근역한문학회 편집위원회 규정

학회자료 근역한문학회 2005 한문학논집 Vol.23 No.-

극려사 근역한문학회 ( 제 1 권 1983 년 3 월 )

장충식 근역한문학회 1983 漢文學論集 Vol.1 No.-

고등학교 한문교과서(漢文敎科書)에 수록된 논어(論語)의 해석)에 대한 연구

손인도 ( In Do Son ) 근역한문학회 2008 한문학논집 Vol.27 No.-

The current Sino-Korean Classics textbooks under the seventh education curriculums for high school have a lot of Chinese analects written with Chinese words. In particular, making interpretations of words and phrases in the Chinese scriptures has become a difficult and troubling part for most of the Sino-Korean classics teachers when they teach students and lead classes in the fields. There can be a variety of reasons why the teachers undergo difficulties in teaching students scriptures contained in the textbooks (limited to Noneo, one of the analects of Confucianism, in this study), but the primary four reasons are like the following. First are difficulties in putting interpretations on the words and phrases brought about by the implication and polysemy of the Chinese words. Second is the difficulty of putting interpretations caused by the current textbook structure, which contains only some part of the entire phrases showed in the analects of Confucius. Third is the fact that various interpretations are possible for the analects of Confucius in itself, and those who live in different eras and those who study or understand scriptures make different interpretations about the meaning of phrases. Fourth is that teachers completely depend on Noneojipju written by the Song Dynasty`s `Juhee` in searching the meaning of phrases in the analects of Confucius and apply overly the view based on `Sunglihak`, which deals with human nature and natural laws, to making interpretations of the analects of Confucius, and adhere to only such kinds of interpretations and give their students only metaphysical explanations, and this makes students have more difficulties in understanding the analects of Confucius. The reason, of course, is that the interpretations about Confucian records have been based on the methods of scholars in Song Dynasty since Josun Dynasty. Reflecting that the translations and interpretations based on Noneojipju written by Juhee have given rise to differences from the initial intention of `Gongja`, the author thought that major annotation books and reference books are needed to be referred for the right translations and annotations about the analects of Confucius. In order to resolve problems concerning the education of scriptures, this study is focusing on the above third and fourth reasons-the possibility of various interpretations about scriptures in themselves and, interpretative differences caused by the demand of the era, intellectual concerns and putting social meanings on them. The study subjects were the eleven Sino-Korean classics textbooks for high school students. This study is focused on extracting phases out of the analects of Confucius contained in the high school Sino-Korean classics textbooks to research how differently the books on the thoughts of `Gongja` have been read in different eras and what desirable meanings they should contain so that they could be read by the contemporary Koreans. In this study, the author referred to, compared and analyzed the following annotation books-a conventional annotation book represented in Sipsamkeongjuso, noneojuso written by `hyengbung` who followed the traditional study of Chinese classics, which, on the basis of annotations made in the eras of `Han` and `Dang`, has specific janggu`s and hungo`s and serve as a transitional writing of `Han` literature and `Song` literature, Noneojipju written by Juhee who interpreted from the perspective of `Sunglihak`in the era of Song Dynasty, and Nonepgogumju written by Dasan, Jung, Yak Yong, which is one of the representative annotation books for the analects of Confucius. For this study, the author compared and analyzed annotations for interpretations about the analects of Confucius written by from the above Chinese Confucian scholars representing advanced Confucianism to the Korean Confucian scholar. Also, the author made an issue of the reality that the most of the interpretations about the analects of Confucius phrases in the Sino-Korean classics textbooks for high school depend on Juhee`s Nonepjipju, show an excessive perspective of `Sunglihak` for the interpretation of the analects of Confucius and adherence to such kinds of meaning interpretations, and pursue metaphysical explanations. So, the author tried to exclude the interpretations in Noneojipju to study the original meanings of the contents in the analects of Confucius in interpreting it, and thought over the intention of Gonja. In addition, the author compared and analyzed major annotation books and reference books in interpreting the analects of Confucius to gain the right translations and interpretations, and contemplated their contemporary meanings. The desirable attitude for a study, of course, is to refer to, compare and analyze more annotation books, but with a shortage of the ability to do that, the author had no choice but to restrict the boundary of this study, and the author would like to say that this is the limitation of this study. If the principles of more scholars and sects are reviewed and studied, results with more objectivity and validity would be yielded, and the author remains this for further studies.

다산의 전원시 연구

김상홍 근역한문학회 1984 漢文學論集 Vol.2 No.-

『오백가주음변창려선생집(五百家註音辨昌黎先生集)』 연구

정재철 ( Jae Chul Jung ) 근역한문학회 2008 한문학논집 Vol.27 No.-

『Wubaijiazhuchanglixianshengji五百家註音辨昌黎先生集』 is one of the most popular annotation books for Han-yu韓愈`s poetry and prose which Wei-zhongju魏仲擧 published in Fujiansheng福建省 in Qingyuan慶元 6(1200). This book is now in Yeonse University as the block book for Qingyuan Type慶元本 and Seoul University also has a block book which was republished in Ganlong乾隆 49(1784). These two kinds of Chinese block books were typeset as the same way except the page frame. And the Koujangkak奎章閣 of Seoul University has a defective block book, which we cannot know the publishing year and Another block book known as Gaemi Type Bunkukbon癸未字飜刻本 is in the library of Yeonse University. The book of Koujangkak in Seoul University is considered to be published from King Gojong高宗 38(1251), the same year of publication of 『Dongkookleesangkookgip東國李相國集』 to King Sejong世宗 1(1419) by using the block book which had been published earlier than 慶元本 as the text. As we can see, Wei-zhongju said the annotators of the 『Wubaijiazhuchanglixianshengji』 were 500 people. But the annotators which were presented in the head of this book are 368 people in total, 148 from Liuxu劉구 of Tang唐 dynasty to Wangzhi王질 of Song宋 dynasty, 50 for Jizhu集注, 50 for Buzhu補注, 50 for Guangzhu廣注, 20 for Shishi釋事, 20 for Buyin補音, 10 for Xieyin協音, 20 for Zhengwu正誤, 10 for Kaoyi考異. I checked the annotations of the Qingyuan Type and realized that only 44 people were presented by their real names in the annotations and this is a third of the annotators which Wei-zhongju presented by their real names. Dividing these into types, there are 28 people for making reviews, 14 people for commenting, and 2 people for explaining the pronunciation methods of Han-yu`s poetry and prose. From this we can guess that Wei-zhongju wanted to make a display of his wide and professional knowledge by naming the book`s title as Wubaijiazhu五百家註. When Wei-zhongju published 『Wubaijiazhuchanglixianshengji』, he compromised or unified the annotations to help to understand the meanings of the letters and read between the lines by using the books of the 44 people with a settled system. He recorded the different annotations of many masters without correcting, even though some of the contents were duplicate, so that the readers could get all the necessary information to understand Han-yu`s works. And he also provided various kinds of information such as the meanings of the letters and sentences, the origins of the vocabularies and the motives of the creation in `Buzhu補注`, `Jizhu集注`, `Jiuzhu舊注`. And he thoroughly excluded the Joo-hee`s annotations which had carefully adopted the moral philosophical literary view and provided various contents of the annotations to the readers while avoiding the specific ideas and biased subjects. These two books, 『Wubaijiazhuchanglixianshengji』 published by Wei-zhongju and 『Zhuwengongjiaochanglixianshengji朱文公校昌黎先生集』 published by Wang-baida王伯大 in 1227 in Fujiansheng, were very popular in Choson. King Sejong thought the readers would have difficulties to understand because the annotations of these two books were different from the original text books, so he made publish 『Zhuwengongjiao-changlixianshengji』 by Gabin Type甲寅字 in Sejong 20 by unifying the annotations of these block books by using, mainly, Joo-hee`s annotations. After that Gabin Type in which Joo-hee`s moral philosophical literary views melted, became very popular and from this time, Wei-zhongju`s 『Wubaijiazhuchanglixianshengji』 quickly lost its popularity. By this we can understand the literary characteristics of Choson era that always pursued the accordance with morality and literature through the distributed aspect of Han-yu`s works.

활자본 <현수문전>을 통해서 본 독자성향

김현정 ( Hyun Jung Kim ) 근역한문학회 2008 한문학논집 Vol.26 No.-

`Hyeonsumunjeon` is a literary work which is in existence in the form of 9 types of printed books, 4 types of handwritten books and one Banggakbon(block book). Banggakbon novels can be regarded as the beginning of our country`s popular novels in that they were produced and distributed massively. Popular novels were published for commercial purposes, so they are published in consideration of the readers` propensity. This paper attempted to examine the propensity of changed readers through analysis on the contents of the printed book `Hyeonsumunjeon`, which is the 20th century popular novel, considering that `Hyeonsumunjeon` is a literary work published in the form of a printed book after it was recognized by the readers as a popular novel. As can be seen in Kim Gi-Jin`s `On Popular Novel`, the readers of printed book ancient novels, women, farmers, and laborers, had the propensity to prefer the stories of a wit and a beauty, wealth and fame, lustful men and women, loyal subjects and faithful women. The printed book `Hyeonsumunjeon` shows more war stories than the existing alternative versions and represents the hero`s strategies and tactics and wondrous magical arts in more detail than the alternative versions. Moreover, it represents the development of story events more systematically that `65 Jang Version` and it can be seen that the son Hyeonchim`s heroic stories were represented in more meticulous structure and development of events through the two generation description structure. And the most important characteristics are that instead of the forced loyalty to the king of loyal subjects, the proper conducts of the king and the subjects were emphasized, showing that the thematic consciousness of the literary work had been changing. This paper viewed that the changes in the characteristics of the printed book `Hyeonsumunjeon` that are represented differently from the existing alternative versions would be related to the changes in the propensity of the readers. So it is viewed that the war stories, strategies and tactics and magical arts shown in `Hyeonsumunjeon` can be regarded as reflecting the intention to make the readers have more exciting indirect experiences through increasingly more interesting stories than the existing versions. And changes in thematic consciousness took place as changes in consciousness of the readers of the printed book novels-women, farmers, and laborers-occurred, so in the printed book Hyeonsumunjeon, the virtues of the king were emphasized instead of subjects` loyalty to the king being too much emphasized.

초의 시에 나타난 불교적 이미지

최태호 ( Tae Ho Choi ) 근역한문학회 2008 한문학논집 Vol.26 No.-

This study deals with the philosophical orientation in the Sino- Korean poems of Cho-Eui Chang, Eui-Soon(1786~1865). Cho-Eui was a poet and painter, who made achievements in a variety of fields including Sino-Korean poetry and paintings, as well as a Buddhist priest. This poetic monk played an important role in the history of Korean literature, especially connecting scholastic strings from Da-San to Man-Hae and Mi-Dang. Cho-Eui associated with contemporary eminent Confucian scholars. Actually, the majority of his associates ranged from literary bureaucrats to poetic calligraphers, which shows his social status of the time. When Chu-Sa died(1856), Cho-Eui shaped his sorrow of losing an intimate friend in a long funeral oration. Da-San`s Confucianism had absolute influence on Cho-Eui. As one of Da-San`s disciples, and as the last pontiff and poetic monk of the declining Joseon Dynasty, Zen priest Cho-Eui made his footprints in the history of Buddhism and Sino- Korean poetry. Although he was affected considerably by Da-San, Cho-Eui`s poems were not identical to those of Da-San. Furthermore, Taoistic ideas were seen a lot in his works. Many of his pieces were about the poetic expression of communion with nature, and occasionally it appeared in his works that he tried to realize Buddhist teachings in pursuit of the hermitish life. Cho-Eui made a self-sufficient tea life of Zhaozhou Elegance style, which was sort of Zen in Buddhism. Zen was the core of Buddhism and the origin of all nature. Through the previous consideration, a brief summary of Cho-Eui`s status in the history of Korean literature can be given. Cho-Eui wrote a number of Confucian works under the influence of the Da-San`s academic traditions in the late Joseon Dynasty. There were also lots of Taoistic ones in his works. As a Buddhist priest, he bequeathed a number of Zen poems, too. These aspects were a result of ideological blending of Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism. His contemporary poets had a similar tendency. He was free of euphonic changes and laid emphasis on matter more than form. The inheritance of Buddhistic literature from Beom-Hae to Man-Hae played key roles in the succession between Sino-Korean poetry and modern Korean poetry. As a Buddhist priest and a poet, he brought honor to Sino-Korean poetry in the history of Korean literature.

우담(愚潭) 정시한(丁時翰) 『산중일기(山中日記)』 일고찰(一考察)

오주학 ( Joo Hak Oh ) 근역한문학회 2008 한문학논집 Vol.26 No.-

Udam Jeong, Si-han is a Sung Confucianist who lived during the 17th and 18th century. In spite of his great family background, he distanced himself from government, resigning social position as a governor, for he couldn`t be in accord with the social and political life of the country. Instead, he persisted in living his life as Seon-bee(a scholar). At the age of 61, when he lost his parents, leaving his worldly affairs behind him, he decided to immerse himself in research, learning and a landscape travel. In other words, he wanted to satisfy his mind and body through a journey around mountains, ravines and lakes. So, he went four times on a journey to Ji-ri mountain, Kum-gang mountain and Yong-Nam province for 578 days from 1686 to 1688. During his journey, he wrote a book on a national landscape called SanJoong-ilgi. His diary is divided into two sections. The first part is about the description of impressive incidents, Seo-won(A lecture hall) and scholars that he came across during his journey around Yong-Nam province which is his academic origin. And the second part is to briefly record his feelings, emotion and deep impression on the landscape and the beauty of nature which was rediscovered while escaping from reality and enjoying his sentimental journey. Udam`s SanJoong-ilgi has distinct characteristics of a detailed description of the landscape and scenery and a hostile attitude toward temples and monks that he visited and came across during his journey. When comparing other Yu-gi at that time(17th), SanJoong-ilgi holds its own distinguished style and features maintaining and reflecting on the San-su literary trends and the view of nature at that time. Given that the feature of characteristic of the style of SanJoong-ilgi was barely mentioned yet under the macroscopic trend and the genuine and diverse nature, in addition to its literary significance, this study has a great importance and SanJoong-ilgi is a valuable document for those who wish to seek insight into Yu-gi, a landscape travel description.

만해(萬海) 한시(漢詩)에 나타난 불교(佛敎) 사상(思想)

강선화 ( Seon Hwa Gang ) 근역한문학회 2008 한문학논집 Vol.26 No.-

This study aims to grasp the life of Manhae as a poet and a Buddhist monk. For this, I classified and analyzed Manhae`s Sino-Korean poems according to themes and thoughts. Manehae`s life can be enlightend in manydemensions through the study of his 175 Sino-Korean poems which he wrote for 30 years. Manhae`s Sino-Korean poems classified according to themes and the thought as following. 1. Poems which show Mannhae`s life. 2. Poems with Confucianism. 3. Poems with Taoism. 4. Poems with Buddhiism.

강릉향약(江陵鄕約)에 대한 소고(小考)

정광무 ( Kwang Moo Chung ) 근역한문학회 2008 한문학논집 Vol.26 No.-

Gangneung Hyangyak was instituted by Nakpah Yu Whojo in 1855 (the sixth year of the reign of King Chuljong) when he served as a vice-envoy of Gangneung. Born in Sangju, Youngnam, Yu Whojo was a descendant of Yu Sungryong, whose lineage was highly distinguished in Youngnam. He was an outstanding government official and a much admired scholar. He was appointed Wueuijung (one of the three prime ministers in Chosun Dynasty) in 1197 (the sixth year of the reign of King Gojong) and served as the Chosun ambassador to Qing Dynasty. Later he participated in administration as a cabinet member for about seven years and retired Bongjoha. Based on Yu Whojo`s experience in national and international affairs and wisdom gained through his life, Gangneung Hyangyak is more practical than any other Hyangyaks; it also finds its significance in being the last model of Hyangyak in Chosun Dynasty. However, surprisingly little attention has been paid to Gangneung Hyangyak. This study examinesit in comparison with two most influential Hyangyaks in Chosun D angneung Hyangyak and demonstrates its excellence and superiority. By so doing, this study calls for attention to an important subject that has been largely neglected and hopes to set a groundwork for further studies.