일본서기(日本書紀) 임나관계(任那關係) 기사(記事)에 관하여

李根雨 청계사학회 1985 청계사학 Vol.2 No.-

거란문자 해독에 있어 다고르어와 한국어 활용의 필요성

김태경 ( Kim Tae-gyeong ) 청계사학회 2021 청계사학 Vol.23 No.-

Currently, a large part of the Khitan Scripts remains undeciphered. In this study, it is considered that this problem is a result of the fact that most scholars excessively relied on a specific language, that is Mongolian language, in the decipher process and did not sufficiently consider neighboring languages. As an alternative to that problem, this study proposes the necessity of deciphering the Khitan language through Dagur language. In order to prove the validity of this proposal, a basic literature search shows that the proportion of Dagur language, which forms a paronym relationship with the native Khitan language, is numerically close to the level of the Written Mongolian or the Middle Mongolian. In this process, several related cases are provided, and lan-guage materials necessary for the study are also introduced in detail. In addition, a new research methodology is also proposed, which is an approach using epitaph on tombstones written in Chinese characters of the same period as an intermediate medium, considering that the lin-guistic source of Khitan characters is limited to the epigraph materials. In other words, it is a method of sorting Chinese words from epitaph on tombstones which have not yet been deciphered into Khitan lan-guage, linking them to Dagur language, and matching them with un- deciphered the Khitan Scripts again. Furthermore, this study proposes to use ancient Korean language such as Goguryeo language, which corresponds to be ancestral language of the Khitan, in order to decipher the Khitan Scripts as well as Dagur lan-guage, and some language materials necessary for the proposal are also introduced.

고구려(高句麗) 남진과정(南進過程)에 대한 고고학적(考古學的) 연구(硏究) - 평양천도과정(平壤遷都過程)을 중심으로 -

文銀順 ( Moon Eun-soon ) 청계사학회 2006 청계사학 Vol.20 No.-

Scholarly opinion on the main direction of development of Koguryo is divided between northward and southward expansion. It can be said that most research until now has focused on Koguryo’s northward expansion and research concerning southward expansion has been neglected. The process of Koguryo’s southward expansion can be divided into three stages. During the first phase of expansion Koguryo's territory reached the Yalu(Apnok_鴨綠)river. By the end of the second phase, the Taedong river area and by the end of the third phase, Koguryo’s territory expanded to the Han river area. Among the three phases, the move of the capital to Pyongyang, or the phase of expansion to the Taedong river area, has great historical significance concerning Koguryo’s southward expansion. I have examined the international situation during the 4th centuries which became the background of the move of the capital to Pyongyang. The characteristics seen here were the new international situation after the 4th century where China was divided into many contending states. I have examined archaeological relics of the two capital cities of Kuknaesong and Pyongyang, including tomb relics in order to show the changes which took place between the move of the capital from Kuknaesong to Pyongyang. As a result, we have seen that Kuknaesong before the move of the capital to Pyongyang was no longer suited as the capital city because it was too small and overcrowded to serve as the capital city. I have concentrated on the southward expansion of Koguryo, specifically on the move of the capital to Pyongyang, by examining the administration of Pyongyang before becoming the capital city and the background of the move of the capital to Pyongyang. The administration of Pyongyang before the move of the capital began in earnest during the reigns of King Kokukwon and Kwangaeto, which shows that the move of the capital to Pyongyang during the reign of King Jangsu was carefully planned in advance. The external factor of the move of the capital to Pyongyang was the new international situation after the 4th century where China was divided into many contending states. The domestic reason for the move of the capital to Pyongyang was the sudden increase in the area of the capital city, because the number of government officials had increased following the expansion of territory under King Kwangaeto, and a need to bring change in the administration of the ruling apparatus. In response to the external and internal circumstances at the time, the move of the capital to Pyongyang during the 15th year of the reign of King Jangsu(427), was Koguryo's reaction to the above situation.

일제하 경남 지역 조선인 읍회의원에 관한 연구 - 1920~ 1945년의 지정면협ㆍ읍회의원 -

동선희 ( Dong Sun-hee ) 청계사학회 2006 청계사학 Vol.20 No.-

It is not well known that there were some pseudo municipal assemblies in each Do(道, province), Bu(府, big city), Ueb(邑, city), Myeon(面, town) since the 1920s until 1945. Those were created by the Japanese rulers on the purpose of bringing the Korean upper class over to their side by giving them opportunities to discuss the regional administrative matters. Up until now, most historians have considered the Korean representatives of those assemblies to be subordinate partners of the Japanese rule because Koreans had little political rights within those pseudo assemblies. The assertion is partly true. However, the representatives of Ueb'hoe were elected by the limited elections and they had to listen to what the residents wanted. Many of them, like many Korean middle and upper class, were interested in the modernization and they participated in the enlightenment movements in the early 1920s. While the Ueb’hoe system was restricted, they criticized and protested against the Japanese policies, particularly when problems occurred in their region.

‘소잡지(小雜誌)’ 탄생의 제도적 원인 -1910년대(年代) 식민지 통치제도 변화와의 상관성을 중심으로-

金寅鐸 ( Kim In-taek ) 청계사학회 2006 청계사학 Vol.20 No.-

This thesis is for analysing the relativity among The Japanese Government-General of Choson(JGGC)'s policies of educations, religions, print media and the appearance of little magazines in 1910s. The government general had tried to control the korean print media sphere-includes publication, distribution, readers and writers-after the colonization through series of evil laws and censorships. The result of that policy, Korean periodicals had to be simplified only one form: little magazine. Little magazines have been called 'tonginji(同人誌)'in korean and referred to the solid evidence that korean intellectuals started to find their inner world, be internalized, and be awakened aesthetically. So little magazines, specifically a series of 'tonginji' what we'd been called has been praised as a initiation of genuine 'pure literature' in korean history of literature. But there is always a dilemma that most of the writers(as novelists and poets)' who took part in the little magazines as members and did write down as literary as can be seen superficially were strong resistants against all kinds of authorities include independent movement such as 1919 [Samil] Independence Movement of Korea(三一運動).The early years of the JGGC could not take over all realms of korean societies related to religions and educations where still be operating to accommodate the other politic activities for korean intellectuals. But the JGGC decreed revised private school regulation(改正私立學校規則), mission regulation(布敎規則)in 1915 brought the realms of Korean intellectuals to a halt. There is only one option for korean intellectuals to escape from the suppression and to make another space of movement ; and that is little magazine itself. The period of 'little magazine' date from the magazine『Modem Thought(近代思潮)』printed in Tokyo in jan. 1916. Korean intellectuals fried to make their own independently organized spaces that the JGGC could not dominate and control, abandoned their ideas what they had go after such as struggle for life and pursuit of civilization by that time. Instead of following to the realities of their life condition, they deliberated how to show their ideas and thoughts in ways of not censored by JGGC, with using knowledge of literatures and beliefs as a means of breach the suppression. Little magazine was the single institute and a refuge for korean intellectuals to express their ideas and to communicate with other intellectual groups with artistic presentation such as poems, novels and translation of modem western literatures for rebuilding distorted the real world itself.

인조조(仁祖朝) 주전기반(鑄錢基盤)의 형성(形成)과 행전시도(行錢試圖)

정수환 ( Jung Su Hwan ) 청계사학회 2006 청계사학 Vol.20 No.-

The present study examined changes in coinage and coin circulation policies in the early 17th century from King Gwanghaegun(光海君) to King Injo(仁祖). During the reign of King Gwanghaegun, copper and iron, the main materials of coins, were imported in large quantities from Japan. Under King Injo, copper instruments, imported Chinese coins and old coins were used as materials for minting new coins, and as a result, opposition to coinage for the reason of insufficient material subsided. With regard to minting technology and facilities, the base for coinage had been established not only in the central government but also in localities as demonstrated by the case of metal type casting. Domestic and overseas environment for the possibility of coin circulation was examined. In the early period of King Injo, which was the transitional period from Ming(明) to Qing(淸), there was pressure from Ming against the circulation of Chinese coins, but the pressure was ignored and coin circulation was promoted inside the country. As it had been known that coins were circulated in China centering on Jungwon(中原) and were imported to Japan through Japanese envoys to China, the possibility of and necessity for coin circulation increased in Chosun(朝鮮) as well. What is more, the possibility of coin circulation could be estimated based on historical facts related to coinage and coin circulation since the Koryo(高麗) Dynasty, and it based the establishment of coin circulation policies. From the early years of King Injo, coins of unknown name and form were minted in order to test the possibility of coin circulation. In the 11th year of King Injo, the name and nature of coins were defined through the mintage of ‘Chosimtongbo(朝鮮通寶)’ Depending on size Chosuntongbo had a large size coin, and depending on material it was divided into tin and copper coins, so largely four types of coins were circulated. The quantity of coins minted at that time was around 2,000 gwan(貫), and the total quantity of coins circulated including old ones did not reach 10,000 gwan, which was not enough for coin circulation. Following the examination of coin circulation policies under King Gwanghaegun, enforcement rules for coin circulation were prepared and experimental coin circulation was attempted. In the 4th year of King Injo, efforts were made to expand the use of coins by installing stores trading in coin, paying officials’ salaries on coin, and collecting fines in coin, but coins were not accepted widely in the market. Under King Injo, coin circulation policies were executed mainly during the period from the 11th to 14th year of his reign. At that time, land taxes and royal taxes from Gyeongjung(京中) and provinces were collected in coin. In addition, government offices paid coin for part of goods that they purchased from the market. The historiographer recorded that with the circulation of Chosuntongbo coins were accepted in the market, and this meant that coins were used in tax collection. In the process of coin circulation, the J⑴nmunbangnap(錢文防納) system (a financier pays taxes on behalf of a taxpayer and gets repayment from the taxpayer in cash or goods with interest) emerged. With the emergence of Jeonmunbangnap, coin circulation was considered disadvantageous to ordinary people, so the system had a negative influence on coin circulation. Not only in Hanyang(漢陽) but also in provinces, coin circulation was attempted by collecting taxes in coin, but such efforts were effective limitedly among merchants and rich families in Seoul and some areas in Gyeonggi do(幾甸). Reflecting these realities, the historiographer of Silrok(仁祀實錄) recorded that coin circulation was ineffective. During the reign of King Injo, there were efforts to overcome the limit of coin circulation throughout the whole country. In the 22nd year of King Injo, Kim Yook(金堉) suggested the necessity for promoting coin circulation centering on Hwanghae do(黃海道) and Pyeongan do(平安道). He maintained the expansion of coin circulation to the whole country based on success in these areas. Efforts in coin circulation in the early 17th century under King Gwanghaegun and Injo have implications as follows. First, including materials and technologies, the foundation for coinage in the late Chosun Dynasty was established during this period. Second, the quality of coins was defined through the mintage of Chosuntongbo, and rules for coin circulation were established based on historical review. Third, as the government experienced limitations in enforcing coin circulation upon the whole country at once, an alternative policy for coin circulation, which would be executed by area centering on Seoro(西路) was established under King Hyojong (孝宗).

눌재(訥齋) 양성지(梁誠之)의 정치활동에 관한 연구

김장경 ( Kim Jang-kyuong ) 청계사학회 2006 청계사학 Vol.20 No.-

This paper aimed at researching Yang Seong-Ji(梁誠之)'s political actions and his political position in his period. It was said that he was a famous scholar and politician in the early Joseon, My topic lies not in his character as a thinker, but in his character as a politician. Because most of researchers have studied too much about his thoughts. The characteristics of his thought, above all, is to be practical. For example, he advised his king to be strong and wise(剛明). His historical thought put more emphasis on the importance of real wise kings than ideal kings in the three ideal periods in the early China, so called Ha(夏)ㆍYin(殷)ㆍ Ju(周).Thanks to his way of thought, he got to be tightly connected with Se-Jo(世祖). But when Seong-Jong(成宗)got to a crown, he changed his political directions. Because the king was too young to capture the almighty political power. Then he claimed for a prime minister(院 相)’s power. As Seong-Jong got the almighty power, he changed his political opinion like a chameleon, too. As a result, he reacted to the change of political environments. Eventually the change of his thoughts shows us the political atmosphere of the steps of period.

고려의 묘제(墓制)와 석관(石棺)

허흥식 ( Heo Heung-sik ) 청계사학회 2006 청계사학 Vol.20 No.-

The burial system constitutes part of the mourning system, and epitaphs during the Goryeo period often record the burial system of the time. Historical and archeological research on sarcophagi and pit tombs manifests the social status of the buried. The burial system of the king and high ranking officials was recorded in historical records and epitaphs while that of lower officials, local functionaries, and the common people is hardly found in written materials. Stone chamber tombs before the end of the Goryeo dynasty were primarily for lower officials and local functionaries. However, pit tombs for them surpassed stone chamber tombs in numbers at the end of the dynasty. Royal tombs, which were huge in size, included interior mural paintings. However, mural paintings were also found inside of some tombs of the local strong men and officials in the early and mid-Goryeo period. In addition, epitaphs of higher officials indicate that after their death, they were cremated and their remains were preserved in a small sarcophagus. However, discussion on burial of deceased higher officials was active at the end of the Goryeo dynasty and burial eventually became more common than cremation in the early period of the Joseon dynasty (1392-1910). Line paintings were inscribed in small sarcophagi, which were composed of six stone plates, during the Goryeo period. The images of four spirits and peonies were carved in line in the exterior and interior of a small stone coffin in four directions, respectively, probably a tradition since the Goguryeo period (37 B.C.E.-668 C.E.) An astronomical chart and the images of soaring to heaven or lotus inscribed in the ceiling of a stone coffin also suggest that the tradition of the Goguryo period, which prayed for a better rebirth of the dead in the other world, was handed down to the Goryeo dynasty.

조선후기 순조의 거동(擧動)과 행행(幸行)에 대한 연구

이왕무 청계사학회 2003 청계사학 Vol.18 No.-

고봉(高峯) 기대승(奇大升)의 선비상

李美善 ( Lee Mi-seon ) 청계사학회 2004 청계사학 Vol.19 No.-

Ki Dae-seung(1527-1572), as judged by Jang Hyun-gwang(張顯光), was a typical confucian scholar(道學) the Seonbi(선비) who devoted to the Ethics with great compassion and strong will. Despite of his short life, he showed wisdom and insight that shined during his education from his youth, his spirit was brought out in every moment of his life, and his brilliance was everyone’s model in every way of the life. Ki was born as a scholar, lived as a scholar, and died as a scholar in the family of scholars. Ki Dae-seung(奇大升) was an intellectual who carried out civility and morality, and had sense of right and wrong, good and evil. He was a practical scholar who only took something right and the rightful governmental position. In other words, he kept tutoring remonstrating the king as a noble scholar, and resigned the position when the political situation was unfit to express his ambition. These days, traditional Seonbi makes us think many things and recognize many things. Since Seonbi was spiritually, morally pure and his personality was noble, he was regarded to the representation of a true gentle man(君子). Modem people always remember the mind of Seonbi, but they still stick to the honour and the interest, so they forget the value of humanity and rationality. It can be said that Ki’s spirit as the scholar-the Seonbi still teaches us many things and guides us to the virtuous dimension of life without the limit of time. His noble spirit -for example, compassion for the ethics, will of Seonbi that led the public opinion, his morality, faith, and his devotion for the fundamental rules- still has its value as the mental cultural heritage that we shall follow and succeed.