조선후기 홍주지역 세곡운송과 船價ㆍ後卜 대책

문광균 조선시대사학회 2015 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.75 No.-

Grain transportation of Hongju in the early Joseon Dynasty was operated under the Joun system. After announcing 『Gyeonggeukdaejeon(經國大典)』, grain of Hongju was collected in gongsegojchang of Asan and delivered to the center. But, while 'saseonimun(私船賃運)' was fulfiled instead of the Joun system around the western coast of Chungcheong-do, grain of Hongju was accumulated in Gyeonggangseon and transported. Due to the introudction of saseonimun, ship fare which is rental fee of gyeonggangseon and buga(浮價) which is costs of crewmen's labor on the ship were paid in Hongju. Hongju paid 4 seung per 1 jeonse for the title of buga and 1 seung of hubok(後卜) per 1 seok of daedongmi. The amount was less than 1 dubo per 1 seok in surrounding gun and hyun. Because of the conditions, Hongju area became an object of evasion for Gyeonggang crewmen. As gyunyuk law was conducted in the 26th year of Yeongjo(1750), hubok prepared in Hongju was reduced. Because hubok was reduced, Hongju newly made seolhapgok(舌盒斛), gokja(斛子)[container for grain] of 16 du 5 seung. In other words, they intended not to pay other charge at all by taking jeongse(正稅) of 15 du and japbi(雜費) of 1 du 5 seung into one bowl. However, gyeonggangseonin(京江船人) who were living with hubok didn't want to accumulate grain of Hongju, which measures the quantity by seolhapgok. Due to the phenomenon, Hongju opposed chakseonyuk(捉船役) catching gyeonggangseon which was going to Jeolla-do and Gyeongsang-do to people of 5 do such as wonsan-do, etc. Changseonyeok(捉船役) was threatening lives and living for all of islander and gyeonggangseonin(京江船人). The discussion about the hubok improvement of Hongju started because of the sangern of Lee, Un-dae(李云大) living in Wonsan-do in the 11th year of Jeongjo(1787). In the next year, it was vitalized by the second sangern of Lee, Un-dae and sangern of gyeonggangseonin Kim, Jae-chim(金在深). At first, 'gakbong(各捧)' was suggested as a measure to solve hubok problem. Gakbongan was to abolish existing seolhapgok and collect 15 du and 1 du 5 seung separately. But, gakbong should work 15 du and 1 du 5 seung individually, so collect lots of much grain from people. Government insisted that gakbong(各捧) is tax extortion and chased that hubok problem should be solved by regions. As gakbongan was not accepted, Hongju suggested ‘daemok(給代)’. ‘Geupdae’ was a measure to supplement insufficient hubok(後卜) with other financial resources. It was supervised by Hongjumoksa Lee, Ui-pil(李義弼). And, they discussed with an audit kwon, um(權 ), regulated 『Hongjumokseseonhubokcheombojeolmok(洪州牧稅船後卜添補節目)』 and prepared financial resources which would increase hubok. Bosegungwan(補稅軍官), bosegok(補稅穀), etc. of Hongju were financial resources which increased hubok. And, for the stable operation of hubok, an independent government, bosecheong(補稅廳), was founded. Therefore, hubok problem which was a tough problem of Hongju area in the 18th century was solved. However, as lots of parts of guepdae financial resources were supplemented by hwangok of bosegok(補稅穀) and sikri, hubok of Hongju in the 19th century had another problem. 조선전기 홍주의 세곡운송은 조운제도 아래에서 운영되었다. 『經國大典』이 반포된 이후 홍주의 세곡은 아산 공세곶창에서 수봉하여 중앙으로 상납하였다. 그러나 17세기를 전후하여 충청도 서해안 일대에 ‘私船賃運’이 성행하면서, 홍주의 세곡은 경강선에 적재되어 운송되었다. 사선임운의 도입으로 홍주에서는 경강선의 임대료인 船價와 그 선박에 승선하는 선원의 노동대가인 浮價를 지급하였다. 홍주에는 아산만의 北倉과 천수만의 西倉과 南倉 등 등 총 3곳의 海倉이 있었다. 海三倉의 선가는 효종 2년(1651) 호서대동법 시행 당시 1석당 米 1.5斗를 지급하였ᅌᅳ나, 17세기 후반 서창과 남창은 운항거리가 멀고 항로가 위험하다는 이유로 5승씩 늘어났다. 한편 홍주에서는 부가를 後卜으로 부르고 있었고, 전세는 1석당 米 4승, 대동미는 米 1승을 지급하였다. 이는 인근 군현의 1석당 1두보다 적은 액수였다. 이런 상황에서 영조 26년(1750)에 실시된 균역법은 홍주의 후복을 줄어들게 하는 계기가 되었다. 후복이 줄어들자 홍주는 16두 5승짜리 斛子인 舌盒斛을 만들어 대응하였다. 설합곡은 15두의 正稅와 1두 5승의 雜費를 하나의 量器에 담아서 그 이외의 비용을 일체 지급하지 않으려는 목적에서 만들어졌다. 그러나 후복으로 생계를 유지하던 경강선인은 설합곡으로 두량하는 홍주의 세곡을 적재하지 않으려 했다. 세곡운송 기피현상이 발생하자 홍주목에서는 원산도 등 5島民에게 전라도와 경상도로 내려가는 경강선을 붙잡는 捉船役을 부과하였다. 그러나 착선역은 홍주 도민과 경강선인의 갈등만 조장할 뿐 근본적인 대책은 아니었다. 홍주의 후복 문제는 정조 11년(1787) 원산도민 李云大의 상언으로 조정에 알려졌고, 2년에 걸쳐 논의가 이루어졌다. 그 결과 정조 13년(1789) 『洪州牧稅船後卜添補節目』이 제정되었다. 이 절목의 골자는 補稅軍官과 補稅穀 등을 설치하고, 여기에서 확보된 재원을 토대로 후복가를 증액하는 것이었다. 이 절목의 제정으로 홍주의 전세 후복은 1석당 米 2두 1승, 대동미 후복은 1석당 米 1두 1승으로 증액되었다. 그리고 이 재원을 관리하고 안정적인 후복 운영을 위해 補稅廳이 출범하였다. 이로써 18세기 홍주지역의 난제였던 후복 문제가 일단락되었다. 하지만 급대재원의 대부분이 還穀과 殖利로 마련되었다는 점에서 이 정책은 19세기에 또 다른 문제를 발생시킬 요인을 배태하고 있었다.

한문학(漢文學)에 투영된 홍주(洪州)의 문화적 위상 고찰

이재숙 ( Jae Sook Lee ) 근역한문학회 2013 한문학논집(漢文學論集) Vol.36 No.-

This study has carried out research on the Sino-Korean classics and Sino-Korean poetry of traditional intellectuals centering around Hongju, one of four moks, or counties, in Chungcheong-do. First, with a focus on men of letters who served as heads of Hongju-mok, I investigated Sino-Korean poems that recited feelings of gladness on being appointed as head of Hongju-mok. Hongju has local characteristics that are rich enough to attract civil officials as it has plenty of local produce, manners, and customs, along with beautiful scenery in proximity to islands and the sea. Second, I looked into poetic works related to General Choi Young and ``Songs of Peaceful Hongju`` to find out about manners, customs, and relics of Hongju. Through this investigation, I was able to take a glance at the contemporary cultural aspects of Hongju as it was a big mok, rich in local produce with a wealth of fish and salt, being encircled by mountains and close to the sea, from ancient times. Third, I examined nujeong-si (``pavilion poems``) related to scenic spots of Hongju, with a focus on Sadal-jung and Yeongbo-jung where ancient poets produced the most works. The research has found that Hongju was a post that men of letters preferred because of geographical characteristics and cultural environment though it was an external post (i.e., a provincial post), and that men of letters, particularly drawn to mountains and streams, and seasonal scenery, left many poetic works. It is necessary to accumulate more data and perform further research into the culture, history, geography, etc of naepo (``coastal area``) in Hongju-mok that has not been covered in this study.

진도홍주의 소비자인식과 제품포지셔닝 정립을 위한 기초연구

이제홍 ( Je Hong Lee ) 한국도서(섬)학회 2010 韓國島嶼硏究 Vol.22 No.3

Jindo Hongju is a traditional wine, distilled in a high alcohol degree, and is produced in Jindo. Hongju, which was the country`s commercial herbal alcohol introduced in the Joseon Dynasty period, features Ji-Cho as the main ingredient. Also, Hongju is made by Ji-cho which is a red color, and has a unique taste. It has no negative aftereffect such as a bad headache. The Hongju Customers have no doubts of its effectiveness. The subject of this study is to analysis on the commodities positioning strategy and customer recognition of Jind1o Hongju. This article measures the effects on market positioning of Jindo Hongju in the local market. A survey questionnaire was sent to capture 200 samples of drinkers, and 180 usable responses were obtained. The 130 samples are analyzed with the realities of Jindo Hongju. This paper which is based on a statistical analysis shows that the market promotion strategy(select mainly range 4th) ranked beverage tasting 116 respondent (22.3%), alliance sale 92 respondent(17.7%), free gift 88 respondent (16.9%), franchise entry method 74 respondent(14.2%). Also, Hongju marketing strategy is to establish a Jindo Hongju day as a means to let know knowned Hongju.

홍주지역 3.1독립운동의 유학정신: 홍성 독립유공자의 공훈록을 중심으로

민황기,이시우 인문예술학회 2019 인문과 예술 Vol.- No.7

The purpose of this article is to examine that the anti-Japanese movement of the Hongju region’s March 1st Independence movement was rooted in the Confucian spirit. According to that Confucian spirit was formed by the circulation of political discourse not only in Hongju but also global values. It is expected that looking at the meaning of this March Independence movement in relation to the Confucian thought characteristic of Hongju will be a significant work in terms of broadening the horizon of independence movement history. The first and second Hongju's army raised in the cause of justice[洪州義兵], which took place in the background of the expansion of a perversion of Hongju’s Confucian scholars[儒林], gave a boost to the March 1 Independence Movement, which in general became a conduit for the fundamental destruction of Japan's colonial rule. Externally, The Letter(Paris jangseo) movement[巴黎長書運動] of Hosebone[湖西本], led by Kim Bok-han[金福漢] and conducted by the Confucian scholars, exposed the truth of Japan's brutal colonial rule to the world. As a result, the March Independence movement opened the door to the weak colonial countries which could not make an independence movement on their own due to being under pressure of the world powers such as England, France, the US, and Japan. In particular, the March 1 Movement’s “theory of opportunity” was used as an opportunity for The Letter(Paris jangseo) movement, it could change the direction and content of Wijeongcheoksa [衛正斥邪], also tried to overcome the fundamentalist ideology system and cognition. That is considered to play a role in the future independence movement. The article first outlines the ideological roots and divisions of the March 1 Movement in Hongju related to the Hongju Confucian academic context, then takes a look at the ideological features of the Hong-ju Confucian. And seek how the chance can be driving force on the save-the-nation movement in terms of justice[洪州義兵] and the Hong-ju March 1 Movement In conclusion, based on the Ministry of Patriots and Veterans Affairs’ “Gonghunrok[功勳錄] of Hongseong County, Chungcheongnam-do,” we will review the historical meaning of the independence movement in Hongju and explore its connection with the spirit of Hongju. In particular, Kim Bok-han is classified as a “Movement of army raised in the cause of justice”[義兵運動], but focusing on he led the Hoseobon Paris Presbyterian movement in the extension of the March 1 movement, suggesting a reassessment of Kim Bok-han’s The Letter(Paris jangseo) movement[巴黎長書運動]. 이 글의 목적은 홍주지역 3.1독립운동가의 항일(抗日)운동이 유학정신에 뿌리를 두고 있고, 그러한 유학정신이 홍주의 지역적 가치는 물론이고 당시의 지구적 가치와 맞물리는 전세계적 정치 담론의 유통에 의해 구성되었음을 홍주 유교학맥과 정신과의 연관 속에서 검토하는 것이다. 3.1운동은 오늘날 우리가 알고 있는 것보다 훨씬 더 큰 역사적 의의가 있는 획기적인 독립운동이었다. 이러한 3.1독립운동사의 의미를 홍주의 유학사상적 특징과의 연관 속에서 살펴보는 것은 독립운동사적 의미의 지평을 넓힐 수 있는 측면에서 유의미한 작업이 될 것으로 기대한다. 홍주 기호유림(畿湖儒林)의 위정척사 정신을 바탕으로 전개된 1,2차 홍주의병은 국내적으로 3.1운동이 일제의 식민지 무단통치를 근본적으로 파탄시키는 도화선이 되는 운동이 되는 데 힘을 실었다. 또 국외적으로는 김복한(金福漢)이 주도하고 유림들이 전개한 호서본(湖西本) 파리장서운동은 일제의 야수적 식민지 통치의 진상을 세계에 폭로하였다. 이로써 영국, 프랑스, 미국, 일본 등의 승전국 열강의 기세 때문에 스스로 힘으로 독립운동을 궐기할 엄두도 내지 못하는 승전국 지배하에 있던 식민지 약소국들을 분발시켜 독립운동을 일으키는 계기를 선봉에 서서 열어주었다. 이러한 점에서 지역적, 지구적 양 측면에서 독립운동사상의 의의가 크다고 볼 수 있다. 특히 3.1운동의 ‘기회론’이 호서유림의 파리장서운동의 기회로 발휘되는 과정에서 위정척사운동의 척사의 방향과 내용을 일정 정도 변화시킴으로써 척사론의 원리주의적 이념체계와 인식을 극복하려 시도한 점은 향후 독립운동의 이념과 방략을 설정하는 데 역할을 한 것으로 평가된다. 이 글에서는 먼저 홍주지역 3.1운동의 사상적 뿌리와 갈래를 홍주 유교학맥과의 연관 속에서 개괄한다. 이어서 홍주 유교학맥의 사상적 특징을 홍주의병과 홍주지역 3.1운동의 연속선상에서 구국운동의 원동력이 될 수 있었던 계기를 살펴본다. 결론적으로 홍성지역 독립운동의 전개와 현황과 그리고 그 역사적 의미를 국가보훈처의 “충청남도 홍성군 독립유공자 공훈록”을 바탕으로 되짚어보고, 또 홍주정신과 어떤 연관성을 지니는지 그 접점을 모색해보고자 한다. 특히 공훈록에 김복한의 운동계열이 ‘의병운동’으로 분류되어 있지만, 그가 의병투쟁을 했을 뿐 아니라 3.1운동 전개의 연속선상에서 호서본 파리장서운동을 주도했다는 점에 주목하여 김복한의 파리장서운동에 대한 재평가를 제안한다.

수체계가 홍주성의 입지와 공간구조 변천과정에 미친 영향

이경찬 ( Lee Kyung-chan ),강인애 ( Kang In-ae ) 한국전통조경학회(구 한국정원학회) 2020 한국전통조경학회지 Vol.38 No.4

본 연구는 홍주목 읍치 일대의 물(水) 공간과 연계하여 홍주성의 형성·변천과정과 더불어 조선 후기 홍주읍성의 공간구조와 축성방식이 지니는 특성을 해석해보고자 하는 목적을 지니고 있다. 조선시대 홍주목 읍치 일대의 수체계는 남에서 북으로, 서에서동으로 흐르는 가지형 구조의 자연하도를 기반으로 인공적으로 조성된 성안물길과 연못(池) 등으로 구성되어 있다. 다양한 문헌기록, 발굴조사 결과 및 지도자료 등에 대한 분석결과를 종합해보면 수체계가 홍주성의 조영과정에 중요한 영향을 미치고 있음을 알 수 있는데 대표적으로 다음과 같이 요약된다. 첫째, 고려시대 이후 조선 후기에 이르는 홍주성은 큰 위치 변화 없이 금마천과 용봉천을 외수로 삼고 홍성천과 월계천을 중심으로 한 환포형의 지형구조와 하천 합수부의 내측(汭)에 형성된 소규모 침식분지를 이용하여 위치하고 있다. 이러한 홍주성의 입지특성은 고대 중국과 한국에서의 물길을 고려한 도시 입지선정 방법을 반영하고 있는 것으로 이해된다. 둘째, 홍주성 일대 수체계의 골격을 형성하는 홍성천과 월계천, 소향천 등은 다양한 측면에서 홍주성의 입지와 축성방식, 물 관련시설, 읍성 공간구조 등에 영향을 미치고 있다. 또한 홍주성 내외부의 미지형구조는 월계천 및 홍성천의 하도특성과 어우러져 홍주성의 토지이용 및 읍치시설 배치형태를 결정하는데 중요한 영향을 미치고 있다 셋째, 홍주읍성에서는 물을 고려한 다양한 비보조치가 이루어졌다. 홍성천과 금마천 사이의 숲 조성, 조선 후기 읍기(邑基)를 방해한다 하여 이루어진 남문 폐쇄 등은 그 대표적인 조치의 일환으로 이해된다. 넷째, 월계천의 영향으로부터 읍성 또는 읍내 시가구역을 보호하기 위하여 일찍부터 성안물길을 설치하여 물길을 분지시키거나 연못(池)을 조성하는 등 인공 배수시설을 적극적으로 도입하고 있다. 특히 홍주성의 축성방식과 관련하여 수해로부터 성벽을 보호하기 위한 다양한 조치가 이루어졌다. 고려시대 토성과 일체화된 조선시대 석성 구조, 조선 후기 북문지 일대의 퇴축 성벽, 서벽과 동벽에서 보이는 외벽과 내벽 사이의 석렬이나 와편층을 활용한 성벽 축조방식은 그 대표적인 방법이었다. The purpose of this study is to analyze the influence of the water system on the location, spatial structure, and construction method of Hongju-eupseong, centering on Hongjumok-eupchi. During the Joseon Dynasty, the water system in Hongjumok-eupchi is composed of artificially constructed Seong-an Runnel and ponds based on a branch-shaped natural waterways flowing from south to north and west to east. Compiling the results of various literature records, excavations and analysis of map data, it can be seen that the water system has an important influence on the construction of Hongju-seong. Firstly, Hongju-seong from the Goryeo Dynasty to the late Joseon Dynasty is located using a circular shape of topographical structure and a small erosion basin formed on the inner side of the Hongseongcheon and Wolgyecheon streams without significant change in location. In particular, Wolgyecheon and Hongseongcheon are natural moats, which are harmonized with Sohyangcheon and riverside topographical structures, affecting the location and construction method of Hongju-seong, water related facilities, and the spatial structure of eupseong. It is understood that location characteristic of Hongju-seong reflects the urban location structure harmonized with waterways in ancient China and Korea. Secondly in harmony with the water system and topographic structure of Hongju-seong, it is an important factor in deciding the land use of the town, the arrangement of the town hall facilities and inducing various non-subsidiary measures such as the establishment of embankment forest with a secret function and the closure of the south gate. In addition, artificial drainage facilities such as Seongan runnel and ponds are being actively introduced from early on to protect the walls or towns from flooding of Wolgyecheon. Especially there were typical methods for protecting the walls from water damage such as the Joseon Dynasty stone castle structure that was integrated with saturn(soil wall) in the Goryeo Dynasty, retreating wall in the northern gate area in the late Joseon Dynasty, and the method of constructing wall using korean tile and stone floors between reinforced soil layers in the western and northern wall.

17~18세기 忠淸道 洪州지역 재지사족과 少論系 書院

홍제연(Hong, Je-yeon) 호서사학회 2020 역사와 담론 Vol.0 No.93

조선 시대 충청도 4개 목 지역 중 하나인 洪州는 충청도 서부 지역의 행정 거점이다. 어염이 풍부하고 농토가 넓어 사대부가 거처로 삼기를 원했던 곳이며, 바닷길을 이용한 외부와의 소통이 빠르고 상업이 발달하여 내륙 지역보다 개방적·진보적인 곳이라 알려져 왔다. 홍주의 문화상을 보여주는 몇 가지 근거 중 하나는 홍주의 書院이다. 충청도는 율곡 이이의 학맥을 이은 김장생, 김집 부자의 영향으로 기호학파의 근거지였으며 정치적으로 서인계의 텃밭이었고, 노소분기 이후에는 서인-노론계가 전반적으로 우세하였다. 특히 노론의 首院인 연산 遯巖書院, 청주 華陽書院을 중심으로 공주진관, 청주진관 소속 군현에 소재한 서원은 대체로 노론 색을 띠었다. 그런데 유독 홍주에는 惠學書院과 龍溪書院 등 소론계 사액서원이 있고, 홍주진관 소속 군현에 소론계와 남인계의 서원이 세워졌다. 홍주에는 두 서원 외에 성삼문을 제향한 魯恩書院이 있었다. 노은서원의 창건 세력은 당색을 초월했지만 노소분기 이후 노론의 지원을 받았다. 이는 노론의 정치적 계산에 의한 것이었다. 타 지역에서도 정치적 성향에 따라 서원 간 갈등이 흔했고, 노론 정권하에서 비노론계 서원이 철액 또는 철폐되기까지 했던 것은 잘 알려진 사실이다. 중앙정계는 당쟁으로 요동치고 있었지만 홍주에서는 지역 내에 당파적 갈등이 크게 부각되지 않으며 소론계 사액서원이 유지되었다. 그 이유는 첫째, 두 서원의 제향인물이 李世龜(이광좌의 父)와 尹拯이라는 소론의 핵심 인사였다는 것이고, 둘째, 이세구와 윤증이 생전에 홍주에 머물며 재지사족의 유풍을 진작시켰으며, 셋째, 홍주 사족사회가 애초에 노론이 지배적이지 않았기 때문이다. 홍주의 서원은 모두 고종 대까지 존속하였다. In the period of Chosen dynasty, there were 4 Moks in Chungcheong-do Province. They had different cultural characteristics. It was Hongju that was the administrative hub of the western area of Chungcheong-do Province. Hongju was rich in seafood and had large farmland, so scholar-gentlemen, people in the highest class, wanted to live there. Basically, Chungcheong-do Province was academically on Kiho School’s side under the influence of Kim Jang-saeng and Kim Jip who were in the scholarly lineage of Yi Yul-gok. And it was politically on Seoin’s side, especially Seoin-Noron’s side after Seoin’s being divided into Noron and Soron. Most of Seowons in Gongju or Cheongju district, like Donam Seowon in Yeonsan or Hwayang Seowon in Cheongju, were on Noron’s side. On the other hand, in Hongju, there were Seowons which were on Soron’s side, like Hyehak Seowon and Yonggye Seowon. In Hongju, there was Noeun Seowon, which held rituals for Seong Sam-mun. At first, politicians in Seoin and Namin participated in its establishment together. However, after Seoin’s separation, Noron supported Noeun Seowon, and it was because of Noron’s political considerations. In other districts, it was also common that there were conflicts among Seowons that had different political views, and sometimes non-Noron-sided Seowons were abolished by Noron regime. Unlike the central political world, in Hongju, making Soron-sided Seowons remain. It was because the figures for which two Soron-sided Seowons held rituals were Yi Se-gu and Yoon Jeung, the key figures of Soron faction. And it was also because Yi Se-gu and Yoon Jeung boosted the custom of Confucianism, staying in Hongju. In fact, Noron was not dominant in the local gentry society of Hongju in the first place. Seowons in Hongju continued until the period of Gojong dynasty.

조선 · 일본군의 충남 내포지역 동학농민군 진압 연구

김양식(Kim, Yang-Sik) 국방부 군사편찬연구소 2017 군사 Vol.- No.103

This thesis is an analysis of the suppression of the Donghak Peasant Army by the government forces of Joseon and the Japanese army in the Chung Nam Naepo region and its peculiarities. Particularly, with the recent discovery of new information in 『Kabogunjeongsilgi(甲午軍政實記)』, it is an attempt to get closer to the truth about the Donghak Peasant War in the Naepo region. The Donghak Peasant Army had already gained control of the Chung Nam Naepo Region in September 1894. The concerned government and Japanese army, in effect, turned their attention to suppressing the Donghak Peasant Army in the Naepo region from the beginning to the middle of October. However, following the last 10 days in October, the main force of the Donghak Peasant Army had begun moving north to capture the, Gonju region. Forcing the Japanese army as well as the government to direct their troops to focus on protecting the the Gonju region. For that reason, The region of Hongju had been dropped off the radar of the government forces of Joseon and the Japanese army. Japan and the government of Joseon received reports of the greatest battle in the Naepo region, the battle at the castle of Hongju on October 28, much later, than after the event took place. That’s why the government forces, led by Lee Du Hwang, arrived at the Naepo region on October 29, when the battle at the castle of Hongju was over, and the Japanese army departed for the Naepo region from Incheon on November 3. The enthusiasm of the Donghak Peasant Army in the Naepo region quickly cooled following the battle at the castle of Hongju. The Japanese army, The Joseon government army and Minbogun(民堡軍) caught up to the Donghak Peasant Army and executed them. In fact, the Japanese army shot and killed 48 members of the Donghak Peasant Army in Haemi on November 11 and killed 30 more members in Taean on November 15. Hongju region governor Lee Seong U concluded the suppression of the Donghak Peasant Army with a big celebration outside the south gate of the castle of Hongju on November 30.

‘홍주’의 지명 재정착과 그 의미

김경수 조선시대사학회 2015 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.75 No.-

Hongseong was a center of the politics, economy, administration, and transportation in the Chugnam Province of Chosun Dynasty. Hongseong has a regional characteristics that acceptable numerous cultures through active human and material exchange. It achieved independent ideas which are called ‘HongJu-cultural area’ and cultural area. In other worlds, Hongseong has been a important function of politics, economy, administration and culture of the ‘Nae-poe culture area’. But, Japanese started ‘Chosun-Land research project’ under the guide of ‘Chosun land’s survey on October 1, 1910. Japanese surveyed Chosun Dynasty land and started enrolling regional names of the whole Chosun Dynasty country in map. Japanse reformed ‘Chosun’s names Chosun counties called as an execution department system in April 1st Hong-Ju turned Hongseong at this time. The stature of “Great Hongju” in Chosun Dynasty disappeared, it declined socially and economically considerably. The settlement of the nomination that can reveal their identity and historicity of area is a task prior that should be a prerequisite. But, one of the representative remains from Japanese colonial era in our society is regional name. Thus, the return of ‘Hongju’ which was changed forcibly by the Japanese empire is directly connected with reveal of the regional identity. This reveals historicity and cultural characteristics of the region and is directly connected with clear away the remnants of Japanese imperialism. 조선시대의 홍성은 충남 서북부 정치․경제와 행정․교통의 중심지였다. 활발한 인적․물적 교류를 통해 많은 문화를 수용할 수 있는 지역적 특징을 지니고 있었으며, ‘홍주문화권’이라는 독자적인 사상 및 문화 권역을 이루었다. 행정과 교통의 중심지였을 뿐만 아니라, 충청 서북부 지방의 행정․문화의 중심 거점으로서, 이른바 ‘내포문화권’의 정치, 경제, 행정 및 문화의 중심지로서 중요한 기능을 수행했던 것이다. 그런데 1910년 10월 1일, 일본은 조선의 땅을 조사한다는 미명 하에, ‘조선토지조사사업’을 착수하였다. 땅을 측량함과 함께 지도를 새로 작성하면서 전국의 땅이름을 명부에 올리기 시작했다. 1914년 4월 1일에는 府制의 실시라는 구실로 우리 땅이름에 일대 개혁을 단행하였다. 이때 ‘홍주’가 ‘홍성’으로 바뀌었다. 조선시기 ‘대홍주’의 위상은 사라지고, 이후 사회ㆍ경제적으로도 상당히 쇠락되었다. 지역의 역사성과 정체성을 드러낼 수 있는 지명의 정착은, 다른 무엇보다 선결되어야 할 전제 조건이다. 그런데 우리 사회에 남아 있는 대표적인 일제 잔재의 하나가 ‘지명’이다. 따라서 일제에 의해 강제적으로 변경된 ‘홍주’ 지명의 재정착 역시 지역의 정체성을 드러내는 일과 직결된다. 이는 지역의 역사성과 문화성을 그대로 드러내는 일, 나아가 일제 잔재의 청산과 직결되는 일이기 때문이다.

Detection of Fake Jindo Hongju Using the pH-dependent Color Change of Gromwell (Lithospermum erythrorhizon) Pigment

Kim, Jungho,Bae, Yeong-Hwan,Choi, Kap-Seong 한국응용생명화학회 1999 Journal of Applied Biological Chemistry (J. Appl. Vol.42 No.3

Gromwell (Lithospermum erythrorhizon) pigment solution and Jindo Hongju prepared in the laboratory showed characteristic pH-dependent color changes and a shift in absorption maxima. This phenomenon was not observed in the solution of the artificial food colorant Red No. 2 which was suspected to be used in the manufacture of fake Jindo Hongju. A few fake products could be detected by using the pH-dependent shift in absorption maxima among the Jindo Hongju on market.

읍성도시 유형별 도시발전 방안 연구 : 진주성?홍주읍성?나주읍성을 중심으로

이재희(Lee, Jae-Hee),안정근(Ahn, Jung-Geun),정현수(Jung, Hyun-Su) 한국주거환경학회 2015 주거환경(한국주거환경학회논문집) Vol.13 No.2

Urban decline in Castle towns was generated according to all sorts of regulation in land use, but this phenomenon allows traditional urban features to preserve due to the regulation of land use. In recent years, there have been a lot of efforts for tourist resources by restoring the parts of destroyed Eupseongs. In addition, Eupseongs are precious assets to present the direction of future cities along with the establishment of the city identity. Therefore, to suggest desirable development plans, the analysis on castle towns is required in terms of the unique history, culture, tradition, and arts of castle towns. In this regard, this study aims to suggest the differentiated development plans of castle towns, which have performed a central role of the region for a long period of time by classifying types of castle cities with regard to the urban planning and systems, business operation and management system, and development project around Eupseongs. According to the fortress of physical preservation forms, castle cities are classified into eupseongs, close to the original form, Eupesongs, whose parts are remaining, and Eupseongs, whose sites are only preserved due to the deterioration of the fortress. This study set target areas; Jinju-Fortress, Hongju-Eupseong and Naju-Eupseong, which represent each type, and conducted questionnaire surveys targeting relevant local residents and experts. First of all, the need for urban development plans according to the types of castle towns was verified through the cross analysis, and second, the variables of major effect were drawn through the multiple regression analysis. The study results are as follows: First, appointed management would be required for the castle cities, where fortress, which is close to the original form, is still remaining as the urban centers of the self-sufficient historic city on the premise of the preservation of castle cities. Second, the factors of sustainable population influx should be excavated through the cultural industry or the operation of educational programs in relation to the historic culture in castle cities, where some parts of the fortress are remaining. Third, in view of the structure of existing urban space, the restoration project of Eupseong is needed in castle cities, whose sites are only preserved due to the deterioration of the fortress.