황련해독탕 약침액으로 희석한 BU의 신체반응에 관한 연구

최석우,노정두,설현,소웅룡,육태한,Choi, Seok-woo,Rho, Jung-doo,Seol, Hyun,So, Woong-ryong,Yook, Tae-han 대한침구의학회 2003 대한침구의학회지 Vol.20 No.5

Objective : In the pain control, BU herbal acupuncture is highly effective but causes many phys ical reactions. This study was done to compare BU with BU mixed Hwangryunhaedoktang(HHT, 黃連解毒湯) herbal acupucture in decreasing physical reactions of BU. Methods : We injected BU Group(N=12) and BU mixed HHT Group(N=12) at four points of Fenmen(B12), Feishu(B13), Fufen(B41) and Pohu(B42). Then we observe the local thermal changes and the physical reactions at beginning, 1hour and 24 hours after administering herbal acupuncture through the D.I.T.I. and survey. Results : The following results were obtained; 1. The significant dermatothermal difference had been checked 1hour and 24hours in BU group, but 1hour in Bu mixed HHT. 2. In BU group, the difference of temperature had been continued highly until 24hours. But in BU mixed group, the difference of temperature had been continued highly until 1 hour but decreased nearly equal to beginning stage until 24hours. 3. The symptoms which appear following the herbal acupuncture administration were less appeared in BU mixed HHT than BU group.

<포항 중성리 신라비>에 등장하는 喙部 소속 壹伐의 성격과 특징

김재봉 동아시아고대학회 2023 동아시아고대학 Vol.- No.71

본 논고는 <중성리비>에 등장하는 喙部 소속 壹伐의 성격과 특징을 밝히기 위해서 구성되었다. <중성리비>에서 나타나는 壹伐은 외위 一伐과 형태가 일치한다. 하지만 이 壹伐은 왕경 6부인에게 수여되었기 때문에 지방민에게 수여된 관등인 외위로 볼 수 없다. 연구자들은 기존의 논리로 설명하기 힘든 <중성리비> 壹伐의 성격을 밝히기 위해서 많은 노력을 기울였다. 그 결과 壹伐이 一伐干支 이전에 있었던 초기 관등이며 그 역할은 수장층인 干支를 보위하는 최고위 관등이라는 사실이 밝혀졌다. 하지만 이와 같은 연구들은 왕경 6부 중에서도 비주류 4부(本波部, 牟梁部, 斯彼部, 漢祇部)의 壹伐만을 상정하고 이루어진 연구이기 때문에 아무런 비판 없이 수용하기는 곤란하다. 壹伐을 연구하는 대다수의 학자들은 <중성리비>에서 壹伐의 소속부가 牟旦伐喙과 本波部인 것으로 보고 있다. 그리고 牟旦伐喙은 6부 중에 하나인 牟梁部로 보고 있다. 하지만 <중성리비>에 관한 다양한 학설, 6세기 초 신라 금석문의 서술 방식, <중성리비>의 다른 구절과의 연관성을 종합적으로 고려해 보았을 때, 牟旦伐喙을 牟梁部로 해석하기는 힘들다. 牟旦伐喙은 牟旦伐과 喙으로 분리해서 해석하여야 한다. 이 경우에 牟旦伐은 소송을 제기한 ‘원고’를 의미하고 喙은 6부 중에서도 주류 2부(喙部, 沙喙部)에 속하는 喙部에 해당한다. 이렇게 본다면 壹伐의 소속부는 喙部와 本波部가 된다. 이 사실은 <중성리비>의 壹伐이 주류부와 비주류부에서 모두 사용되었다는 것을 의미한다. 비주류부 壹伐은 기존 연구에서 파악한 것처럼 수장층인 干支를 보좌하는 최고위 관등의 성격을 가지고 있다. 그러나 이 성격을 주류부 壹伐에 그대로 적용할 수는 없다. 주류부 壹伐이나 비주류부 壹伐은 모두 초기 관등인 壹伐에서 기원하였다. 따라서 주류부 壹伐 역시 비주류부 壹伐처럼 초기에는 干支를 보좌하였을 것이다. 하지만 주류부 壹伐의 이와 같은 특징은 <중성리비> 시기에 이미 사라지고 없었다. <중성리비>에서는 주류부 壹伐의 상위에 위치하는 ‘某干支’ 형태의 관등이 등장한다. 이 ‘某干支’ 형태의 관등은 干支가 주류부의 관등 체계 내에 편입되면서 탄생한 관등이다. 원래 주류부 壹伐이 보좌하여야 할 干支들은 ‘某干支’ 관등을 수여받고 국왕의 아래에 편제되었다. 이 과정에서 주류부 壹伐은 干支를 보위한다는 기존의 의미를 상실하게 되었다. 그 결과 주류부 壹伐은 주류부 내부의 관등 체계 안에 융화되지 못한 이물질 같은 존재가 되었다. <중성리비>에서 壹伐이 특정한 직책 없이 ‘원고’인 牟旦伐로만 등장하는 것은 이러한 상황이 반영된 결과이다. 본래의 기능을 상실한 주류부 壹伐은 520년 율령 반포를 통해서 외위 一伐로 재편되면서 그 의미를 다시 회복할 수 있었다. 율령이 반포 되면서 외위가 정비되고 이에 따라 주류부 壹伐은 외위로 전환되었다. 주류부는 자신의 역할이 명확하지 않았던 壹伐을 외위로 전환함으로써 주류부 내의 관등 구조를 개편하고 외위의 하위 관등을 정비하고자 하였다. 이 과정에서 주류부 壹伐이 형태를 바꾼 외위 一伐은 외위 관등인 干을 도와서 지방 통치에 관한 업무를 수행하였다. 외위 一伐의 이러한 역할은 주류부 壹伐이 이전에 상실한 干支를 보좌하는 직무가 외위의 특징에 맞춰서 새롭게 부활한 것이다. 한편 비주류부 壹伐은 비주류부의 관등이 주류부에 편... The discussion was organized to reveal the characteristics of the Ilbeol belonging to Tak-bu in <Jungseongribi>. The Ilbeol in <Jungseongribi> is consistent with the Oewi Ilbeol. However, as this Ilbeol was awarded to the Six-Bu people of the capital, it cannot be regarded as an Oewi awarded to the local people. Researchers have put considerable effort into revealing the nature of <Jungseongribi> Ilbeol, which is difficult to explain using existing logic. As a result, it was found that the Ilbeol was an early official rank before the Ilbeol-Ganji, and its role was the highest official rank to assist the Ganji. However, it is difficult to accept these studies without any criticism because they are conducted on the assumption of only the Ilbeol of four non-mainstream Bu (Bonpa-Bu, Moryang-Bu, Sapi-Bu, and Hangi-Bu) among the capital’s Six-Bu. Most scholars studying Ilbeol believe that it belongs to the ModanbeolTak and Bonpa-Bu in <Jungseongribi>. In addition, ModanbeolTak is viewed as one of the six Bu, namely, Moryang-Bu. However, considering the various theories on <Jungseongribi>, the method of describing Silla’s monument in the early 6th century, and its relationship with other phrases of <Jungseongribi>, it is difficult to interpret ModanbeolTak as a Moryang-Bu. ModanbeolTak should be interpreted separately as ModanbeolTak and Tak. In this case, Modanbeol refers to the plaintiff who files the lawsuit, and Tak corresponds to Tak-bu, which belongs to the two mainstream Bu (Tak-bu and Satak-bu). In this way, the affiliation of Ilbeol becomes Tak-bu and Bonpa-Bu. This means that the Ilbeol of <Jungseongribi> is used in both the mainstream and non-mainstream Bu. As identified in previous studies, the non-mainstream Bu’s Ilbeol has the characteristics of an official rank that assists the Ganji, meaning head. However, this character cannot be applied to the mainstream Bu’s Ilbeol. Both the mainstream and non-mainstream Bu’s Ilbeol originated from the early official rank. Therefore, the mainstream Bu’s Ilbeol would have assisted the Ganji in the beginning, similar to the non-mainstream Bu’s Ilbeol. However, these characteristics of the mainstream Bu’s Ilbeol had already disappeared during the <Jungseongribi> period. In <Jungseongribi>, the official rank in the form of “Mo-Ganji,” which is located above the mainstream Bu’s Ilbeol, appears. This official rank in the form of “Mo-Ganji” was created when Ganji was incorporated into the official rank system of the mainstream Bu. Originally, the Ganji assisted by the mainstream Bu’s Ilbeol was given the “Mo-Ganji” official rank by the king and organized thereunder. In this process, the mainstream Bu’s Ilbeol lost its existing meaning of assisting the Ganji. As a result, the mainstream Bu’s Ilbeol became a foreign substance that could not be integrated into the internal system of the mainstream Bu’s official rank. The mainstream Bu’s Ilbeol, which had lost its original function, was reorganized into an Oewi Ilbeol through the declaration of Yulryeong in 520, and its meaning was restored. With the declaration of Yulryeong, the Oewi was organized, and accordingly, the mainstream Bu’s Ilbeol was converted to Oewi Ilbeol. The mainstream Bu tried to organize its own structure and organize the lower Oewi by converting the Ilbeol, whose role was unclear to the Oewi. In this process, the Oewi lbeol that changed shape in the mainstream Bu’s Ilbeol, helped the Oewi official rank, Kan, to execute local governance. This role of the Oewi Ilbeol is a new revival of the duty of assisting the Ganji, which has been previously lost in the mainstream Bu’s Ilbeol, according to the characteristics of the Oewi. However, the non-mainstream Bu’s Ilbeol had the characteristics of an early official rank that assisted the Ganji before the official rank of the non-mainstream Bu was incorporated into the mainstream Bu. However, after the 530s, as the mainstream...

6세기 신라비를 통한 6부의 재검토

이성호 한국역사연구회 2018 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.110

With the intention of solving certain problems that could happen when the “Bu-system theory” is fully applied in the analysis of Shilla history, and to recognize the reality of the Bu units and the changes they would have gone through as described in written records, in this article the Shilla epigraph materials from the 6th century are examined, in order to determine how the status of the Shilla Six Bu units changed after the “Yul’ryeong” law was enacted. In part one of Chapter 2, it is determined that before the enacting of the Yul’ryeong law, the term ‘Bu’ was never used in Shilla epigraph. Then, examined in part 2 are the entry of Pasa Isageum’s 23rd year and the entry of Jima Isageum’s enthronement year, which both contain the term “Buju(部主, leader of Bu),” to confirm that there was no “Bunaebu (Bu inside a Bu)” to exist back then, and while there was no Bujang(Bu’s Superior) figures inside the Bu units, there were a lot of influential classes instead, which apparently established their presence in the capital by forming relations with the royal family, showing the royal family had already been quite powerful from fairly early on. And finally in part 3, it is discussed that during the era of Jungseong’ri-bi and Naengsuri-bi monuments, the Tak(喙) and Satak(沙喙) figures were in control of state administration, while other Bu units were only mildly involved in governmental deliberation, revealing that at this time Shilla operated on a Two-Bu system with Tak and Satak at the helm. Next in Chapter 3, based upon several accounts including Yangseo’s Shilla-jeon segment, reference to the Shilla Six Bu units in the Bongpyeong-bi epigraph, and the fact that Gweong-wi and We-wi systems were implemented at this time, it is argued that in Shilla, after enacting the Yul’ryeong law the Six Bu units turned into the Capital city, and the residents of the Six Bu units became citizens of that capital. It also seems that the term ‘Bu’ was used dominantly in some monuments, while not so much or not at all in others. The usage of a honorific word-ender “Ji” suggests that unlike before, the general status of the capital citizens were elevated after the law enactment. In institutional terms, the Six Bu units were united and then formed the capital together, but at least in the early days not all the residents from the Six Bu were able to join actual governing. Only during the era of the Chang’nyeong-bi monument, members of the four Bu units like “漢只□-屈珎智/大一伐干” or “夲浟-末□智/及尺干” seem to have come to harbor high-ranking statuses, and the Six Bu units finally came to have the status of a state capital.

한국 고대 부체제의 형성과정과 운영방식 재검토 -部의 내부구조와 왕권과의 관계를 중심으로-

윤진석 한국고대사탐구학회 2019 한국고대사탐구 Vol.32 No.-

Those who argue for the Bu system explain that "Bu" was a half-independent unit political entity "united" based on regionalism, that kings were not transcendent men of power but the masters of Jebus or representatives of Gans, and that multiple Bus were united by the primary force of royal authority. However, the Bu where a king belonged should have higher status than the other Bus in order to break from the alliance of nations and establish the Bu system. Strictly speaking, thus, it is not proper to say that "Kings were the masters of Jebus or representatives of Gans." By revising this expression and focusing on the "authority represented by a king," one may discover some parts where the viewpoint for the Bu system theory meets the viewpoint against the theory. Regarding the patterns that multiple groups existed within a Bu and formed relations individually with a king during the same periods based on historical materials, those who argue for the Bu system also explain that each Bu was an integrated self-governing body with a head and multiple self-governing bodies(Bus within a Bu) in each Bu. A close look at historical materials, however, shows that the internal organization of each Bu did not include a hereditary head in all Bus and that there were various patterns. It was because different Bus were not founded for the same or similar chances but various ones. Bus must thus have formed various tribute relations with a king rather than uniform ones by the Bu. There were some misunderstandings about the time when the Bu system was established in Silla. Recalling that previous studies on the Bu system theory distinguished the time of the Bu system-based political management from the time when the Six Bus system was established, the investigator provided his opinions about their time and the reorganization of the Bu system. While individuals Bus in Goguryeo were in the size of an Eup and Rak state with several Eups and Raks combined together, the Six Bus in Silla were Eups and Raks that formed the Eup and Rak state Saroguk. In this sense, there is a need to review again the old viewpoint that each of Silla's Six Bus had the nature of a unit political entity. Recent opinions argue that each of Silla's Six Bus had different duties in the social division of labor earlier on and that the dense groups of tombs in north Wolseong were the cemeteries of the five Bus except for Moryang Bu. Based on these opinions, it is likely that the Six Bus formed a joint community of rulers in Wanggyeong earlier on. 部體制論 입론자는 ‘部’가 地緣을 바탕으로 ‘결속된’ 半독립적인 단위정치체이며, 왕은 초월자적인 권력자는 아니며, 諸部의 大加 또는 干들의 대표와 같은 존재였고, 복수의 부를 결속시키는 일차적인 힘은 왕의 집권력이라고 설명한다. 그러나 실상 國연맹을 탈피하고 부체제가 성립하기 위해서는 국왕이 소속한 부가 여타 諸部에 비해 높은 위상을 갖추어야 될 것이므로, 엄밀히 말해 “왕은 … 제부의 大加 또는 干들의 대표와 같은 존재였다.”는 표현은 적합하지 않다. 이 표현을 수정하고 “왕을 대표로 하는 집권력”이라는 지적에 주목하면 부체제론의 시각이 부체제 부정론의 시각과 일정 부분 맞닿아 있는 점을 발견할 수 있다. 부체제론 입론자는 사료상 동일한 시기에 한 部내에 여러 집단이 공존하고 이들이 개별적으로 국왕과 관계를 맺은 양상에 대해, 각 부가 통합적인 자치체로서, 각 部內에 1인의 長과 복수의 자치체(部內部)가 존재했다고 설명한다. 그러나 사료를 면밀히 살펴보면, 각 부의 내부구성은 모든 부에 세습되는 부장이 있었던 것이 아니라 다양한 양상으로 존재했다. 이는 각 부가 동일・유사한 계기로 성립된 것이 아니라 다양한 계기로 성립되었기 때문으로 여겨지고, 따라서 국왕과의 납공관계도 部別로 맺어진 것이 아니라 다양한 양상이었을 것으로 여겨진다. 신라 부체제의 성립시기에 대해서는 종래 일정의 오해가 있었다. 이 글에서는 부체제론의 선행연구들이 부체제적 정치운영의 이행시기와 6부체제의 성립시기를 구분하고 있음을 상기하고, 양자의 성립시기와 부체제 재편에 대한 필자의 견해를 밝혔다. 고구려의 개별 部는 각각이 여러 개의 읍락이 합쳐진 읍락국가 규모였던 데 반해, 신라 6부는 각각이 읍락국가 사로국을 형성한 읍락들이었다. 이러한 점에서, 신라 6부가 각각 단위정치체적 성격을 지니고 있었다는 종래의 시각은 재검토의 필요가 있다. 근자에 신라 6부의 각 부가 일찍부터 주된 직임을 달리하며 사회적 분업을 담당했을 것이라는 견해, 월성 북편에 밀집한 무덤군이 모량부를 제외한 5부인들의 공동묘지일 것이라는 견해 등이 나온 바 있는데, 이를 음미하면, 6부가 일찍부터 공동으로 왕경의 지배자 공동체를 형성했을 가능성이 있다.

순자(荀子)의 『부편(賦篇)』고(考)

김성수 ( Sung Su Kim ) 한국한문고전학회(구 성신한문학회) 2014 漢文古典硏究 Vol.28 No.1

부편(賦篇)은 순자(荀子)가 남긴 유일한 사부(辭賦)작품이다. 이 작품은 일찍이 한부(漢賦)의 원형이라는 평가가 있었지만 그 당위성이나 구체적인 연구는 미흡한 형편이다. 순자는 유가(儒家)의 조종(祖宗)이라는 명성에 가려져 문학적인 면에서는 주목을 받지 못했다. 그래서 부편(賦篇)에 대해서는 별 관심이 없었던 것이 사실이다. 성악편(性惡篇) 같이 각광 받는 철학 사상적인 내용도 아니었고, 무엇보다도 그가 문학적으로 주목을 받지 못했던 결과이다. 그러나 賦篇이 가지고 있는 문학적인 의미는 의외로 크다. 이제 이에 대해서 새로운 관심을 가질 필요가 있다. 우선 기본적으로 이것의 장르에 대해서마저도 명쾌하게 정리된 바가 없다. 부(賦)의 원형이라고 하면서도 이 작품의 일부는 賦가 아니라 시(詩)라고 하는 주장이 적지 않았다. 그러니까 작품 전체를 따로 나누어서 장르를 설정하자는 말인데 이래서야 賦의 원형이라고 말하기가 어려운 일이다. 무엇보다도 이 연구를 통하여 賦篇은 한 편의 ‘완결된 사부(辭賦)작품’이라는 사실을 입증함으로서 이 작품에 대한 장르와 가치를 다시 평가하고 싶다. 그러나 막상 우리 학계에서는 사(辭), 賦, 辭賦에 대한 개념이나 규정이 분명하게 정해진 것도 아니어서 늘 논의에 혼선을 피하기 어려운 형편이다. 이러한 개념의 혼란을 막기 위해서 이들을 辭賦라는 통합개념으로 묶고, 사부의 일반적인 요건인 작품의 구성방식(構成方式), 字句形式, 압운(押韻), 수사법(修辭法)등을 통하여 작품을 일일이 검증한다. 이를 통하여 사부에 대하여 흩어졌던 개념과 의견들을 모으고, 나아가 그 동안 賦篇에 대하여 있었던 여러 가지 견해들을 정리하고자 한다. 이를 바탕으로 하여 이 작품이 갖는 문학사적 의의를 매김함으로써 작품의 가치를 올바로 규정할 수 있을 것이다. 辭賦의 장르적 기원에 대해서 여러 가지 주장들이 있어왔다. 대개는 굴원(屈原)·송옥(宋玉)등을 중심으로 해서 초사(楚辭)에서부터 한부(漢賦)로 초창기의 사부문학사를 구성해왔다. 그러나 실질적인 자료를 가지고 말한다면 이러한 주장들은 신뢰할 만한 것이 못 된다. 기존 주장들의 설득력이 약해질수록 賦篇의 문학사적 가치에 주목해야 한다. 그동안 이루어진 초사(楚辭)중심의 관행에 賦篇의 문학사적 가치를 재평가함으로 해서 그 정당한 사부문학사적 가치를 정립하고자 한다. 그리고 이러한 작품을 남긴 辭賦家로서의 荀子의 문학적 가치를 재평가하고 싶다. Bu-Pyeon is the only literary work of Sa-Bu which Sun-Ja left. Even though this literary work had been evaluated as the prototype of Han-Bu, the verification of appropriateness of the evaluation or profound research on Sun-Ja`s literary works hasn`t got much attention until now. Actually Sun-Ja`s talent as a poet seems to be overshadowed by his fame as one of the founders of Confucianism. Thus, researchers haven`t pay much attention to Bu-Pyeon. Actually Bu-Pyeon doesn`t contain profound philosophical thought like his theory that human nature is fundamentally evil, and also his literary talent didn`t draw much attention from others. However, Bu-Pyeon has surprisingly huge significance. This study aims to re-evaluate the value of Bu-Pyeon by verifying the fact that it is a complete masterpiece of Sa-Bu literature. In order to verify the fact, the general stylistic components of Sa-Bu such as literary formation, the use of rhyme, the usage of letters and phrases, rhetorics etc. were thoroughly examined. I try to summarize various opinions about Bu-Pyeon With this and to evaluate the value of the work while examining its significance in the history of literature. Bu-Pyeon`s significance in the history of literature is clearly shown in Gwan-Haeng of Cho-Sa in which some writer including Gul-Won and Song-Ok etc. discussed the origin of Sa-Bu. Thus, this study re-evaluated the influence of Sun-Ja as a Sa-Bu writer.

다산 「석지부(惜志賦)」에 대한 고찰

김은미 ( Kim¸ Eun-mi ) 퇴계학연구원 2020 退溪學報 Vol.148 No.-

시는 2500여 수에 이르는데, 다산의 賦는 단 2편만 전하고 있다. 이 연구에서는「석지부」를 대상으로, 다산의 부 창작 이유와, 寡作의 배경, 그리고 유배기와의 관련성을 살펴보았다. 부가 우리 문학사에 들어온 것은 남북국 시대의 일이지만, 조선 후기에 이르면 科賦로 정착하게 되고 형식주의로 치우치게 된다. 과거를 준비하는 잠재적 관료들의 부 습작 열기는 뜨거웠지만, 더 이상 부는 문학적 향유의 대상이 아니었던 것이다. 그 결과 조선 후기 문인들의 문집에 부가 실리는 경우는 드물었다. 다산의 부가 2편만 전하는 것도 이런 이유에서였다. 다산이 과거를 준비한 18세기 후반도 이미 부가 과부로 정착한 후 였다. 다산 역시 과시를 준비하며 부 창작을 연습했지만 부를 향유한 흔적은 남아있지 않다. 그러던 다산이 1801년 長鬐 유배기에 새삼스럽게 부를 지은 것이다. 유배지의 다산은 스스로 죄가 있다고는 생각지 않았고, 자신을 당쟁의 희생자로 인식하였다. 장기에서 쓴 글에서는 신유박해가 천주교와 유교의 사상적 대립이 아닌 당쟁의 결과라는 다산의 생각을 확인할 수 있다. 다산은 異端과 異端邪說도 구분했는데, 다산에 따르면 천주교는 이단이지 이단사설이 아니었다. 그런데도 다산은 천주교 때문에 유배객이 된 것이다. 유배지의 다산은 부의 기원을 생각했다. 失志한 선비들의 문학 양식이던 부와, 정치적 불우함을 드러내던 楚辭를 떠올렸다. 다산은 이미 1790년 海美 유배 무렵의 시에서도 정치적 곤경을 형상화하는 과정에서 초사의 영향을 보여준 바가 있다. 자신은 죄가 없는데도 당쟁의 결과 유배객이 되어버렸다고 생각하는 다산은 유배지 장기에서 초사와 부를 소환했고, 辭와 賦의 양식을 통해 자신의 정서를 드러내었다. 「석지부」에서 다산은 公冶長과 張橫渠를 거론하여 자신의 억울한 심경을 말하였고, 韓愈와 蘇軾을 언급하여 자신의 현재적 곤경을 넘어서는 미래적 전망을 제시하였다. 이것은 운명에 순응하는 체념적 정서가 아니다. 오히려 깊은 뿌리와 무성한 가지를 이루겠다는 스스로에 대한 다짐이다. 죄가 없으므로 떳떳한 다산은 자신이 천명을 받들고 있어 불만스럽지 않다고 말한다. 이전의 문인들이 사와 부를 지었던 실지의 상황처럼, 지금 다산이 처한 상황도 자신의 잘못이 아닌 외부 문제에 기인한 것이기 때문이다. 그래서 작품의 제목도 ‘惜志’인 것이다. The number of Dasan's poems amounts to 2,500, and only two works of Dasan's Bu (賦) have been handed down. This is a study that traces the relationship between Dasan's reasons for creation of Bu, the background of fewer work productions (寡作), and the relevance to his exile period for 「Seokji-bu」. It was during the North and South States Period that Bu entered our history of literature, but in the late Joseon, it was settled as Bu for civil service examination (科賦), leading to being biased toward formalism. The practice writing fever of potential government officials preparing for a civil service examination was hot, but Bu was no longer the object of literary enjoyment. As a result, Bu was rarely included in the literature of the literati in the late Joseon. It was the reason that only two works of Dasan's Bu have been handed down. In the late 17th century, when Dasan prepared for the civil service examination, it was already after Bu was settled in Bu for civil service examination. Dasan also practiced Bu creation to prepare his civil service examination, but there is no trace that he enjoyed Bu. Then Dasan newly wrote Bu during the exile in Janggi (長鬐) in 1801. Dasan in the exile place did not consider himself guilty, and he recognized himself as a victim of the party struggle. Dasan's thoughts that the Shinyu Persecution is not an ideological confrontation between Catholicism and Confucianism, but a result of the party struggle, is revealed in the writings written in Janggi. Dasan also distinguished between yi duan (異端) and yi duan xie shuo (異端邪說), and according to Dasan, Catholic was yi duan, not yi duan xie shuo. Nevertheless, Dasan, who was in the position of deportee, had a hard time accepting his situation. Dasan in the exile place thought of Bu's origins. He recalled Bu, the disappointed (失志) scholars' literary style, and Chosa (Cho poetry; 楚辭), which showed political discomfort. Dasan had already shown Chosa's influence in the process of embodying political predicament even in poems around his exile of Haemi (海美) in 1790. Dasan, who thought that he became a deportee as a result of the party struggle even though he was innocent, summoned Chosa and Bu, and revealed his emotions through the style of Sa-Bu (辭-賦). In 「Seokji-bu」, Dasan spoke of Gong Ye Chang (公冶長) and Zhang Heng-qu (張橫渠) to express his unfair feelings, and by mentioning Han Yu (韓愈) and Su Shi (蘇軾), he presented a future outlook beyond his present plight. It was not a sentiment of resignation that conforms to fate. Rather, it was a commitment to oneself to achieve deep roots and lush branches. Dasan, who is proud of himself because he is innocent, says he is not dissatisfied with the heavenly mandate. This is because, like the disappointment that the literati wrote Sa and Bu before, Dasan's situation is not his own fault, but an external problem. That is why the title of the work is also 'Seokji (sorrow; 惜志)'.

신라 상고 시기 '부인(夫人)' 칭호의 수용과 의미

이현주(Lee, Hyun-ju) 한국역사연구회 2012 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.86

Analyzed in this article, are the "female titles" that appeared in the Korean ancient periods, in order to examine the changes in their roles and their statuses. In Shilla, the female titles displayed a development that continued through three different stages. In the first period, the title of "Bu"in/夫人(Madame)" was not yet employed, and the "ar"-type titles were used instead. The "Bu"in" titles did appear in historical records describing this time period, but in fact they were never actually used back then, and were only added to the texts in subsequent periods. The "ar"-type titles were honorific titles and were only used in cases of referring to persons in specific roles and special positions, in other words a limited group of people, such as the mothers of the king, wives of the king, sisters of the king, and daughters of the king, who all assumed the role of a high priest. Females in the Royal family were considered as divine figures, and seem to have had a specific religious role and a status that accompanied it. Then in the 2nd period, which is also called as the "Nisa"geum period," Chinese-type female titles began to appear, and female titles became more fixed and officialized. Also, records of the titles of the royal family"s female members tended to reveal their last names and the names of their fathers. Through such titles they were presented as figures who came from heritages different from the king"s, in terms of their paternal lineages. In the meantime, during this period the previous "Bu"in" title became an honorific title for the "married females" in general. And while the females from the first period had been considered divine and were essentially "worshipped" figures, the females of the 2nd period were presented more prominently with their roles as high priests. The titles for the mothers and wives of the king were officialized as "Nae"rye Bu"in." And in the final and third period, which we now call the "Ma"rib-gan period," titles other than the "Bu"in" title, such as "Guk"dae Bu"in," "Mi"hae-gong Bu"in," and "Gung"ju," began to appear. We can see two things from such newly appeared diversity in titles. The "Bu"in" titles were provided to not only the direct female descendants of the royal family, but also to more ordinary figures, and the "Bu"in" titles were used according to the rank of the male married to the female in question. This means that the "Bu"in" title came to signify the females" new statuses placed inside a well organized hierarchy structure. Also, nearing the end of the Ma"rib-gan period, a new title "Gung"ju," which was rather a title based upon one"s "economic" background and had nothing to do with the fact that one was married or not, was used to refer to the females. This seems to have been triggered by the adoption of the Chinese culture, which proceeded through Goguryeo during the Ma"rib-gan period. The "ar"-type titles no longer appeared, after the appearances of Nulji Ma"rib-gan"s mother "Nae"rye Bu"in" and his wife "A"ryu Bu"in." Later, Nae"rye Bu"in"s nature as a high priest significantly weakened, and only the function as a domestic(palace) manager of ritual rights("內禮[Internal ritual protocols]") seems to have remained.

呂布의 배신 요인 연구― 義父殺害 고사를 중심으로

이민경(MinKyoung Yi) 대한중국학회 2016 중국학 Vol.54 No.-

본고는 삼국지와 삼국지평화, 그리고 삼국연의에 이르기까지, 여포의 ‘義父殺害’ 고사가 어떤 양상으로 變容되었는지 살펴보았다. 각각의 작품들은 여포와 정원•동탁과의 관계및 그들이 여포의 손에 살해되는 과정 등을 相異하게 묘사하였기 때문에, 그 안에 내포되어있는 여포의 배신 요인 역시 차이가 있다.역사서 삼국지의 기록을 살펴보면, 여포는 “용맹하나 지모가 없는(勇而無計)” 인물로, 올바른 정세 판단을 하거나 제대로 된 主君을 알아보지 못했다. 즉, 어리석음이 그를 배신자의길로 이끌었다고 할 수 있겠다.元代 삼국지평화는 여포의 배신에 허구를 더하여 새로운 이야기를 만들어 냈다. 이 작품에서 정원과 동탁은 여포가 살해를 저지를 정도로 그를 극단으로 몰아붙였고, 때문에 여포의 살인은 배신이라고 하기에는 무리가 있다. 그러나 삼국지평화에서 여포는 反面人物이기 때문에, 그의 살해 동기를 크게 부각시키지 않는다.삼국연의의 여포는 과도한 자부심을 가진 인정욕구가 강한 인물로, 그의 판단과 행위의준거가 되는 것은 나르시시즘(narcissism)의 만족 여부이다. 여포는 정원과 동탁으로 인해 나르시시즘이 억압되자, 그들을 죽이는 배신을 저질렀다. 그는 나르시시즘에 빠져 자기중심적으로 해석하고 판단했기 때문에 배신을 거듭하면서도 죄의식을 느끼지 않았다.결국, 삼국연의의 유행과 영향으로 인해, 여포는 변명의 여지가 없는 ‘반성을 모르는 배신자’로 영원히 남게 되었다. This paper examines how the old story of Lv Bu's murder of his stepfathers had beentransformed from The Records of Three Kingdoms to Popular stories of the Three Kingdomsand to Romance of the Three Kingdoms. These three books describe the relationshipbetween Lv Bu and Ding Yuan and Lv Bu and Dong Zhuo as well as how Ding Yuan andDong Zhuo were murdered by Lv Bu differently and they suggest different reasons that whyLv Bu betrayed them.The historical book of The Records of Three Kingdoms reads that Lv Bu is "brave butlacks wisdom and tricks" and fails to judge situations correctly and recognize a right lord. Inother words, his lack of wisdom seems to make him become a betrayer.Popular stories of the Three Kingdoms published in the era of the Yuan Dynasty added afictitious story to Lv Bu's betrayal to make up a new story. The book says that Ding Yuanand Dong Zhuo pushed Lv Bu to the extreme so hard that Lv Bu couldn't help but killthem. In this sense, it will be absurd to consider Lv Bu's murder as a betrayal. However,Popular stories of the Three Kingdoms depicts Lv Bu negatively and it doesn't particularlyhighlight his motivation for the murder.Romance of the Three Kingdoms describes Lv Bu as a person who is too proud ofhimself and strongly desires to be recognized by others. The book reads that Lv Bu's criteriafor whether to act or not is whether the action will satisfy his narcissism. According to thebook, Lv Bu betrayed Lv Bu and Lv Bu by killing them when they suppressed his narcissism.He didn't feel guilty at all when he continued to betray his stepfathers because he is aself-righteous narcissist who makes decisions only for the sake of himself.After all, popularity and influence of Romance of the Three Kingdoms makes Lv Buremembered forever as 'a servant who has three different family names' and 'a betrayerwho never feels remorse' without excuse.

총동원체제기(1940~1945년) 경성부 세입구조(歲入構造)의 변화와 부세(府稅)확대

이명학 ( Lee Myoung Hak ) 역사문제연구소 2012 역사문제연구 Vol.16 No.2

Since the year 1940, the size of the Gyeong`seong-bu city authorities` finance jumped 2.68 times in appearance, and 1.9 times essentially. There were several characteristic methods in securing financial supplies displayed by the Gyeong`seong-bu authorities in expanding its finance. First, since 1940 Joseon was enlisted in the Japanese imperial authorities` plan of `enterprise accumulation,` and the quota of national debts increased. In the meantime, each of the financial agencies started to purchase both national and personal loans, and the issuing of Bu Bonds(府 債), the former primary source of income for the Bu authorities, was reduced. Supports from senior administrative bodies remained minimal. Second, the Gyeong`seong-bu authorities raised the user expenses and fees every year, regardless of the Bu`s needed amount of expense, or the income level of the general users, or the very nature of utilized facilities. And since 1940, the Bu authorities levied a new user fee upon the Land Readjustment project. Third, the Gyeong`seong-bu authorities revised the supertax standard of assessment, raised the general tax rate, newly created a traffic tax which was a special, indirect excise tax, and double-levied object taxes. By doing so, the Bu authorities attacked the `haves` class with concentrated taxation, and targeted at the same time the general population with indiscriminate taxes. As a result, the previous primary source of income for the Gyeongseong-bu body was replaced by the `Bu tax` since 1940. Yet there was a problem. The Joseon Bu units` “legally dictated” primary source of income was not the `Bu tax.` It was rather the other kinds of user expenses, fees or property-generated other forms of income. Then why was there a discrepancy between the law and reality? Unlike major cities in Japan, which publicly managed electricity, gas and water as they were all crucial commodities in the people`s lives, the Gyeong`seong- bu in Joseon only managed water. In Japan, the overall [`social property`] area publicly managed by the city authorities was wide and therefore so was the revenue composed of user expenses and fees. But Gyeong`seong- bu in Joseon lacked such administrative publicness, and failed to utilize user expenses and fees as the primary source of income.

신라 초기의 國邑과 6村

박대재 동국대학교 WISE(와이즈)캠퍼스 신라문화연구소 2014 新羅文化 Vol.43 No.-

This study analyzes a possibility that the early Silla(斯盧國)'s Guk-eup(國邑, prime town of a polity) had a dual structure comprised of Goheo-chon(高墟村 or Saryang-Bu; 沙梁部) and Yangsan-chon(楊山村 or Gŭpryang-Bu; 及梁部) before the fourth century. From Hyukgeose(赫居世), the founder of Silla, to Talhae(脫解) Isagŭm, the palace, Kŭmseong(金城) was conceivably located in Goheo-chon. This fact indicates that Goheo-chon was the center of political affairs among the six villages, of which Silla consisted. When Wǒlseong(月城) was built and used as a palace from the 22nd year of Pasa(婆娑) Isageum(A.D. 101), the center of Guk-eup was moved to Yangsan-chon, where the new palace was located. Yet the Goheo-chon's significance in the political affairs was not faded away, as it carried on its role as a ritual site. Thus it is supposed that the village was being included in the boundary the capital, since a progenitor's tomb and Na-jung(Na Well; 蘿井) was located in Goheo-chon, sites which had a strong connection to the founder of Silla. Additionally, there were ritual sites for Alyoung(閼英), the queen consort of Hyukgeose in the village. When Jungsadang(政事堂) was established in the fifth year of Ilsung(逸聖) Isagŭm(138), the Goheo-chon momentarily resumed its role of the political center until the reign of Adalla(阿達羅) Isagŭm. Still, Bulhyu(伐休) Isagŭm rebuilt the palace of Wǒlseong in the 13th year of his reign(196) and the center of Guk-eup returned to Yangsan-chon again. Hence, the bounds of Guk-eup embraced the two villages, while the center was shuttling between Kŭmseong and Wǒlseong. In the third year of Cheomhae(沾解) Isagŭm(249), Yangsan-chon fortified its role of the political center after establishing Namdang(南堂) on the southern region of Wǒlseong. Meanwhile, Goheo-chon, where once the progenitor's tomb, Na-jung, and Alyoung-jung assembled, could not perform the function of the political center anymore. Still, the village maintained its role as a center of ritual ceremony. This kind of phenomenon, a coexistence of a political center with a ritual center, is a universal structure for ancient cities. The characteristic that Guk-eup consists of two Bu(部), namely Saryang-Bu and Gŭbryang-Bu was a foundation for the structure that six Bu constitutes Silla's capital city(王都) after the fourth century. Unlike the capital cities of Koguryǒ and Paekch'e consisted of five Bu, Silla's included six of them. It is because, in addtion to the original two Bu, four more villages from four directions joined in the structure of Guk-eup like other countries, which originated the capital city with six Bu. The development from Guk-eup with two Bu to the capital city with six Bu was presumably the result at the early fourth century, considering the record that the name Silla(新羅) came from meaning "including all four sides(Manglasabang; 網羅四方)" in Samguk yusa. According to the Chronicles of Silla in Samguk sagi, there were overlapping records about the time when the name of the dynasty was officially decided. The first is the tenth year(307) of Girim(基臨) Isagŭm, and then the name was again proclaimed in the fourth year(503) of King Jijeung(智證). These repeated proclamations were, arguably, that the former implied the formation of the six Bu, while the latter meant reorganization of the local country into castles(城) and villages(村).