의 교리에 입각하여 깨달음을 정립해 나갔다. 그러나 종단 초기에는 밀교 자료의 한계로 인하여 그 교리 형태가 미완성의 양상을 보이게 된다. 그러나 차츰 더 많은 밀교의 경전과 교리적인 자료를 통하여 대종사는 진각종 특유의 밀교교리를 수립해 나가게 되었고, 1957년 11월에 이르러 그는 종단이 밀교종으로서의 교리를 완성하였음을 선언하게 된다. 이 과정은 철저히 경전에 입각하면서도 다양한 교리를 무조건적으로 추종하지 않고 자신의 수행체험과 증득을 통하여 취사선택하여 종단의 교리를 정립해 나가게 된다. 이 과정에서 종단은 최종적으로 밀교경전인 『대일경』, 『금강정경』, 『보리심론』, 『대승장엄보왕경』의 경전을 소의경전으로 채택하였고 이를 바탕으로 종단의 밀교 교리를 정립하기에 이르게 된다. 본 논문은 대종사께서 종단의 교리를 완성해 나가는 과정을 종단의 공식적인 역사서인 『교사(敎史)』를 기본으로 하여 다양한 종단의 전적을 통하여 살펴보고자 한다. 또한 최종적으로 채택된 종단의 소의경전(所依經典)에서 어떤 교리적 내용을 채택하고 있는지를 살펴보고자 한다. 이 같은 시도를 통하여 진각종이 한국 밀교를 중흥한 종단으로서 어떤 교리적 특색을 가지고 있는가를 살펴볼 수 있을 것이라 생각한다. After esoteric sects disappeared from history in Korea due to the suppression of Buddhism in the early Joseon Dynasty, the Jingak sect, a sect that revived Esoteric Buddhism in Korea after more than 500 years, was created by Hoidang Sohn Gyu-sang(1902-1963). He achieved enlightenment by chanting the six-syllable mantra, Om Mani Padme Hum and afterwards he organized his enlightenment based on Buddhist doctrine. In the early days, he tried to express his enlightenment based on the doctrines of general Mahayana sutras such as Diamond-sutra, Vimalakirti-sutra, Lotus-sutra, but after discovering a connection with the esoteric doctrine related to the Six Mantras, Hoi-dang can best understand your enlightenment. He established his enlightenment based on the doctrine of esotericism that could be expressed, but in the beginning, due to the limitations of some esoteric materials, the doctrinal aspects were not completed. However, gradually through more and more esoteric scriptures and doctrinal materials, Hoi-dang began to establish the unique esoteric doctrine of the Jingak sect and in November 1957, he declared that the sect had completed the doctrine as an esoteric sect. This process is thoroughly based on the scriptures, but it is established through self-perceived experience and verification without simply following theoretically. In this process, the sect finally adopted the esoteric scriptures as the chief textbooks of Jingak sect such as Maha-vairocana sutra(大日經), Vajraśekhara-sūtra(金剛頂經), Kāraņḍa-vyūha sūtra(大乘莊嚴寶王經), Bodhicitta-śastra(菩提心論) and based on this, it was necessary to establish all the doctrines of the sect. This thesis intends to examine the process by which the great master completes the doctrine of the sect based on 『敎史』, the historical material of the sect, through the history of various sects. Also, I would like to examine what kind of doctrinal content is contained in the finally adopted the chief textbooks of Jingak sect. Through such an attempt, I think it will be possible to examine what

法眼宗과 海洋佛國吳越

조영록(Cho, Yeong Rok) 한국불교연구원 2014 불교연구 Vol.41 No.-

중국 선종 5家의 마지막 法眼宗은 내륙에서 발달하였던 초기의 3가와는 달리 五代閩越의 雪峰山에서 발원하여 동남해역의 南唐과 吳越의 3국을 무대로 고려와의 해상교류를 통하여 법안종 중심의 한중 해양불교시대를 출현시켰다. 9세기말 10세기 초 義存禪師가 閩王室의 후원으로 그 선풍이 크게 떨치는 가운데 법안종의 창시자 文益(885〜958)은 羅漢桂琛을 찾아가 ‘불법은 一切現成한 것’이라는 심요를 얻었다. 계침은 義存의 제자이기는 하였으나 玄沙師備의 개성 있는 법을 계승하였다. 문익은 그 후 남당의 國主李昪의 요청으로 金陵淸凉山에 주석하여 초기 제자에 天台德韶와 고려 慧炬등이 배출하였다. 덕소는 天台山에 주석하여 오월국 忠懿王이 즉위하자 국사로 영입되었으며, 당시 고려에는 慧炬(惠居) 璨幽兢讓등 유학승 출신이 국왕의 좌우에 포진하여 한중 불교교류를 도왔다. 오월의 선종은 처음 설봉의 직제자들이 선두에서 전등활동을 주도하였으나 충의왕의 즉위 후 교세는 위축되고, 법안종의 활동이 상대적으로 활발하였다. 특히 이론에 밝은 慧明은 건우연간(948〜950)에 개최한 토론회에서 선종 각파를 제압하고 法眼宗旨의 우수성을 입증하니, 이로부터 법안종이 오월의 선종을 이끌게 된 것이다. 延壽禪師는 처음 설봉선의 노장 翠岩禪師문하에 있었으나 얼마 후 천 태산 덕소 문하로 들어갔다. 충의왕의 지지아래 杭州靈隱寺를 거쳐 익년 永明寺(淨慈寺)로 옮겨 이후 법안종의 3조로서 오월 불교를 이끌게 되었다. 법안종은 천태종에 대해서는 오히려 친화적 협조적이었다. 특히 덕소는 國淸寺義寂의 요청으로 천태종의 부흥책을 적극 도왔다. 처음 고려 의통이 덕소의 문하에 있을 때 고려 諦觀法師가 천태교적을 가지고 왔다. 그 무렵 고려 智宗은 연수선사를 알현한 후 그 문하를 떠나 천태산으로 들어가 점차 螺溪傳敎院에 출입하며, 천태종과 교섭하였다. 義通역시 의적의 수문으로 두각을 나타내다가 다시 明州전교원을 세워 천태종 제16대 조사가 되었다. 덕소의 문하에서 연수의『종경록』과 道元의『경덕전등록』, 이밖에도 선정일치를 논한 연수의『萬善同歸集』이 종합적 불교사상의 보전으로서 법안종의 금자탑이라 할 것이었다. 그러나 동시에 그것은 남종선법의 간명직절한 본래적 성격을 상실하는 결함을 지녀 더 이상의 발전을 저해하는 요인이 되었다. 한편『전등록』보다 반세기 앞서 南唐 泉州에서 편찬된 설봉 계의 선종사서『조당집』은 법안종의 공세에 밀리어 설자리를 잃었다. 그러나 그것은 멀지 않아 중국에서 자취를 감추고 고려로 건너가 해인사대장경판에 수록되어 세계 유일본으로 존속하게 되었다. The Pub-an sect was the last of a series of the five Zen sects that were founded and developed in China. It was founded at Mt. Sulbong in Min-Yueh region during the period of Five Dynasties. Since then the Pub-an sect had not only flourished along the south-eastern coast of China, that is, around those three countries along the sea coast, namely Nantang, Wu-Yueh, but also it spread the creed into such far reaching country as Koryo in the Korean peninsula. They did so with serious marine activities, and, therewith, the Pub-an sect established an era of the exchange of marine Buddhism. The founder of Pub-an sect was Mun-ik(885-958), The King of Nantang invited Mun-ik who settled down at Mt. Ching-liang where he devote to ascetic exercises, and he became a national celebrity. Mun-ik’s motto was that “all Buddhist laws are pre-ordained,” and that some of the outstanding clerics such as Dukso(891-971) had eventually succeeded Mun-ik as the second chief master of Pub-an sect. Dukso was named as the most reverend priest in the country by King Chung-yi and engaged in the task of exchanging buddhism with Koryo. On the other side, there were famous monks, Haegu and Chanyu, who advised the Koryo king and embarked on the exchange program in response to the Chinese efforts. It was also during this period that venerable Uitung became Dokso’s disciple. The three marine countries along the southeastern coast of China, Min, Nantang and Wu-Yueh, became Buddhist countries with strong royal support. The Zen Buddhism in Wu-Yueh were led by venerable Dobu and Yonjio , monk from Koryo. Since King Chung-yi ascending the throne, the Pob-an sect gained supremacy over all other Zen sects. Venerable Hui-ming, a theoretician of the Pob-an sect, won over all rival sects in a series of the debates during the Kanwu period(948-950). Venerable Yunsu was originally belonged to the Solbong group, and then he had converted to Pub-an sect by becoming Dukso’s disciple. The Pub-an sect had been cooperative toward the Ten-tai sect. It is recorded that Venerable Dukso helped collecting Ten-tai sect’s scriptures, and actively aided Ten-tai in times of trouble at the end of the Tang dynasty. In 947, venerable Uitong(927-88), a Koryo monk, was studying under master Dukso, and it was through Uitong’s help that venerable Chekuan was able to bring some of the valuable Ten-tai scriptures into master Uijuk(919-987)’s school and became a Uijuk’s disciple. Uitong too followed the Chekuan’s example and the converted to Ten-tai sect two years later. Around that time, Koryo monk held and audience with venerable Yunsu and was so deeply moved by the faith that the monk decided to enter Mt. Ten-tai. King Kuang-jong of Koryo dynasty dispatched a group of monk students to China under the influence of Venerable Yunsu. Riding the tide of the marine exchanges, Buddhism became very popular, especially the influence of Ten-tai reached its zenith among young elites in the community. Master Dukso’s was proselytizing and highly productive group. They left some historic works; Jongkyong-rok and Kyongduk jundung-rok. There is also Mansun Dongguijip, which discussed the unity Buddhist ideals. But they turned into impediment to the development of Zen Buddhism which emphasizes nothing but simplicity and meditation. On the other hands, the Jodang-jip, which was edited published by the Solbong group more than half a century earlier that Jundung-rok, remained as a lone surviving edition in Korea.