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      • KCI등재

        현대사박물관, 어떻게 만들 것인가?

        이동기(Lee Dong Ki) 역사비평사 2011 역사비평 Vol.- No.96

        This essay deals with principles and processes of the making of historical museum in a democratic society. In 21st century, historical museums should not be built to define political legitimacy or to reinforce national identity for some ideological purpose. As we can see the making process of the ‘House of History of the Federal Republic of Germany’ in Bonn, the democratic discussion on its fundamental purpose and substantive direction of exhibition is of great importance, in particular for a national museum for contemporary history. But, the initiators of the ‘National Museum of Korean Contemporary History’ in Seoul are neglecting the democratic process of debate and discussion in public sphere and with experts groups as historians and museum specialist. They are now only interested in (re-)definement of their right-wing political legitimation and strengthening of the Korean national identity. Moreover, in their opinion the Korean contemporary history since 1945 had been filled with ‘miracles’ and ‘successes’ which should mainly be exhibited in the National Museum of Korean Contemporary History. But, their images of the Korean contemporary history are not in accordance with various experiences and memories of most ordinary people in South Korea. The present objective and exhibition plan of the ‘historical cultural’ institution should be replaced by a new concept which would be aimed at a museum as communication space for plural democratic histories and critical reflection on historical tragedies.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        ‘남북 역사인식 연합’을 위한 역사학 교류

        정태헌(Jung, Tae Hern) 역사비평사 2012 역사비평 Vol.- No.99

        In order to accomplish a union between North and South Korea, a broadening of the homogenous historical understanding must be demanded, ‘The North-South Korean Union for Historical Understanding,’ which is towards a methodology of coexisting with difference, is the essential element at this stage of Union between North and South Korea. It does not mean the absorption of a single historical understanding, which connotes a one-sided nature. Whether the period needed for union between North and South Korea is long or short, it will depend on the level of union between North and South Korean historical perception. Historical exchange will incrementally increase interchange according to the level of the relationship between South and North Korea, following steps such as ‘the Period of Reconciliation and Cooperation’, ‘the Period of Peaceful Coexistence’ and ‘the Period of Union between North and South Korea’. The main contents of history interchange during the Period of Reconciliation and Cooperation, whose first task is composing the foundation of exchange, should be an orientation towards outstanding historical questions shared by both North and South Korea. In addition, ‘The North and South Korean Committee for the Promotion Socio-Cultural Cooperation.’ as an organization that operates between South and North Korea authorities ‘The North and South Korean History Exchange Agreement.’ Likewise, ‘The Account for History Interchange Between North and South Korea’ by the Inter-Korean Cooperation Fund. In the North, the Ministry of Unification’s administration guide, which maintains an ‘anti-market’ policy and which that fails to provide research funds for North Korean scholars, should be changed. Following this an array of ‘cultural agreements’ can be signed between North and South Korean authorities marking ‘the Period of Peaceful Coexistence’. The primary theme of history exchange at this point should be the reexamination of political difference between each history so as to find signs for a methodology that can relieve hostilities. The founding of ‘The Inter-Korea Committee for Historical Interchange and Promotion’ as well as subcommittees classified by each subject of exchange is demanded. Henceforth the biggest theme of history exchange is the completion of the methodology of ‘The North-South Korean Union for Historical Understanding’ and reaching the level of cooperation where ‘The Joint North-South Korean Commission on History’ can compile a collaborated historical outline publication.

      • KCI등재

        이명박 정부의 역사 인식과 역사교육 정책

        김한종(Kim Han Jong) 역사비평사 2011 역사비평 Vol.- No.96

        History education has fallen into confusion in Lee Myung Park Government, and the dispute about history education continues until now. Lee Myung Park Government aim to throw his own historical awareness into school history education. Lee Myung Park Government and conservative scholars regard history since founding Republic of Korea 1948 as ‘history of miracle’. They think that main agents making ‘history of miracle’ are political leaders such as Rhee Syng Man and Park Chung Hee, and particularly respect Rhee Syng Man as ‘father of founding Republic of Korea’. They don’t have willingness to admit historical view and history textbook contents critical to such political leaders and their government. Compulsorily modifying Korean Modern and Contemporary History textbook contents and criticizing revised Korean History textbook as left leaning are its products. And Lee Myung Park Government reinforce certification of history textbook for the purpose of controling its contents and suppressing its authors’ resistance. Lee Myung Park Government has implemented history education policies focused on political judgment than intrinsic value of history. He aims to utilize history education as the instrument of integrating people under his policies. It is because policies on history education have been confused. National history curriculum has been revised every year during Lee Myung Park Government, and school history lesson has been weakened 2009, but Korean history shall be become mandatory subject in high school since 2012. This confusion makes teachers difficult to plan history lesson and pupils learn history systematically. Moreover, it is difficult to anticipate that the reinforcing policy of history education will be effective in school and history classroom.

      • KCI등재

        국가 간 역사갈등 해결을 위한 역사정책 모색

        이신철(Lee, Sin-Cheol) 역사비평사 2012 역사비평 Vol.- No.100

        Since 2000, Korean and Japan have continually conflicted concerning the past historic faults conducted by Japanese during the Japanese colonial rule times. Historic conflicts between nations are essentially caused from the both nations’ political interest relationship or their national interest. However, a nation does not have a logical structure to concede his perception of history in case of conflicting with other nation. So it is very important to solve through intensive talk and efforts to solve historic conflicts from the private term. Nevertheless, because the historic conflicts around 21C Korean Peninsula are directly connected to future matters of 4 nations-South, North Korea, China and Japan-, it is absolutely necessary to devise the ways to solve such issues from the national term. For South Korea, it is very important to resolve Japanese past faults against Korean in order to establish a peaceful future. For achieving this task, it needs to organize the ‘Korean-Japanese New Times Committee’ organized by private institutions. This committee can help for both nations to resolve Japanese past faults and to newly define the future relationship by concluding a new treaty. Meanwhile, it also needs to establish the ‘East-Asian Peace Foundation’ jointly organized by Korea and Japan in order to resolve Japanese past faults and practice their new relationship in future. It is very important for both governments to establish historic polices and to practice them based on long-term perspectives.

      • KCI등재

        사이비 역사학과 역사 파시즘

        기경량(Ki, Kyoung-ryang) 역사비평사 2016 역사비평 Vol.- No.114

        There have been irrational history research attempts obsessed with the national power and territory of the ancient countries in Korea, which can be termed ‘pseudo-history’. Pseudo-history originated from the government-issued history textbooks enforced by the Park, Jeong-Hee regime in 1974. Pseudo-historians took advantage of diverse media for unsubstantiated slander and indiscriminate criticism against historians who disagreed with them and filed an administrative litigation in order to urge the government to edit the content of history textbooks in favor of their perspectives. It was Ahn, Ho-Sang, the then Minister of Education, who led these moves. Pseudo-history appeared to stand against Japanese colonialistic historical perspective, but in fact it was nothing more than chauvinism that internalized the theory of “peninsular trait” by Japanese colonialists. Moreover, when it comes to the their manipulation and spread of the fake book called Hwandan-gogi, such perspective cannot be considered as a legitimate discipline of academic research. It seems obvious that pseudo-history during the 1970s in Korea basically originated from a Fascistic approach to the understanding of history. Despite of its fascist intentions, both conservatives and liberals tend to accept the claims presented without any sense of vigilance, which indicates that Korean society is vulnerable to all kinds of chauvinism.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        경험의 역사로서 독일 구술사

        송충기(SONG, Chung-ki) 역사비평사 2013 역사비평 Vol.- No.102

        This article aims to introduce the development of oral history in Germany to Korean readers. Immediately after the end of World War II in 1945, German contemporary historians made great efforts to document and clarify the period of the Third Reich, but they did so without contemporary witnesses, because for them oral interviews were not as valuable as written historical sources. It was only in the 1970s that oral history was ‘imported’ to (West) Germany by a prominent contemporary historian, Lutz Niethammer. He and his colleagues, Alexander von Plato among them, established oral history as a viable research tool in German historiography by carrying out several major oral history projects on the working classes in Ruhr region and in East Germany before reunification. They pointed out that oral history was a powerful tool for understanding people’s experiences,a notion which had not been widely accepted in German academic history. Oral history also played an important role in communication between workers and historians in the 1980s. Recently, many oral history projects have focused on ‘victims of history’, such as those who had been oppressed by the Nazis, Holocaust survivors, forced labourers, etc., where emphasis is placed on memory. Oral history in Germany has made a great contribution to deepening and widening its historiography, but it would be premature to paint a rosy picture for the future, because of the number of challenges it faces.

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