Contentious Politics in the Nascent Formation of Ethnic Communities in Korea

김혁래 한국학술연구원 2017 Korea Observer Vol.48 No.3

Increasing flows of migrant workers and foreign brides, and their residential settlement have become an important component of the social fabric of Korean society, challenging the myth of ethnic homogeneity. I investigate the nascent formation of ethnically concentrated residential communities both in the city of Seoul and across the country, most notably in Kyŏnggi Province. At the national level, ethnically concentrated residential communities have been shaped around two main spatial zones: industrial complex areas and cheap segregated residential areas. They are mostly in an early formation of ethnic communities with the characteristics of ethnic diversity due to the relatively scattered geographic dispersion of any ethnicity. However, ethnic concentration at the local level has been coalescing on the basis of ethnic nationality and further shows a distinctive pattern of ethnic communities and even ethnic enclaves particularly for Chinese ethnicity, including Korean Chinese of Chosŏnjok. A few local ethnic communities are being concomitantly shaped both by socio-ethnic segregation and spatial residential exclusion. Policy proposals for residential settlement reveal both ambiguity and contentious politics between national and local administrative levels. The policy focus at the national level has tended to remain basically on maintaining the principle of enforced assimilation, displaying top-down policies based on administrative convenience, being squarely aimed at providing one-sided service provisions for targeted migrants, but resulting in de-empowering migrants and weakening autonomy of local organizations. We should thus facilitate a distinctive local governance mode with all stakeholders and take a step forward to realize a cultural strategy for mutually beneficial multicultural co-existence as well as for the vitality

종족별 말레이시아의 정치에 대한 인식조사 : 쿠알라룸푸르 내 대학생을 중심으로

김유미 ( Yoo Mi Kim ) 한국외국어대학교 동남아연구소 2013 東南亞硏究 Vol.23 No.1

Political instability would be an obstacle of economic growth in Malaysia. This is come from historical background. Since the independence from British Empire, an alliance among elite that represents each ethnics has won general elections in Malaysia. But ruling party have materialized policies for a long time without resolution of public sector disputes. Regarding public sector disputes, the most important issue in Malaysia society is social integration and united community. Especially, ethnic tensions and potential conflicts among ethnics would be a critical issue in malaysia. dissatisfaction of minority group could be provoked by political affairs such as electioneering because minority group in malaysia felt they had been discriminate against under government. In fact, NEP(New Economy Policy is oriented to development stratus and economy of Malay in Malaysia. This policy have been criticized from malaysia citizen including progressive Malay. Currently, these basic trend is prevalent in malaysia society. In 2008 general election, BA(Barisan Alternative), the opposite party, swept 1/3 seats of parliaments. Then, BN is afraid of these atmosphere so that Malaysia government impeded 13th general election that must be held by June 2013 as possible as they can. In these social atmosphere, this study aims to analyze citizen`s opinion and perception on malaysia politics by ethnics. This is because not only minority group such as Chinese, Indian but also several Malay have complain against Malaysia government according to the media in Malaysia. So, hypothesis of this paper is that: Malaysia citizen has same perception on politics in Malaysia without distinction of ethnics. Namely, all of them have discontentment on Malaysia politics. In the result of empirical analysis, Non-Malay perceive that political institution in Malaysia is not democratic while Malay have a positive attitude on political regime in Malaysia. Also, Non-Malay though that government set a limit on social activity while Malay regard government`s regulation as protection from social risk. Consequently, 1) this study confirmed gap of perception on politics in Malaysia between Malay and Non-Malay and 2) only few Malay young people take a progressive stance on politics in Malaysia facing against government and ruling party.

정체성의 정치에서 정체성의 관리로: 조선학교의 민족교육과 재일코리안의 정체성

송기찬 ( Song Kichan ) 한국문화인류학회 2018 韓國文化人類學 Vol.51 No.3

이 논문은 조선학교 현장을 통해서 현대 일본 사회를 살아가는 재일코리안의 정체성 문제와 그 해법에 대한 새로운 이해를 시도고자 한다. 오늘날에도 이어지고 있는 식민지 지배의 기억은 재일코리안의 일상생활을 후기식민주의적 억압의 경험으로 이끌며, 이것은 다시 재일코리안의 정체성 위기로 이어지고 있다. 재일코리안의 민족교육은 이러한 상황에 대처하고 스스로 긍정적 자아 정체감 확보를 위해 기능해왔다. 그러나 정체성의 정치로서 재일 코리안의 민족교육은 재일코리안 내부의 다양성과 소수자를 포섭할 수 있는 논리를 구축하지 못했고, 결국 일본 내 다문화 상황의 전개 속에서 재일코리안의 민족교육은 새로운 정체성의 위기에 직면하고 있다고 할 수 있다. 그러나 이러한 상황에서도 조선학교 (조총련이 운영하는 민족학교)는 여전히 강경한 민족주의에 기대어 민족교육을 실시하고 있는 것처럼 보인다. 조선학교는 일본 전국에서 60개가 넘는 학교를 보유한 일본에서 가장 큰 외국인학교 조직이며, 대학을 설치해서 스스로 교사를 재생산 할 수 있는 능력과 문화를 가지고 있는 세계적으로도 유래가 없는 디아스포라 교육기관이다. 그러나 조선학교의 민족교육은, ‘민족’을 본질주의적으로, 혹은 억압적으로 가르친다는 면에서 시대에 뒤떨어진 교육을 하고 있는 것처럼 보이기도 한다. 이미 다민족화가 진행중인 일본 사회 속에서 순수한 ‘민족’과 이상향으로서의 ‘조국’을 강조하는 것은, 그것이 단지 수사법상의 표현이라 하더라도, 개인에 대한 공동체주의적 억압으로 작용할 수 있다. 그러나, 이 연구는 이처럼 독특한 교육실천을 하고 있으나 정치적인 이유로 접근이 제한된 조선학교에 대한 인류학적 연구를 통해서 조선학교의 교육실천과 문화에 대한 새로운 해석을 제시하고자 한다. 먼저, 심층적인 참여관찰을 통해서, 이 연구는 표면적으로는 매우 딱딱하고 억압적으로 보이는 조선학교의 교육과정과 실천이 사실은 매우 유연하다는 점을 보일 것이다. 또한 조선학교의 민족교육이 만들어내는 두 개의 언어에 의한 이중적 현실 인식이 만들어내는 이율배반의 공존구조는 본질주의적 민족담론에 숨겨져 있는 아이덴티티의 강박을 우회할 수 있는 ‘비상구’를 제공한다는 점을 보일 것이다. 마지막으로, 이 연구는 조선학교의 민족교육 실천과 그 문화가, 정체성의 정치에 노정된 공동체주의의 한계를 극복하면서도, 본질주의의 ‘숭고함’을 넘어서 다면적 상황 속에서 자신의 정체성을 관리해 나갈 수 있는 능력을 그 교육의 수혜자들에게 주고 있다는 사실을 구체적으로 논증할 것이다. 조선학교에서 발견되는 정체성 관리의 능력은, 결과적으로 재일 코리안들에게, 이질적인 존재에 대하여 배타적이며 식민주의의 기억과 일상적으로 마주쳐야 하는 일본 사회를 살아가는 데에 있어서 실질적인 힘이 된다. For their historical background, the life of Zainichi-Koreans (Koreans in Japan) is filled with a routine experience of postcolonial oppression. This situation places them in an identity crisis. As identity politics, their ethnic education functioned as a means to cope with this. However, the obsession with identity implied in their identity politics did not address the diversity and the existence of minorities within the Zainichi-Korean community itself, so it has led to a predicament in their ethnic education. Even in this situation, the Choson Hakkyo (Korean ethnic school run by ‘Chongryon,’ an ethnic organization affiliated to North Korea) seems like it still carries out ethnic education based on hard-line nationalism. The Choson Hakkyo is the largest foreign school organization in Japan, with over 60 schools nationwide; it has the ability and the culture to reproduce its own teachers to staff the schools. In this study I show a new understanding of the ethnic education provided by the Choson Hakkyo based on my anthropological research. Superficially, the educational curriculum and practice of the Choson Hakkyo seems like a very repressive one, but in fact, it is very flexible. The ethnic education provided by the Choson Hakkyo seems to be outdated in that it teaches the “Minzok (nation)” ideal in a repressive manner. In other words, by emphasizing the pure “Minzok” existing within the Japanese society, which is already in the process of becoming multiethnic, this pedagogy can act as a suppression of communitarianism toward the individual. However, the recognition of the dual reality and self are evidenced by the dual language practice generated in the everyday life of the ethnic education of Choson Hakkyo, making it possible to avoid the obsession with identity politics. Furthermore, it eventually overcomes the limitations of the communitarianism devoted to identity politics. The ethnic education of the Choson Hakkyo gives the beneficiaries of that education the ability to manage their own identity in a multifaceted situation beyond the “sublime ideology” of essentialism, and this ability becomes a substantial power for living in the ethnically exclusive Japanese society.

문화중국의 타자, 중국 소수민족의 정체성

임춘성 한국중국현대문학학회 2010 中國現代文學 Vol.0 No.54

This study concentrates on the identity of Chinese minor ethnic as the other of culture China. The identity of Chinese minor ethnic is consisted of the relation with Han ethnic. Han ethnic(漢族), which occupied 94% of population, and Chinese nation(中華國族) and China(state) are the ‘Other’ that have named and summoned the minor ethnic. In fact, 55 minor ethnics were historically distinguished by Han ethnic―Chinese nation―China. The Chinese minor ethnic has the plural identities. One is in conflict with Han ethnic identity, the other is included in Chinese nation's identity. The problem is, Chinese nation's identity is mainly consisted of Han ethnic identity, as a result the minor ethnic identity is located on the periphery of Chinese nation's identity. Therefore, in the view of nation-state, minor ethnic identity is the ultimate target of integration. In this spot, there are two kinds of nation, the political nation and the cultural nation. In the political nation, the nation claims to be neutral about the right, power and culture of all ethnics, try to make enormous whole which compromise all. On the contrary, the cultural nation is consisted of the people with the same language, life style, history, hometown, enhance the power of the ethnic myth. Two kinds of nation is contradictory. Because the real politics oppress the cultural nation and support the political nation, there has been a long-standing conflict between Han ethnic and minor ethnics. For the sake of investigation into the minor ethnic identity, we have to make a vision of ‘culture China’ which oppress the political nation and support the cultural nation and dissolve the mechanism of marginalization and othernization. This study is a part of “Identity of Ethnic Minority and Cultural Politics Represented in Chinese Ethnic Minority Films in Post-socialism China”.

Politically Speaking: Ethnic Language and Audience Opinion in Southeast Asia

Ricks, Jacob I. 동아시아연구원 2022 Journal of East Asian Studies Vol.22 No.3

Language is one of the quintessential markers of ethnicity. It allows co-ethnics to easily identify one another and underscores in-group and out-group boundaries. Recognizing this, politicians frequently employ ethnic tongues to enhance their political appeal. To what extent does this shape the opinions of their audiences? Utilizing a survey experiment, I test the impact of an ethnic tongue against that of the common political language among the Javanese in Indonesia, the Tagalog in the Philippines, and the Isan people in Thailand. The experiment demonstrates that the ethnic language has a significant impact in both Thailand and Indonesia, but there appears to be little effect of using Tagalog over Filipino English in the Philippines. The findings suggest that ethnic tongues have the potential to significantly enhance political appeals, both among dominant (Javanese) and marginal (Isan) ethnic groups, but when the ethnic group is already the linguistic hegemon (Tagalog), such effects may be limited.

경합과 통합의 정치 : 베트남 분단체제의 형성과 화교·화인경관

심주형(Shim, Ju Hyung) 중앙대학교 중앙사학연구소 2021 중앙사론 Vol.- No.54

이글은 제네바 회담 이후 베트남 분단체제(1955-1975)가 형성되고 지속하는 과정에서, 북과 남베트남 정부에 공통적으로 민감한 정치적 사안 되었던 화교·화인 문제와 정책에 관한 비교 연구이다. 아시아 냉전체제의 복합성과 특이성은 민족국가건설 과정에서 이데올로기적인 경합과 인구에 대한 시민권적 통합을 시도하는 권력 기구의 폭력적이며 강제적인 정책들에서 극명한 형태로 드러났다. 오랜 이주의 역사와 함께 최대규모의 화교· 화인 인구가 거주하는 동남아지역에는 화교·화인의 지역적 그리고 초국적 네트워크가 형성되어 있었으며, 베트남에서 탈식민과 냉전적 질서의 중첩은 분단체제를 형성하고 이러한 네트워크를 국·내외적인 경합과 시민권적 통합의 질서로 재구조화를 강제하는 것이었다. 이글에서는 먼저, 베트남 분단체제의 역사경관을 조명하며 베트남민주공화국과 베트남공화국의 민족국가 건설을 향한 경합의 맥락을 검토하고, ‘분단체제’의 상황에 놓인 화교·화인의 삶을 둘러싼 서로 다른 정책들과 그 효과를 비교 분석하며 ‘분단 화교·화인’ 경관을 조명해 보고자 하였다. 결론적으로, 이글은 남북으로 분단된 베트남에서 서로 다른 이데올로기 및 삶의 조건들에 놓여 있었던베트남 화교·화인들에 대한 경합과 통합의 정치가 냉전적 분단 체제하의 정치적 경쟁을 넘어 역사·정치적으로 불안정하며 민감한 주체로서 화교· 화인의 삶의 구조를 재설정했음을 제시하고자 하였다. This article is a comparative study on the overseas Chinese and ethnic Chinese policies, which were commonly sensitive political issues to the North and South Vietnamese governments in the process of forming and maintaining the Vietnamese division system (1955-1975), since the Geneva Conference of 1954. The complexities of the Asian Cold War order were materialized in a clear form in the violent and compulsory policies of the political powers attempting ideological contentions as well as founding integrated national citizenship among the population in the process of nation-state building. In particular, Southeast Asia, where the largest overseas and ethnic Chinese population resides with a long history, has developed diverse local and transnational networks of overseas Chinese. The post-colonial situation overlapped with the order of the Cold War configured the division system in Vietnam and forcefully put such networks into the politics of competition and integration between the national and the transnational. In this article, I first reviewed the history-scape of political competition for the nation-state building between the Democratic Republic of Vietnam and the Republic of Vietnam. Then, I attempted to comparatively analyze the different policies affecting the lives of overseas and ethnic Chinese under the Vietnamese division system. In conclusion, this article argues that the politics of competition and integration on overseas and ethnic Chinese population under different ideological and living conditions imposed by North and South Vietnam, had not only gone beyond simple political competitions under the political pressure from the division system of the Cold War order but also reconfigured a structure of unstable living for the Chinese population in Vietnam as the most sensitive subject of its national history and politics.

Being Chinese and Being Political in Southeast Asia

Khoo Boo Teik 서강대학교 동아연구소 2013 TRaNS(Trans –Regional and –National Studies of Sou Vol.1 No.2

Recent studies of the Chinese in Southeast Asia have tended to deconstruct the hybrid, transnational, diasporic, and de-territorialized attributes of ‘Chineseness’, and theorize the politics thereof. In contrast, earlier scholarship on the politics of Southeast Asia’s ethnic Chinese raised many questions over the positions, rights, and roles associated with being ‘overseas Chinese’. Hence, many analyses of Chinese politics, from suppressed quietude to militant contestation, tended to ask, ‘Why and how was that politics Chinese?’ This article asks, instead, ‘Why and how were the Chinese political?’ within the larger rubric of Southeast Asian politics. It argues that posing the first question helped officialdom, academia and media to determine who among the ‘overseas Chinese’ were friends or foes. Asking the second question, it is argued, involves a boundarycrossing shift that sees the immigrant Chinese engaged in a full spectrum of Southeast Asian politics under the impacts of colonialism and nationalism, and capitalism and anti-capitalism. After exploring the shift in perspective from ‘being Chinese’ to ‘being political’, the article suggests that politics beyond China-oriented positions, state-bound stances, or preoccupations of ethnic identity, particularly in Malaysia transformed Southeast Asia to the point of ‘creating’ a ‘largely Chinese’ state out of Singapore.

남태평양에 있어서 식민 후 권력배열 재편성: 피지의 "종족정치"와 바누아투의 "언어정치"

김웅진 ( Ung Jin Kim ) 한국세계지역학회 2010 世界地域硏究論叢 Vol.28 No.3

오늘날 남태평양 도서국가 피지(Fiji)와 바누아투(Vanuatu)의 의회민주주의체제가 노정하고 있는 변용성은 식민시대에 구축된 토착패권의 배열구도에 기인한 것이다. 즉, 원주민과 인도피지언(Indo-Fijian) 간의 갈등을 원주민의 우위를 보장하는 방식으로 제어하기 위한 종족별 의석배분방식과 종족투표제(communal voting) 등 피지 의회민주주의정치의 기제적 변용(종족정치)은 "피지인의 지상권(paramountcy of Fijian interests)"이라는 명제 하에 영국 식민당국이 추진한 토착패권의 적극적 재편성으로부터 비롯된 역사적 유산이다. 또한 영어계(Anglophone)-불어계(Francophone) 정치세력 간의 극심한 대립과 각 세력의 내분에서 야기된 바누아투의 심각한 의회분절(언어정치)은 영국-프랑스 공동식민체제의 불안정한 이중구조와 민간인이 주도한 토착사회 개편작업에 대한 식민당국의 방관에 역사적 근원을 두고 있다. 요컨대 피지와 바누아투의 정치적 역동은 현대의회민주주의 정치기제와 원시적 패권의 융합을 보여주는 흥미로운 임상사례(clinical case)로서, 지역적으로 격리된 비서구사회의 토착정치질서에 대한 민주주의기제의 포섭력을 추적하기 위한 탐색형 연구의 시발점이 될 수 있다. The present-day institutional dynamics of parliamentary politics both in Fiji and Vanuatu reveals the colonial legacy of restructuring indigenous hegemonic order. While Fiji`s ``ethnic politics`, institutionalized in terms of ethnic distribution of parliamentary seats and communal voting system, is the replication of the British colonial government`s attempt to incorporate chiefly hegemony into the political apparatus of colonial rule, Vanuatuan ``lingual politics`` is the historical outcome of the instable, competitive dual-structure of the British-French Condominium and the colonists` intentional neglection of the social restructuring by the civilian Europeans, mostly Christian missionaries. Fiji and Vanuatu constitute proper ``clinical cases`` of the amalgamation of seemingly incompatible contemporary parliamentary institutions and indigenous, primitive hegemony. They provide initial base, theoretical as well as empirical, of the exploratory researches on the institutional capability of democratic system for absorbing indigenous political order found in the remote non-Western societies.

도쿄도의 에스닉 정책과 재일조선인 시책 -대 총련 시책을 중심으로 본 그 형성과 변화의 인과성-

박정진 ( Jung Jin Park ) 현대일본학회 2011 日本硏究論叢 Vol.33 No.-

본고는 도쿄도정의 대 총련 시책을 중심으로 재일조선인 시책과 에스닉 정책의 형성과 변화의 인과성을 밝히고자 한다. 미노베 도정(1967-1979년)은 공공요금의 억제와 복지재정의 적극화를 시도했고, 혁신도정의 ``시금석``으로서 1968년 4월 조선대학 각종학교 인가를 단행했다. 여기에 파칭코 산업에 대한 예외적 시혜가 더해지면서, 총련계 재일조선인 사회의 교육권과 경제권이 안정화되어 갔다. 특히 총련 관련시설의 고정자산에 대한 면제조치는 미노베 복지의 수혜로서의 의미를 넘어, 총련의 위상을 ``준 외교기관``으로서의 규정하는 계기가 되었다. 이는 미노베가 제창한 혁신도정의 시민외교의 연장이었고, 도정 차원의 국제정책을 등장시키는 것으로도 연결되었다. 그리고 스즈키 및 아오시마 도정 시기 구체화된 에스닉 정책, 즉 다문화 공생 프로잭트로 이전되었다. 이를 대표하는 것이 재일외국인 도민회의제도였다. 하지만 재일외국인 도민회의제도 신자유주의적인 전제를 바탕으로 한 것이었고, 재일조선인 문제는 재일외국인 시책과 점차 분리되기 시작했다. 보다 공격적인 국가주의적 관점에서, 이 다문화 공생의 의의마저 부정한 것이 이시하라 도정(1999-2011년)이었다. 이시하라는 국제정책에서 새롭게 도시외교를 등장시키고 종래의 에스닉 시책들을 후퇴시켰다. 이를 전형적으로 보여준 사례가 총련 관련 자산에 대한 고정자산세 면제의 해제조치였다. 이 조치는 재일외국인에 대한 치안단속 및 도의 재정확충 구상의 문맥에 있었지만, 보다 근본적으로는 이시하라 개인의 국제정치관이 개입되어 있었다. 이시하라는 이후에도 납치문제를 중심으로 한 독자적인 도지사의 외교활동을 전개해 갔다. 이 과정에서 에스닉 정책은 혼란을 거듭하고, 재일조선인 시책은 점차 실종되어 갔다. The Minobe municipal government (1967~1979) positively tried out curbs on public utility charges and vivid activation of welfare finance, and enforced the approval of various Korean schools including Joseon University in April 1968 as the ``touchstone`` for innovative municipal politics. In addition to this, the rights of education and economy of the society of the GAKJ oriented Korean residents in Japan became to be stabilized as the pachinko industryreceived an exceptional privilege. Especially, the measure of exempting the fixed assets of the GAKJ related facilities from taxing provided an opportunity to establish the GAKJ as a ``quasi diplomatic organization`` beyond its status as a beneficiary of the Minobe welfare. This was an extension of the citizen diplomacy in the innovative municipal politics advocated by Minobe, and was further led to the crystallization of international policies in the dimension of the municipal government. And, it further shifted into the multi-cultural symbiotic project, i.e., the ethnic policy shaped in the days of Suzuki`s and Aoshima`s municipal government. The system of the civilian council for foreign residents in Japan represented such a system. However, the system of the civilian council for foreign residents in Japan also was based on neo-liberalist premises, and the problem with Korean Residents in Japan began to be increasingly separated from the measure for foreign residents at large in Japan. From the perspective of more aggressive nationalism, it was Ishihara`s municipal government (1999~2011) that negated even the significance of such cultural symbiosis. Ishihara newly introduced municipal diplomacy in international policies on one hand, but declined the ethnic measures on the other. A typical case for this was the abolition of GAKJ`s exemption from taxing its fixed assets. Though this was in the context of public security against foreign residents in Japan and the plan to expand the city`s finance, what was important was the intervention of Ishihara`s own view of international politics. Since then, Ishihara has engaged himself in his own independent diplomatic activities centered on the problem of kidnapping. In this course, the ethnic policy was repeatedly in chaos, and the measure for Korean residents in Japan has gradually vanished.

르완다 ‘포용적’ 난민정책의 정치

유혜림 서울대학교 한국정치연구소 2019 韓國 政治 硏究 Vol.28 No.2

The purpose of this study is to find out how the Rwandan government has used refugee policy to manage domestic conflicts. Since the Burundian refugee crisis in 2015, Rwanda’s refugee policy has been refugee-friendly, providing social and economic status to refugees as well as ethnic-selective that only accepts Tutsi refugees or those who have been escaped from the suppression of an anti-Tutsi regime. This policy is attributed to the political elites’ interests which aim to maintain the current political power by securing ethnic predominance of the Tutsi. As the victim and winner of the 1994 genocide and ethnic minority, the Tutsi elites, has sought to minimize and prevent rebellion and regime threat from the Hutu, the defeated and ethnic majority. This suggests that sub-Saharan African states prioritize domestic political factors when they determine their refugee policies, opposed to the myth that they will be vulnerable to external pressure. This study is significant to examine the politics refugee-friendly policy amid recent escalating conflicts over refugees worldwide. Furthermore, on the contrary to many other refugee policy research only dealt with well-developed Western countries, this study focused on a sub-Saharan case. By investigating a region underdeveloped as well as accepts and sends out refugees simultaneously, the study will contribute to better understand refugee issues and provide feasible solutions. 본 연구는 르완다 정부가 국내 갈등 관리를 위해 난민정책을 어떻게 활용하였는지 밝히는 데 목적을 둔다. 2015년 부룬디 난민위기 이후 르완다의 난민정책은난민에게 사회적·경제적 지위를 부여하는 난민친화적인 동시에, 주변국의 투치족 난민 혹은 反투치적 정권의 탄압으로 발생한 난민만 수용하는 종족선별적인특성을 지닌다. 이러한 정책은 투치의 종족우위를 확보하여 현 정치체제를 유지하려는 르완다 정치엘리트들의 이해(interests)에 기인한다. 1994년 제노사이드의피해자이자 소수종족인 투치가 승리한 이후 다수종족인 후투족의 반군화 및 체제위협을 최소화할 필요성이 대두되었기 때문이다. 이는 사하라 이남 아프리카가난민정책을 결정할 때 외부압력에 취약할 것이라는 통념과 달리 국내정치적 요소를 우선시한다는 것을 보여준다. 본 연구는 최근 전세계적으로 난민을 둘러싼 갈등이 고조되는 가운데 난민친화정책을 살펴본다는 데 의의가 있다. 나아가 기존난민연구가 서구 선진국에만 주목한 것과 달리 저개발되고 난민의 수용과 배출이동시에 이루어지는 사하라 이남 아프리카 사례를 다룸으로써 난민 이슈를 보다잘 이해하고 실현가능한 문제 해결 방안을 마련하는 데 기여한다.