광주항쟁 시민군 대변인 윤상원의 미국 중재 요청 배경과 이유, 1980년 5월

이완범 청계사학회 2023 청계사학 Vol.25 No.-

During the Gwangju Uprising in May 1980, Yun Sang Won was a spokesman for t he c ivil army. He was a young man f rom t he s t udent movement. Yun Sang Won felt a sense of comradeship with former workers which were the major component in civil army. Yun Sang Won kept the site of the Jeollanam-do Provincial Government in civil army with laborer majority until it was suppressed on May 27, 1980 by martial law forces. He thought and agonized relatively rationally and intellectually in the hope of saving the lives of all citizens. Therefore, on May 26, 1980, Yun requested the United States’ arbitration between civil army and Neo-Military. Yun Sang Won had a pro-American worldview. Also, at that time, Gwangju cit izens were a rmed wit h an ant i-communist worldview l ike Koreans in other regions. Therefore, pro-U.S. and anti-communist sentiment were the ideological background for Yun Sang Won's request for the U.S. government's intervention to mediate between the civic army and the Chun Doo-hwan’s Neo-Military group. In addition, rumors circulated that the U.S. military was coming to help on the morning of May 26, the day of the request for arbitrat ion. Therefore, this rumor was the context of the day. In this situation, Yun Sang Won judged that if the U.S. intervenes (intermediates the ceasefire), it could save Gwangju citizens. In response, Yun Sang Won requested arbitrat ion at a press conference that began at 4 p.m. on May 26. Therefore, the direct reason for Yun Sang Won's request for arbitration was to save citizens, the direct background was rumors of the dispatch of the U.S. Redemption Army, and the ideological background was pro-U.S.-Anti-Communist. Yun did not give up hope that everyone could live if the U.S. took time and asked the U.S. for arbitration, the last resort. Therefore, Yun Sang Won asked for arbitration to protect the lives of Gwangju citizens, but failed due to the U.S. rejection. 학생운동권 출신 청년 윤상원은 1980년 5월 광주항쟁 당시 시민군 대변인이었다. 윤상원은 노동자 출신 시민군들과 동지 의식을 느꼈고 1980년 5월 27일진압될때까지 전남도청 현장을 지켰지만 모든 시민들의 목숨을 어떻게 하면 건질 수 있을까 하는 심정에서 비교적 합리적-지성적으로 사고하고 고민했다. 따라서 1980년 5월 26일 미국의 중재를 요청했다. 윤상원은 친미적 세계관을 가지고 있었다. 또한 당시 광주시민들은 다른 지역의 한국인들과 같이 반공적 세계관으로 무장되어 있었다. 따라서 윤상원이 시민군과 전두환 집단의 중재를 위해 미 정부의 개입을 요청한 데에는 친미와 반공정서가 이념적 배경이 되었다. 이에 더하여 중재 요청 당일인 5월 26일 아침 미군이 도우러 온다는 루머가돌았다. 따라서 이 루머가 당일의 상황적 배경이었다. 이런 상황에서 윤상원은미국이 개입(휴전 중재)하면 광주 시민을 구할 수 있다고 판단했다. 이에 윤상원은 5월 26일 오후 4시에 시작된 기자회견에서 중재를 요청했다. 따라서 윤상원이 중재를 요청한 직접적인 이유는 시민을 구하기 위한 것이었고, 직접적인 배경은 미 구원군(救援軍)의 출동 루머였고, 이념적 배경은 친미-반공이었다. 윤상원은 시간을 끌고 미국의 도와준다면 모두 살 수 있다는 희망을 버리지않고 최후의 수단인 중재 요청을 미국에게 했던 것이다. 따라서 윤상원은 광주시민들의 목숨을 지키기 위해 중재를 요청했으나 미국의 거부로 실패했다고 할 수있다.

Sung-Bum Yun’s Theology of Sung (誠): Focusing on the Confucian Concept of Sung as Christ in relation to Karl Barth’s Christocentric Theology

김영관 한국기독교학회 2022 한국기독교신학논총 Vol.125 No.-

The primary purpose of this paper is to explore Sung-Bum Yun’s Theology of Sung (誠), which is radically influenced by Karl Barth’s Christocentric theology as well as Korean Confucianism. Sung-Bum Yun (1916-1989) was one of Barth’s students in Basel and the best known interpreter of Barth’s theology and the most influential theologian of the Methodist Church of Korea. Yun maintains that theological indigenization of the Gospel of Jesus Christ on the basis of Karl Barth’s Christ-centered theology can be a basic step for the formation of an indigenous Korean Confucian-Christian theology. He published many Barth-related books and articles in terms of the Confucian concepts of Sung as Jesus Christ, thus his theological characteristics are distinctively Christocentric in accordance with those of Karl Barth. Accordingly this paper explores how Barth has influenced one representative Korean indigenous theological movement such as Sung-Bum Yun’s theology of Sung, with specific stress on how Yun has responded to Barth’s Christocentric theology, especially on the basis of the Korean people’s centuries long-inherited socio-cultural-religious tradition of Confucianism.

노촌 임상덕의 의이론과 시대인식 -『동사회강』 찬술의 사유체계 검토-

이종범 ( Lee Jong Beom ) 호남사학회 2003 역사학연구 Vol.21 No.-

1910~20년대 현상윤(玄相允)의 자본주의 근대문명론과 개조

최선웅 ( Choi Sun Woong ) 역사문제연구소 2009 역사문제연구 Vol.13 No.1

Hyeon Sang Yun learned the traditional set of values in his youth, when he studied Confucianism. And in 1908, at the age of 16, he started to receive modern education. At the age of 20, he completed his middle school education, and he started to negate all the Confucian values he had learned earlier. In 1914, he embarked upon oversea studies in Japan, and during his stay there he finally cast aside all his lingering attachments toward traditions, which to him were only causing disturbances inside his head. It is admittedly not clear whether he managed to cast it aside totally or permanently, yet from all the things he wrote during his oversea studies, we can see that Hyeon Sang Yun strongly negated not only Confucianism but also the Eastern civilization itself. In his eyes, the Eastern civilization was only a supporting character, which existed only to make the Western civilization look good. His own dichotomy in viewing the Eastern and Western civilizations was nothing but a view at a pair composed of good and evil. The Western world`s Orientalism was programmed into him, via influences from Japan. Hyeon Sang Yun intended to Westernize Joseon, and examined historical instances from the Western civilization, such as the Renaissance, the Religious revolution and the Industrial revolution, which brought down the medieval period of the Western world and invited the modern period to the Western societies. He hoped that such occasions and incidents would happen to Joseon as well. In other words, Hyeon Sang Yun figured that Joseon was still at a (medieval) stage which was displayed during the Western civilization`s medieval period, so he wished that a modern culture of Capitalism also prosper in Joseon. And in order to achieve such goals, he figured that the individual Joseon people would have to be reborn as modern entities, and the modernized Joseon individuals would have to achieve a level of social unity. In his eyes, the first stage was completed by the March 1st movement. And for the second stage, he figured that the national identity and quality had to be reconstructed. In other words, he thought that the Joseon people`s hearts[心] had to be reconstructed as well. To Hyeon Sang Yun, reconstruction referred to the transformation from the old age to a modern Capitalist era.

丹陵 李胤永(1714-1759)의 繪畵世界

이순미(Lee Soon-mi) 한국미술사학회 2004 美術史學硏究 Vol.- No.242·243

본 논문은 평생 出仕를 거부하고 벗들과 낭만적인 詩文과 書畵활동을 하며 명승명소를 유람하는 등 隱者的 삶을 살았던 文人畵家 丹陵 李胤永(1714-1759)의 생애와 작품세계를 살펴본 것이다. 李胤永은 字가 胤之이며 號는 1741년경에 지었던 서재 이름을 따라 澹華齋, 1748년경에 明紹先生 그리고 단양에 은거한 이후로 丹陵山人, 丹丘處士라 했다. 단양에 은거하는 동안에는 蒼露亭과 棲碧을, 서울로 돌아와서는 水品樓라는 정지를 세웠다. 이윤영의 집안은 조선 후기 문예와 정치에서 막강한 영향력을 행사했던 金昌翕(1653-1722) 등 安東 金氏 집안과는 혼인으로, 李喜朝(1655-1724) 등 延安 李氏 집안과는 학맥으로 긴밀한 관계를 형성하였다. 이러한 가계의 배경은 이윤영의 문예적인 측면을 이해하는 데 중요한 요건이라고 할 수 있다. 그는 시인이자 서회수장가로 잘 알려진 族大父 李秉淵(1671-1751), 정치적으로 영향이 컸던 仲父 李台重(1694-1756), 處士的 삶을 살았던 스승 尹心衡(1698-1754) 등에게 학문과 서화 등 문예 전반에 영향을 받았다. 특히 이윤영은 스승 윤심형이 주장한 문장의 궁극적 목표는 道를 깨치는 것에 있다는 因文悟道를 계승하여 文을 통해 道로 나아가는 문예관을 문학, 서화 등 문예활동 전반에 적용하였다. 그는 그의 문예활동을 ‘대나무를 傅神하고 눈속의 芭蕉에 寫意한다.’라는 회화와 관련된 傅神과 寫意로서 요약하였다. 이것은 대상물의 외양을 배제하거나 요약하여 그 안에 정신을 구현하려는 것으로 창작자의 기교보다 마음가짐을 중시하는 寫意的 藝術觀이다. 이윤영은 서로의 집을 오가면서 詩文을 교환하고 서화를 함께 감상하고 제작할 만큼 절친했던 친구 李麟祚(1710-1760)과 이러한 사의적 문예관을 함께 추구하였다. 이윤영의 사의적 문예관은 그에게 周易을 배우면서 학문적으로 영향 받았던 朴趾源(1737-1805)을 비롯한 19세기 北學派의 사의적 예술관에 일정한 영향을 주게 된다. 이윤영은 진흙에서 피어났음에도 아름다움을 뽐내는 연꽃을 혼탁한 세상에 홀로 서 있는 君子의 모습으로 보았다. 그는 〈西池白連圖〉를 비롯한 〈蓮花圖〉 등을 즐겨 그러면서 평생 소망했던 군자의 삶을 연꽃을 통해 표현하였다. 또한 그는 산수를 배경으로 한 芽亭圖나 峻石을 주제로 한 山水圖 등 절개를 상징하는 소재에 지신의 내면세계를 담아내었다. 그는 趙榮?(1686-1761) 등의 선배화가와 畵譜類, 明代 吳派와 安徽派 등 다양한 畵風을 섭렵하여 개성있고 문기있는 작품세계를 보여 주었다. 특히 그가 좋아했던 峻石의 표현에 안휘파의 암석 표현을 적극 수용하였다. 은거 이전의 〈樹石圖〉, 〈皐蘭寺圖〉에서는 굵은 필선의 둥근 윤곽선과 각이 진 형태의 암석으로 나타낸 반면에 1751년 단양 은거 이후의 〈龜潭圖〉. 〈道譚三峰圖〉에서는 거칠고 단단한 느낌의 필선으로 괴석과 같은 암석에 자신이 지향하는 정신성이 드러나도록 화면을 재구성하였다. 安徽派 화풍의 수용은 사물의 형태보다 작가의 정신성을 추구하는 그의 寫意的 藝術觀의 표현에 적절하였던 것이다. 이윤영은 조선시대 18세기 회단의 중요한 경향이었던 寫意的 文人畵의 흐름을 이해하는데 중요한 인물이다. 자신을 완성하는 道의 길과 문학, 서화 등 예술의 길을 동일시하였던 그의 예술관과 작품들에 대한 이해는 18세기는 물론 19세기 北學派의 寫意的 文人畵를 이해하기 위해 꼭 필요한 작업이라고 본다. This paper deals with the life and art of Lee Yun-yeong (李胤永, 1714-1759), a literati painter who lived as a hermit refusing to engage in political activity and devoting himself to writing and painting, and visiting beautiful and famous places for life time. His nickname was Yun-ji (胤之) and he had several pen names. For example he used pen name Damhwajae (澹華齋) after the name of his library in 1741, Myeongsoseonsaeng (明昭先生) in 1748, and Danreungsanin (丹陵山人) and Dangucheosa (丹丘處士) while living in retirement in Danyang (丹陽) province. He built pavilions such as Changhajeong (蒼霞亭) and Seobyeokjeong (棲碧亭) while living in Danyang, and constructed Sujeongru (水晶樓) when came back to Seoul. Lee Yun-yeong's family established close relationship with academically and politically influential families They had marital relations with Kim Chang-heup (金昌翕, 1653-1722) from Andong (安東) Kim family, the most influential family in the later period of Joseon dynasty and academic relations with Lee Hui-jo (李喜朝, 1655-1724) from Yeonan (延安) Lee family. Such a family background is an essential condition to understand Lee Yun-yeong's art and literature. He was largely influenced by his elder relatives including Lee Byeong-yeon (李丙淵, 1671-1751) who was well known as a poet and fine art collector, Lee Tae-jung (李台重, 1694-1756) who was politically influential, and Yun Sim-hyeong (尹心衡, 1698-1754) who was a teacher of him and scholar in retirement. In particular, Lee Yun-yeong inherited his teacher Yun Sim-hyeong's Inmunodo (因文悟道) that ultimate goal of cut is to realize truth. He applied such a view to his art work as a whole including literature cu1d painting. He summarized his art ‘portray the inside of bamboo and express your mind through banana plant in snow (傅神盆上竹 寫意雪中蕉).’ This is an art view emphasizing artist' s mind rather than artistic skill by excluding or summarizing outward appearance of objects in order to represent soul hidden inside of them. He shared such view of art with his very close friend Lee In-sang (李麟祥, 1710-1760). They exchanged poems, appreciated and created paintings together. Lee Yun-yeong's literati painting pursuing mind influenced, to some extend, advocates for Bukhak school (北學派) in 19th century pursuing pragmatic and reformist values, including Park Ji-won(朴趾源, 1737-1805) who was taught the Book of Changes (周易) and academically influenced by him. Lee Yun-yeong showed unique and literary painting style by being influenced by senior painters including Jo Yeong-seok (趙榮?, 1686-1767) and partially accepting painting styles of Wu school (吳派) and Anhui school (安徽派) in the Ming dynasty. He tended to paint very symbolic objects reflecting spiritual world. He painted many pavilions or big, beautiful stones against background of mountains and waters, When he tried to portray big and beautiful stones, one of his favorite objects, he adopted Anhui school style. Before going into hermitage, he portrayed angled stones and rocks very with thick round lines, as shown in Suseokdo (樹石圖) and Goransado (皐蘭寺圖). But, after going into retirement in Danyang (丹陽), he almost perfectly represented his own spiritual world by recomposing and recreating strangely-shaped rocks with rough line, as shown in Gudamdo (龜潭圖) and Dodamsambongdo (圖潭三峰圖). His adoption of the Anhui school' s painting style was very appropriate to his literati painting pursuing mind by excluding or summarizing the outward appearance of objects. Lee Yun-yeong loved lotus flower very much. That is because he thought that as a flower blossoming in the mud, it resembles a Wise man (君子) who stands alone in the corrupt world. He tried to portray the life of a Wise man whim he wanted for life in Seojibaekyeondo (西池白蓮圖) and Yeonhwado (蓮花圖). Lee Yun-yeong is a crucial figure in understanding the stream of literati painting pursuing mind which was a very important painting trend in 18th century. Understanding his art work and view of art identifying the way to truth

현상윤 소설 연구

최윤정 ( Choi Yunjung ) 국제비교한국학회 2016 비교한국학 Comparative Korean Studies Vol.24 No.3

As a writer can not be overlooked in the narrative of modern literature early 1910s Hyeon sang-yun is mentioned. However, a discussion of his literature is determined to be in progress in a limiting scope. The discussions judged Hyeon sang-yun as colonial intellectuals who take advantage of the literature as a tool as Korean independence activists or ethnic education. This paper considers Hyeonsangyun`s evolutionary `Powerful principal` will be appropriated in any way to that the novels. Therefore, this study is to provide basic awareness of the issue and figure shaping, such as internal research works of Hyeon sang-yun` novels. The existing discuss identified as contradictory aspects between the work of his novels and thought. Thereafter It has determined that the face of Hyeon sang-yun`s radical nationalism reduced or destroyed. But His novels were careful attention to the evolutionary `Powerful ptrincipal` through the tragic fate of the inferior, father denial that symbolizes national traditions reject of the past and civilization construction, the emphasis on Survival value than ethical value etc. From which we are aware that his novels are nationalist discourse forms. This discussion reveals the consistency of the work of his contemporaries articles and novels and the close association of ideas and literature.

일반논문 : 해방 후 현상윤의 유학(儒學)인식과 사상적 지향 -평가의 변화를 중심으로-

이태훈 ( Tae Hoon Lee ) 한국사상사학회 2011 韓國思想史學 Vol.0 No.38

20대의 현상윤은 서구 물질문명에 대한 강한 동경 속에 유학을 포함한 동양문명 전반을 부정하였지만, 1930년대 서구근대문명의 위기를 목격하면서, 유학에 관심을 갖게 되었다. 그러나 현상윤은 정다산을 아담 스미스에 비견하고, 실학을 경제학파로 규정하며, 근대자본주의와의 사상적 연결고리가 조선유학에 있었음을 확인하면서도, 조선 유학 전반에 대해서는 여전히 비판적 입장을 취했다. 조선유학의 본류인 주자학이 근대사상의 형성을 근저에서부터 봉쇄했다고 생각했기 때문이었다. 이러한 그의 유학인식을 바꿔 놓은 것은 해방 후 신국가건설과 좌우대립이라는 새로운 상황이었다. 좌파의 공세와 ``무지한 인민의 수준``에 대응하며 안정적 근대국가를 건설하기 위해서는 조선의 문치주의, 덕치주의를 흡수해야 한다고 생각했기 때문이었다. 이에 유학이 지향하는 위계적 사회질서, 진리에 대한 중용적 태도, 보수적 윤리관이 서구사상의 핵심을 포괄하는 보편적 사상으로 높이 평가되었고, 유학은 현대에도 유의미한 사상으로 재설정되었다. 요컨대 현상윤은 유학에 대해 부정과 긍정을 오가면서도, 근대자본주의 사회 건설이라는 문제의식을 일관되게 유지하였고, 그 결과 안정적 자본주의 근대사회 건설의 논리로서 유학의 사상적 의의를 재인식하게 된 것이었다. In his twenties, Hyeon Sang-yun held a negative view about all aspects of oriental civilization, including Confucianism, instead preferring Western civilization. However, as he witnessed the crisis of modern civilization in the West during the 1930`s, he came to have an interest in Confucianism. Nonetheless, he still maintained a critical attitude toward the Confucianism of Choseon, despite identifying ideological links between modern capitalism and Choseon Confucianism, for instance comparing Jeong Da-san(Jeong Yak-yong) to Adam Smith and defining Silhak(the Korean Realist School of Confucianism) as the School of Economics. Hyeon Sang-yun`s critical attitude was due to his belief that the study of Chu-tzu(neo-Confucianism), the mainstream branch of Choseon Confucianism, had prevented the formation, not to mention the very foundations, of modern ideologies. However, new circumstances, including the establishment of a new government and the conflict between the Left and the Right after Liberation, changed his views on Confucianism. He believed that Confucian ideas of "government by scholars" and "government by virtues" should be implemented to establish a stable modern country against the offense of the Left and the "level of ignorant people." The hierarchy of social orders, the moderate attitude towards truth, and the conservative ethics sought by Confucianism were praised as universal ideologies that embraced the core of Western ideologies. Therefore, confucianism itself was reestablished as the core cultural ideology still significant to this day. In summary, Hyeon Sang-yun, inspite of oscillating between holding positive and negative views of Confucianism, was consistently conscientious about constructing a modern capitalistic society and thereby re-recognized the ideological significance of Confucianism as the logical base for establishing as table, modern capitalistic society.

명재(明齋) 윤증(尹拯)의 악론(樂論) 연구

이장원 ( Lee Jang-won ) 충남대학교 유학연구소 2020 儒學硏究 Vol.51 No.-

명재 윤증(尹拯)은 소론(少論)의 수장으로 출사에 뜻을 두지 않고 후학양성에 헌신한 인물이다. 높은 학식과 덕망으로 존경받았던 선생은 악학(樂學)에 정통하였다. 숙종 조에 장악원의 실무를 담당했던 정3품 장악원정(掌樂院正)의 직책을 제안받았으며, 사후에는 도덕이 널리 알려지고 예악(禮樂)에 밝다 하여 문성(文成)의 시호(諡號)를 받았다. 음악에 관해서는 생애주기에 맞게 일생을 정진해야 한다는 견해를 밝히며 몸소 실천했다. 이러한 윤증의 음악 활동은 『명재유고(明齋遺稿)』에 수록된 작품을 통해 확인할 수 있음에도 현재까지 이에 관해 조명한 연구는 없다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 윤증의 작품에 나타난 음악론(音樂論)을 분석해 보았다. 그 결과 음악에 내재한 정신을 중요시하며 강조한 내용은 두 가지로 축약할 수 있었다. 첫째, 시창(詩唱)이다. 홀로 있을 때는 유봉정사(酉峯亭舍) 옆에 마련한 송단(松壇)에서 시를 노래했다. 교류의 장에서는 『시경(詩經)』을 가창했던 당대의 풍토에서 벗어나 인성을 감화시킬 수 있는 시를 지어 노래하는 것도 좋은 음악이 될 수 있다는 견해를 내비쳤다. 경전을 부르며 격식에 치중하기보다는 사특함을 없애기 위한 마음가짐을 공유할 수 있는 음악 문화를 조성하고자 했다. 둘째, 거문고[玄琴]이다. 자연에서 벗과 연주를 감상하며 풍류를 즐겼을 뿐 아니라 당(堂) 안에는 악기를 비치해 두었다. 윤증이 거문고를 소장한 이유는 욕심과 시름을 금(禁)하기 위한 신독(愼獨)의 방편이었다. 정원에 심어 놓은 벽오동에는 무현금(無絃琴)의 가치를 투영(投影)하여 관조하기도 했다. 이렇듯 음악으로 지향했던 바는 아들인 윤행교(尹行敎)와 주고받은 서(書)에서 뚜렷하게 확인된다. 일을 행함에 있어서 사심(邪心)을 버리고 의(義)로써 재단하기 위해서는 금을 타거나 노래하듯이 경건한 자세가 필요하다고 했다. 따라서 윤증이 생각한 금가(琴歌)의 목적은 심지(心地)를 안정시켜서 중용(中庸)을 유지하기 위함이다. 다른 한편으로 해석해보면 음악의 활용에 따라 천차만별로 달라지는 쓰임을 경계하라는 교훈을 주기도 한다. 망국지음(亡國之音)과 난세지음(亂世之音)이 존재하는 이유는 악곡이 문제가 아니라 방탕한 임금의 행태 때문이다. 윤증은 선비사회에서 음악이 향락에 쓰임을 금기함과 동시에 수기치인(修己治人)을 위해서 행해져야 함을 강조한 것이다. 음악의 효용적 가치가 의(義)를 염두에 둔 수양의 과정에 필요함을 강조하며 개인부터 실천하는 삶의 자세를 견지했다. 음악의 쓰임과 이에 내재한 가치를 바르게 알고 중화(中和)하기 위해 연마한다면 사회 공동체의 조화와 질서를 유지할 수 있는 기반을 갖출 수 있다고 여겼다. 더 나아가 예악에 내재한 효(孝)사상이 발현되도록 후학양성에 집중했다. 예악(禮樂)의 가치를 실천하는 것이 선조의 정신을 계승하는 것이라 여겼던 윤증의 확고한 의중을 확인해 볼 수 있다. Myeongjae Yun Jeung (1629~1714) was the leader of Soron (少論), one of the factions competing for political dominance in Joseon dynasty. He did not seek to take governmental positions, but was dedicated to teaching students. Being respected for his knowledge and virtuous behavior, Yun was also adept in music. One time, he was offered a position of Jangakwonjeong (掌樂院正), which can be translated as the director of the National Music Center, a high governmental position. He was granted the posthumous title of Munseong (文成) by the king for his moral life and mastery in virtuous music (禮樂). On music, he said that man should try to learn music suitable to his or her life cycle. His musical activities can be identified by musical pieces listed in Myeongjaeyugo (明齋遺稿), the book compiling his writings published after he died. However, there has not been any research dealing with them. Accordingly, this research analyzed his view on music in his work. His arguments can be summarized into two categories. The first category is his support for singing poem (詩唱). When he was alone, he would go to Songdan (松壇) in his residence Yubongjeongsa (酉峯亭舍), and sing poem songs. In those days, Confucian scholars and governmental officials liked to sing Sigyeong (詩經), the compilation of poems and songs written by Confucius. Yun argued that it was good for Confucian scholars to write poems and sing those poems to cultivate good personalities. He wanted to promote a musical culture in which people could share an atmosphere to eliminate viciousness instead of focusing on formalities in Confucian scriptures. The second category is Geomungo (玄琴), a stringed instrument. He enjoyed listening to performance of Geomungo with his friends, and put a Geomungo in his room. The reason why he kept the instrument is that he disciplined himself (愼獨) to overcome his greed and anxiety. At the same time, he would project the value of stringless Geomungo (無絃琴) to a Chinese parasol tree, whose stem was used to make Geomungo in his garden. What he tried to pursue through music can be clearly identified with his letters he exchanged with his son Yun Haeng-gyo. In those letters, he wrote that, to work without vicious mind and to keep justice in mind, one should be pious as if playing the Geomungo or singing to it. Therefore, we can understand that his goal he kept in mind when he enjoyed the instrument was to calm his mind and keep the spirit of the Doctrine of the Mean (中庸). In another sense, he wanted to suppress his mind tending to deviate from the center as if the playing of the Geomungo could vary. The reason why there were musical pieces which could foster ruins of the country and chaos of the world was that there was indecent behavior of the king, according to Yun. Therefore, Yun advised Confucian scholars not to use music as means of entertainment, but to use music to discipline the scholars themselves. Emphasizing that the usefulness of music lay in its effect on self-discipline, he tried to live up to the principle. According to Yun, if people recognized the value of music, tried to learn such value, they could realize the harmony and order of the society. Furthermore, he tried hard to teach students to educate them to have filial piety imbedded in virtuous music. We can identify Yun's view that it is the process of realizing the value of virtuous music and displaying the traditional filial piety.

한국 농구의 태두(泰斗)정상윤의 체육활동과 사상

이병규(ByeongGyuLee),유성연(SungYeonYoo) 한국체육학회 2013 한국체육학회지 Vol.52 No.3

이 연구는 한국 체육계의 선구자적 역할을 한 정상윤의 체육활동과 사상을 축으로 하여 한국 체육문화의 형성ㆍ발전과정에 대해 기술하고자 하였다. 이상의 목적으로 연구한 본 연구물의 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 1926년 농구계에 입문한 정상윤은 한국농구 최고 이론가 중 한명으로 불리며 1936년에 펼쳐진 베를린 올림픽에 조선인 농구 선수들이 출전하는데 크게 기여하였다. 광복이후에는 국가대표팀 농구팀 코치로서 활동하였으며 한국인 제1호 국제심판으로서 1948년 런던올림픽과 1952년 헬싱키올림픽 심판으로 참여하였다. 둘째, 광복이후 정상윤은 체육동지회 총무위원을 역임하면서 조선체육회 재창설에 앞장선다. 1945년 11월 26일 조선체육회가 재창설되자 정상윤은 조선체육회 상무이사직을 수행하며 조선체육회 정관과 각종 규약 등을 작성하였다. 남ㆍ북 분단이후에는 한국 올림픽 운동의 산역사라 불리며 1963년 동경올림픽 남북단일팀 구성 제2차 회담 수석대표, 1966년 KOC 총무 등을 역임하면서 한국체육의 도약기를 이끌었다. 셋째, 정상윤에게 있어 체육이란 인간생활의 모든 善을 구성하는 행동윤리이며 그 체육을 하는 인물들은 인간생활에 정열을 불어넣어주는 요소라 할 수 있다. Korean sports luminary Jung Sang-Yun. The points are summarized as follows First, 1936 Tokyo Olympics. After Korea gained independence from Japan, maintaining his career as a coach for a basketball team, he joined 1948 London Olympics and 1952 Helsinki Olympics as the first-ever Korean referee for international basketball games. Second, at the same period of time, he led the reconstruction of Josun-cheukhoe taking up the position of general affairs director. When the reconstruction of Josun-cheukhoe was completed on 26th of November in 1945, he drew up regulations and articles of the association where he was working as an executive director. After Korea was divided into North and South, he was called 'the living history of Korea's Olympic activity' and took a leading role in boosting South Korean sports, taking up positions such as senior member of the conference for organizing unified Korean team for 1963 Tokyo Olympics and general affairs manager of KOC. Third, Jung Sang-Yun depicted sports as an ethical standard that makes up virtue of human life, and sportsmen as both educators and passion providers for human life.

正祖代 前半期의 政局動向과 政治勢力의 變化(Ⅱ) -頤齋亂藁를 중심으로-

김정자 조선시대사학회 2016 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.78 No.-

The “Yun Deuk-bu Incident,” which occurred among the Westerners’ Noron faction in the 7th year of king Jeongjo’s reign, was a political campaign waged against the Noron faction’s own “Shibe(時輩)” party, which collaborated with Seo Myeong-seon who was a member of the Soron faction, (and labelled as the ‘leader of the cause[義理主人].)’ Then one year later, the so-called “Kim Ha-jae purge(金夏材 獄事)” took place, as an incident in which the Noron ‘Shibe’ party (allied with Seo Myeong-seon) blocked a recommendation filed to call for the appointment of Yun (Deuk-bu) to a governmental seat. This recommendation was raised by Kim who was also a Noron faction member and second–in-command of the Ijo office. He filed that recommendation at the wishes of King Jeongjo himself, who wanted to promote an atmosphere of free communication(‘疏通’). These two incidents flared up all kind of conflicts among various factions, the Seo Myeong-seon party which was affiliated with the Soron faction’s Namdang line, the Noron faction’s Shibe party, the Kim Jong-su party of the same Noron Namdang line, the Kim Sang-cheol & Kim Wu-jin group whose members were all Soron faction’s Dongdang affiliates, and also the Southerners. The “Yi Yul, Mun Yang-hae and Hong Bok-yeong” incident, which occurred in February of the king Jeongjo’s 9th year and involved Noron faction’s Namdang affiliates, was actually a treason case, in which Kim Du-gong(金斗恭, nephew of Kim Ha-jae) was implicated and then subjugated with the reports of Kim Jong-su and Gu Seon-bok. And in Spring of the same year, Christian believers[西學敎徒] among Southerners staged the “Eulsa(乙巳)-year Chu Jo(秋曹) Incident,” which was led by Kim and Gu, as well as Kim Hwa-jin from the Soron faction’s Dongdang line. With these two incidents, the Kim Jong-su party, Gu Seon-bok, the Soron faction’s Dongdang line and the Southerners, distinctively emerged. In may of Jeongjo’s 10th year, crown prince Mun’hyo died, and in September, royal concubine Euibin Seong died too. These tragedies were coupled and labelled as the “Byeong’o-year’s Sorrow(‘丙午年 喪變’).” With these tragedies, Seo Myeong-seon, who served in pharmaceutical capacities, and the Shiryu(時流) group, lost some of their power. Later, the sorrow led to another incident in which one of the royal family members, Sang’gye-gun Yi Dam, was secretly discussed as a candidate for the throne. Gu Seon-bok, Kim Sang-cheol and Kim Wu-jin were pointed out as discreet instigators of that discussion. As a result, another round of division and divergence among Noron’s Dongdang line, Soron’s Dongdang line, and the meritorious officials, fiercely ensued. In the 11th year of Jeongjo’s reign, even an incident in which the queen was falsely quoted as being pregnant broke out, and the very next year, Kim Chi-in from the Noron faction, Yi Seong-weon from the Soron faction, and Chae Je-gong from the Southerners, were respectively named to the seats of Prime, Left and Right Ministers. They all agreed to help, assist and serve King Jeongjo(“三相保合”). We call this agreement and the situation as another successful effort of achieving cooperation, harmony and equality(“得意蕩平”). So, we can see that ① Jeongjo declared that he would communicate with people who were out of reach at the time as they had been involved or implicated in a series of clashes and conflicts (over the Issue of the “Cause[義理]”) among Noron & Soron factions and the Southerners group. The Jeonjo/銓曹 office’s authority to appoint governmental personnel created some incidents that occurred in this phase. ② The treason case and the fake pregnancy issue served as a catalyst to change the table around and not to mention the dynamics among factions. ③ Jeongjo actually staged some incidents that would maintain the distances between them, and manipulated them ... 정조 7년 노론 내에서 발생한 ‘尹得孚 事件’은, 義理主人이었던 소론 서명선과 결탁한 노론 時輩를 공격한 일이었다. 정조 8년 ‘金夏材 獄事’는, 疏通을 천명한 정조의 뜻을 따라 이조참판이었던 노론 김하재가 윤득부를 擬望했다가 서명선과 결탁한 노론 시배들에 의해 좌절된 사건이었다. 이 두 사건으로 소론 남당계 서명선 세력과 노론 시배 세력, 위축된 노론 청류이자 남당계 김종수 세력과 소론 동당계 김상철․김우진 세력 및 남인이 대립각을 세우며 노․소․남인 내 여러 세력으로 分裂되고 分岐되었다. 정조 9년 2월 노론 남당계의 ‘이율․문양해․홍복영 사건’은, 김하재의 조카 金斗恭이 연루된 모반 사건으로 김종수, 구선복 등의 告變으로 진압되었다. 같은 해 봄에는 남인 西學敎徒들의 ‘乙巳秋曹事件’이 발생하였고, 김종수, 구선복, 소론 동당계 김화진이 담당하였다. 이 두 사건으로 김종수 세력과 구선복 및 소론 동당계와 남인 세력은 노․소․남인 내 여러 세력들 중에서 분열하여 浮上하였다. 정조 10년에는 5월에 문효세자가, 9월에 의빈 성씨가 사망하는 ‘丙午年의 喪變’이 일어났다. 이 일로 인하여 약방 제조였던 서명선과 時流 세력이 위축되었다. 이후 ‘병오년의 상변’은 ‘常溪君 李湛 推戴事件’으로 확대되었고, 그 배후로 구선복, 김상철, 김우진 등이 지목되었다. 이 때문에 노론 동당계와 소론 동당계, 척신계 내부는 또 다시 분열되고 분기되었다. 정조 11년 중궁전의 가짜 회임사건이 일어났고, 정조 12년 노론 김치인, 소론 이성원, 남인 채제공을 삼정승에 임명하여 정조를 도와서 協力하는 ‘三相保合’과 ‘得意蕩平’이 완성되었다. 위에 언급한 사건들을 종합해 보면 ① 정조는 노론, 소론, 남인 중에 일련의 사건에 연루되어 막혀있던 인물들에 대한 소통을 천명하였는데, 그에 따라 銓曹의 인사권과 관련된 일이 일어난 것이었다. ② 建儲문제로 인한 역모사건과 가짜 회임사건 등이 정치세력과 정국의 변화를 가져오는 계기가 되었다. ③ 정조는 노론, 소론, 남인 내 여러 세력을 ‘以熱治熱’의 방식으로 분열시키고, 자신을 도와 협력하는 정국운용방식으로 大蕩平을 이루어냈다.