이주인권과 이주법제의 현실

서윤호(Seo, Yun Ho) 건국대학교 인문학연구원 2014 통일인문학 Vol.57 No.-

세계화와 더불어 오늘날 도처에서 국경을 넘는 국제이주가 계속 증가하고 있다. 세계경제의 글로벌화가 본격적으로 진행되면서 바야흐로 국제이주의 증가는 가히 폭발적인 수준에 이르렀고, 새로운 ‘이주의 시대’에 진입했다고 해도 과언이 아닌 상황이 되었다. 점차 증가하고 있는 국제이주의 시대에 ‘인권보장’의 문제가 중요해지는 까닭은 이주자들이 소수자의 지위에 놓여 있어 인권보장이 취약한 집단으로 분류되기 때문이다. 이주자들은 그들이 거주하고 있는 나라의 시민이 아니어서 거주국의 법률적 보호를 받기 어려울뿐더러 이민 수용국 사회의 이방인으로서 낯선 언어, 법률, 사회적 관습에 적응하며 살아가야 한다. 또한 이주자들은 직장을 비롯한 일상생활에서 차별과 부당한 대우를 받기 쉽고, 특히 미등록 이주자의 경우는 훨씬 더 열악한 상황에 처해 있다. 세계화의 시대적 추세에 따라 자본과 노동이 국경 없이 넘나드는 오늘날의 현실에서 이주와 인권의 문제는 우리 사회에서도 중요한 의제로 떠오르고 있다. 이주자에 대한 논의는 이제 더 이상 일시적 현상으로서가 아니라 우리 사회의 구성과 관련해서도 진지한 논의가 필요하다. 이 글은 우리의 이주법제에서 이주인권이 어느 정도 보장되고 실현되고 있는지 살펴보고 있다. 먼저 국제인권규범에서의 이주인권 보장에 대한 고찰로부터 시작하여, 국제인권기구들이 이주인권과 관련하여 우리 정부에 어떠한 권고를 제시했는지 살펴보고 있다. 이어서 국내의 이주법제에 대한 고찰과 평가를 통해 우리 사회에서 이주인권과 관련하여 문제되는 쟁점과 개선방안이 무엇인지 살펴보고, 마지막으로 이주인권과 관련하여 국제인권규범과 국내 이주법제의 고찰에서 제기되는 문제들을 정리하면서 이주법제에서의 이주인권의 실현가능성에 대해 살펴보고 있다. Nowadays, international migration has continuously increased all over world as a result of the globalization. As the world economy has become globalized, the increase of international migration has reached at a peak point and the world has entered into ‘the age of migration’. In this age of international migration, the reason why the protection of human rights has become an important issue is that migrants are the minority of a society and they are a group whose human rights are unsecure. Migrants are not the citizens of a country where they stay so that it is difficult for them to secure the protection of the laws of the country. Also they have to adapt themselves to foreign language, law and social custom. In addition, migrants are vulnerable to discrimination and unfair treatment: especially, unregistered migrants are suffering under far more unfavorable situation. As the globalization has become a trend of the modern world where capital and labor move freely across national borders, the issues of migration and human rights have become important agenda in our society. The discussion on migrants is necessary in relation to the composition of our society; it is not a temporary phenomenon anymore. This article reviews how much the migration human rights are well protected in our legal system of migration. First, the author considers the protection of the migration human rights provided by international immigration laws. Also, the suggestions to our government made by international human rights organizations are considered. Next, the author considers the issues with regard to the migration human rights and the solutions to them through the review and evaluation of the legal system of migration in our society. Finally, while considering the issues arising in international and domestic legal systems of migration in relation to the migration human rights, the author explores on the implementation of the migration human rights in our legal system of migration.

“트랜스내셔널 전환”과 새로운 역사적 이민연구

이용일 ( Yong Il Lee ) 한국서양사학회 2009 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.103

Migration is a historical phenomenon which is older than the settlement. So the history of migration is as old as the history of mankind. However, the migration began to acquire a social attention in the era of the industrialization and the urbanization of Europe. The systematic research on migration began even later, exactly in the 1920s of the 20th century in the United States as the typical immigration country. The chicago school of sociology which focused upon the migrants and the ethnic minorities in the metropole of the United States led this new wave of the research. From the 1920s and recent times, most migration research focused upon the adjustment of migrants to the society of immigration rather than upon the relation of migrants with the homeland. The classical theories of migration analyzed the international migration as a change from one national space to another national space. Since the early 1990s `the transnational turn` triggered a paradigm shift for migration research, many migration researcher recognized that migrants maintain a special relationship and strong networks with peoples in their homelands and the human migration means a circular flow of persons between the countries of origin and destination. Especially some of cultural anthropologists who were concerned primarily with the latin american migrants in the United States were the pioneering group of the transnational migration research. They defined transnationalism as the `process by which transmigrants, through their daily activities, forge and sustain multi-stranded social, economic, and political relations that link together their societies of origin and settlement, and through which they create transnational social fields that cross national borders`. While the new perspective on migration catalyze a boom of transnational migration studies in almost all disciplines, there are critics of transnational migration research: most empirical transnational migration research which focus in particular on a certain ethnic group cannot generalize all diverse forms of migration. In other words, not all immigrants are transmigrants. In addition, the core issue of diasporas is still the adjustment of migrants to a new situation in land of destination. Therefore, the research on migration should always be operated in historical context. This is a reason for the rise of new historical migration research in the future that combines the transnational perspective and the historical context.

МИГРАЦИОННОЦЕССЫ В СОВРЕМЕННОЙ РОССИИ

티호노프 한국외국어대학교(글로벌캠퍼스) 러시아연구소 2008 슬라브연구 Vol.24 No.1

During the last fifteen years migration has become one of the most emphatic issues in Russia alongside with the ones, which have lately been included into four Russian national Projects. The flow of immigration turned out to be so strong that it became almost impossible to put the whole migration process under statistical control. The statistics of Russian immigration is of a “scattered” character and varies from 5 to 12 million people who during that period came to live in the country both legally and illegally. The questions related to the Russian immigration issue and which are usually posed at frequent public and academic discussions within the country may be interpreted as follows: What are the reasons of intensive immigration into post-soviet Russia? What are the factors that stimulate the immigration process? Can Russia juggle both – the powerful immigration flow and the accomplishment of national Projects? Is immigration instigating further inter-ethnic tension and religious confrontation? These as well as many other questions and doubts usually come to the surface when discussing the immigration issues. This paper is dedicated to identifying the approaches which are offered by the social and political sciences in understanding the migration process with all its advantages and drawbacks. Demography, for example, looks upon migration as a necessary element for sustaining the population dynamics; demographers consider this process as a very positive solution for the countries (including Russia) which have lately been experiencing some dangerous mismatch between birth and death rates. Due to that kind of disparity the annual reduction of population in Russia has reached 0.65 percent, and the natural loss amounted to 10 million people. With all these facts taken into account, demographers would ascertain that migration is a real blessing for some nations as well as inevitable process in the globalizing world. And this process, furnished with well-developed integration programs, is able to successfully solve a whole number of demographic problems in Russia. Economists, on the one hand, regard migration as a positive influence on the Russian work-force balance and thus a necessary means to developing country’s economy. But they, on the other hand, clearly understand some negative consequences of it: migration factor brings about changes in the interethnic balance, increases competition at the local labor and other markets, land ownership, creates financial burden for the local authorities as well as potential target group for organized crime. Jurisprudence is not only dealing with the negative sides of migration but also working out the necessary preventive measures to reduce the scope of law infringement. During the last several years Moscow signed a number of agreements on migration, the most important of which are with the European Union and Ukraine. Cultural analysis of migration makes it clear that the process is usually followed by interethnic tensions and collisions. Hidden cultural differences often make cooperation difficult. In many other cases immigrants are not at all prone to integrate into the mainstream of a foreign culture. Political paradigms or approaches offer their own perception of migration. Russian political realists consider the outside world as the grounds for continuous fight as well as part of global competition and perceive migration (directed both into and out of the country) as a serious danger to national security. The liberal paradigm does not share the concerns of realists about the dangers of migration flows. The liberals claim that Russia, as part of the globalized world, should not oppose or limit the migration process because this kind of resistance may bring about the isolation of the country and hamper its further development. The next political paradigm – globalism – is close to liberal understanding of migration, but the supporters of this approach go even further in ... 소연방이 해체되고 러시아연방이 출범한 이후부터 오늘날에 이르기까지 이주문제는 러시아의 중요한 사회적 현상이자, 해결해야만 하는 시급한 이슈로 등장하였다. 통계상으로 전체 이주자의 수는 적게는 약 오백만명에서 많게는 천이백만명 가량으로 추정되고 있다. 이 숫자에는 합법적 이주자, 불법 이주자들이 포함되어 있으나, 공식적인 통계가 불가능하기 때문에 수치는 무의미하다고 볼 수 있다. 그래서 러시아의 주요 사회문제로 대두된 이주문제를 분석하기 위해 이주의 원인은 무엇인가, 이주과정의 대내외적 동인은 무엇인가, 사회현상으로서 이주문제의 해결책은 무엇인가 등등을 밝히는 것이 본 논문의 목적이다.

Migration Processes in Central Asia - Key Trends and Challenges. A Glance from Kazakhstan

( Leila F. Delovarova ) 건국대학교 이주사회통합연구소 2022 Journal of Migration and Social Integration (JMSI) Vol.7 No.1

Migration processes in Central Asia have been part of the global process of transformation of modern international relations and contribution to the development. Migration and mobility in the region have undergone significant changes during last three decades. Reflecting almost all of the global migration trends this space have their own characteristics and features. Considering the general trends in the region, it should be noted that all types of migration are active - seasonal labor migration, forced migration, frontier migrations and transit migrations, repatriation. The main trends in Central Asia are labor migration, the steady growth of irregular migration, educational migration, feminization and family migration. The key focus of this article is the international immigration situation in Kazakhstan in the field of low-skilled and unskilled labor migration with some overview the whole migration profile including some aspects of immigration policy and international cooperation. One of the key trends is labor migration - low-skilled or unskilled labor migration which is mostly directed to Russia and Kazakhstan. Kazakhstan has a diversified migration profile and it is an active participant in regional and extra-regional migration processes. Kazakhstan is mostly perceives itself as a host state. The fundamentals of migration policy are focused on attracting compatriots “kandas”, on attracting highly skilled labor and on balancing internal migration. Along with the official involvement of foreign labor, the situation on the labor market has evolved in such a way that there has been and continues to be a need for foreign labor at various levels. The main challenges of labor migration processes lie in the situation and status of migrants, ensuring their rights, integration into the local community and decent working conditions. The pandemic, which has swept all over the world, has most affected vulnerable groups of the population, including migrants with an unprotected legal status. To review and analyze these aspects, it seems important to look at such aspects as the cooperation of all involved countries, the analysis of national, international legislation and international interaction, including the role of the non-governmental sector and the migrant networks themselves.

지역 간 시계열 인구이동의 정량적 특징 분석 및 인구이동 네트워크의 연결중심성 분석

이상현,오윤경,Lee, Sang-Hyun,Oh, Yun-Gyeong 한국농공학회 2017 한국농공학회논문집 Vol.59 No.5

In this study, we visualized the regional migration in Korea from 2001 to 2015 using the Chord diagram which can represents amount of migration and flows at the same time. In addition, we constructed a migration network and analyzed the degree centrality of each region for identifying the main regions linking to various regions. In 2001~2005, most of population moved into Geonggi from various regions. However, the capital function was transferred to Sejong in 2011~2015, and population moving into Sejong and Chungnam was increased significantly. The main outflow of population in migration network were shown at the regions in Jeonbuk and Gyeongbuk province in 2001~2004, and recently the regions in Gyeongnam, Gyeonggi, and Seoul were identified as the main nodes in terms of outflow of population. We also focused on migration in rural area through degree centrality, and cord diagram in Chungnam, Jeonbuk, and Jeonnam where include the representative crop area. In 2015. there was the significant increase of migration from Gyeonggi to Chungnam, and internal migration within Jeonbuk increased rather than cross-border migration. In addition, migration from Jeonam to capital area decreased in 2015 but migration among cities within Jeonman increased. In particular, Yesan-gun showed the significant migration to other cities in Jeonnam. Population is necessary to develop community and sustain economic growth in rural regions. Therefore, migration is important for the transfer of manpower. The strength of this study is to approach the temporal change of migration from the viewpoint on quantitative and structural characteristics.

이주와 디아스포라― 중국영화에 재현된 뉴욕의 중국인

임춘성 한국중국현대문학학회 2008 中國現代文學 Vol.0 No.44

This paper focuses on the representation in Chinese films of the Chinese immigrants in New York as a part of the Chinese ‘global migration.’ The global-scale migration of Chinese has first concentrated in Southeast Asia during the pre-modern era and then in North America in the modern and contemporary periods. Whereas immigrants to Southeast Asia departed directly from their hometown, the immigrants to North America arrived in New York via San Francisco, passing through cities of ‘regional migration’ such as Shanghai and Hong Kong. Sometimes, they also passed through Taipei. Thus, we can draw an itinerary line of modern Chinese global migration from their hometown, via Shanghai, Hong Kong and Taipei, and finally to New York. This itinerary falls into two stages: the journey from their hometown to Taipei falls into the regional migration stage and the one from China to North America belongs to the global migration stage. In retrospect, most Chinese immigrants to New York have in fact departed from Shanghai and Hong Kong. Indeed, Shanghai and Hong Kong, once well-known cities for domestic immigrants, functioned as gateways for international migration. This means that the Chinese who migrated to New York had two migration experiences: first from their hometown to Shanghai or Hong Kong and then the second to New York. As a representative city of global migration, New York has been a destination for European immigrants from England, Ireland, Germany, France and Italy, followed by African-Americans, Hispanics, and Asians. Although all of them flocked into New York in search of the ‘American Dream,’ settling down in New York was a story of continuous hardship. Especially, the hostility and conflict among different immigrant communities in their attempts to overthrow the existing ‘hierarchial structure of power’ were interspersed with feud and violence. Diaspora is related to the nostalgic behavior of those who do not forget their hometown and preserve their native customs (or practices considered to be customs), notwithstanding their physical existence away from home. Though it has generally been regarded that the diaspora began with the migration of Jews, there has long been a global migration of Chinese and Indians, followed by contemporary global migration of Koreans. Wang Gungwu points out that the ‘Chinese nationalist identity’ that was formed among overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia after 1911 developed as the ‘local national identity’ after 1950. However, ‘Chineseness’ is still problematic. This is because Chinese immigrants did not think of themselves as deserting their homeland, but believed that they would someday return home in glory. Even though they acquired a new citizenship, they still thought that they were only staying there temporarily, rather than settling down permanently. Here we need to take a look at Stuart Hall’s notion of ‘migrant-hood.’ According to him, each and every immigrant faces two questions: “Why are you here?” and “When are you going back?” The immigrant cannot realize the fact that he or she is not going back until being asked the second question. Migration is a one-way trip. We should pay attention to the dual consciousness: still dreaming for coming back in glory while knowing that he or she is not going back. The Chinese immigrants in New York, as a representative type of modern Chinese migration, embody this dual consciousness. As for the first generation, they have the experience of moving first to Shanghai or Hong Kong from their hometowns (‘regional migration’) and then again ultimately to New York (‘global migration’). Because of this dual experience, they possess a different diasporic identity from the one shared by overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia. Since they immigrated directly from their hometowns, the overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia have maintained a strong group identity based on dialect. However, Chinese immigrants in New ... This paper focuses on the representation in Chinese films of the Chinese immigrants in New York as a part of the Chinese ‘global migration.’ The global-scale migration of Chinese has first concentrated in Southeast Asia during the pre-modern era and then in North America in the modern and contemporary periods. Whereas immigrants to Southeast Asia departed directly from their hometown, the immigrants to North America arrived in New York via San Francisco, passing through cities of ‘regional migration’ such as Shanghai and Hong Kong. Sometimes, they also passed through Taipei. Thus, we can draw an itinerary line of modern Chinese global migration from their hometown, via Shanghai, Hong Kong and Taipei, and finally to New York. This itinerary falls into two stages: the journey from their hometown to Taipei falls into the regional migration stage and the one from China to North America belongs to the global migration stage. In retrospect, most Chinese immigrants to New York have in fact departed from Shanghai and Hong Kong. Indeed, Shanghai and Hong Kong, once well-known cities for domestic immigrants, functioned as gateways for international migration. This means that the Chinese who migrated to New York had two migration experiences: first from their hometown to Shanghai or Hong Kong and then the second to New York. As a representative city of global migration, New York has been a destination for European immigrants from England, Ireland, Germany, France and Italy, followed by African-Americans, Hispanics, and Asians. Although all of them flocked into New York in search of the ‘American Dream,’ settling down in New York was a story of continuous hardship. Especially, the hostility and conflict among different immigrant communities in their attempts to overthrow the existing ‘hierarchial structure of power’ were interspersed with feud and violence. Diaspora is related to the nostalgic behavior of those who do not forget their hometown and preserve their native customs (or practices considered to be customs), notwithstanding their physical existence away from home. Though it has generally been regarded that the diaspora began with the migration of Jews, there has long been a global migration of Chinese and Indians, followed by contemporary global migration of Koreans. Wang Gungwu points out that the ‘Chinese nationalist identity’ that was formed among overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia after 1911 developed as the ‘local national identity’ after 1950. However, ‘Chineseness’ is still problematic. This is because Chinese immigrants did not think of themselves as deserting their homeland, but believed that they would someday return home in glory. Even though they acquired a new citizenship, they still thought that they were only staying there temporarily, rather than settling down permanently. Here we need to take a look at Stuart Hall’s notion of ‘migrant-hood.’ According to him, each and every immigrant faces two questions: “Why are you here?” and “When are you going back?” The immigrant cannot realize the fact that he or she is not going back until being asked the second question. Migration is a one-way trip. We should pay attention to the dual consciousness: still dreaming for coming back in glory while knowing that he or she is not going back. The Chinese immigrants in New York, as a representative type of modern Chinese migration, embody this dual consciousness. As for the first generation, they have the experience of moving first to Shanghai or Hong Kong from their hometowns (‘regional migration’) and then again ultimately to New York (‘global migration’). Because of this dual experience, they possess a different diasporic identity from the one shared by overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia. Since they immigrated directly from their hometowns, the overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia have maintained a strong group identity based on dialect. However, Chinese immigrants in New Yo...

몰도바 이주문제: 현황과 시사점

김성진 한양대학교 아태지역연구센터 2015 중소연구 Vol.39 No.2

The purpose of this study is to examine the current trends of international migration in Moldova and to explore policy implications for a managed migration. The volume of international migration has soared in accordance with the growing demands for cheaper labor, the collapse of the Soviet Union and the expansion of EU, and massive scale of refugees. There has established a discourse on its socio-economic efficiency and the legitimacy of migration against the firm control of national borders. Moldovan case, in particular, takes our attention to the management of migration as its volume accounts 21 per cent of the whole population and remittance reached almost 24% of GDP in 2013. Contemporary migration in Moldova clearly showed that migration policies of sending and receiving countries, together with economic difficulties and unemployment, historic, cultural, and institutional vicinity, have a strong impact on the flows and the volume of the migration. In particular, Moldovan experiences in migration raised the question on the ‘myth’ of remittance and its impact on economic development. The Moldovan case also suggests a couple of additional findings: flowering institutional barriers did not necessarily reduce the number of irregular migration, and efforts to meet the need of migrants’ families left behind should be made to reduce the social cost of migration. Finally this study suggests that there are growing demands for an international regime of migration to strengthen the macroeocnomic impact of remittances and to wage efficient fights against trafficking in persons. 이 글의 목적은 몰도바 이주문제를 분석하고 이를 통해 이주관리를 위한 시사점을 도출하는데 있다. 국제이주는 세계화와에 따른 경쟁과 저임금에 대한 수요 증가, EU 확대, 대규모 난민의 발생 등으로 급증하고 있다. 이주문제는 경제적 효과와 사회적 비용, 그리고 국경통제와 인권 사이에 많은 담론을 야기하고 있으며, 유럽에서와 같이 주요 정치적 쟁점으로 부상하고 있다. 특히 몰도바 사례는 CIS지역은 물론 유럽국가들로 이주가 확대되어 인구대비 이주자 비율이 21%에 달하고 GDP 대비송금 비율이 24%를 차지해 이주관리가 주요 과제로 부각되고 있다. 몰도바 이주는 경제난과 실업, 그리고 역사, 문화, 제도적 인접성과 함께 관련 국가들의 이주정책이 이주 방향과 규모에 큰 영향을 주고 있음을 보여주고 있다. 특히 몰도바 이주는 송금과 개발효과의 신화에 대한 깊은 논의가 필요함을 보여주고 있으며, 제도적 편의성이 불법이주를 반드시 감소시키는 것은 아니라는 점과 뒤에 남겨진 이주자 가정에 대한 대책이 필요함을 보여주고 있다. 특히 몰도바 사례는 송금의 개발효과나 인신매매 등 이주를 둘러싼 부정적 효과를 통제하기 위해서는 관련국정부와 국제기구, 그리고 NGO 등이 참여하는 국제협력과 이주레짐의 중요성이 증대하고 있음을 보여주고 있다.

국제이주와 개발의 연계성 담론에 대한 재고찰

신지원 서울대학교 국제학연구소 2013 국제지역연구 Vol.22 No.4

‘The migration and development nexus’ is anything but a new issue. Since the 1960s, the interrelationship between migration and development has been the subject of continuous debate among migration researchers and international organizations. This long-standing topic has experienced another climax in the 2000s as the issue of migration and development surged to the top of the international development agenda and gained the attention of both policy makers and academics. Shifting from pessimist ‘brain drain’ and ‘migration-underdevelopment’ views during the 1970s and 1980s, the contemporary discourse on the migration- development nexus is largely driven by neo-optimistic views celebrating the positive developmental impact of international migration such as ‘brain gain/ circulation’, ‘economic and social remittances’, ‘migrants as key agents of national development,’ and ‘the transnational role of migrant diasporas.’ In other words, migration and remittances are yet again regarded as the new “development mantra.”This study aims to critically examine the discourse on the migration-development nexus by exploring the following three questions. First, in what ways has the discourse on migration and development shifted over time? It discusses to what extent the resurg discourse on the migration-development nexus entails new insights, moving away from the old debate on migration and development. Second, to what extent could circular migration, which is promoted under the banner of co-development, be the triple-win solution for both origin and destination countries as well as for the migrants themselves? In particular, it examines whether this exceedingly optimistic view on migration and development reflects the context of temporary labour migration which is the prevailing migration flow in Asia. Last but not least, what are the alternative approaches to the migration-development nexus that could break away the hitherto dichotomous debate swinging back and forth between pessimism and optimism? The study suggests three alternative approaches as follows: a human and social development approach, a contextual approach, and a transnational approach. '이주-개발의 연계성(the migration-development nexus)’은 전혀 새로운 논의가 아니다. 1960년대부터 국제이주가 개발에 미치는 긍정적․부정적 효과와 개발/저개발이 이주의 배출요인(push-factor)으로 어떻게 작용하는가에 대한 논의는 이주분야 연구자 및 관련 국제기구를 중심으로 이어져왔다. 2000년대 들어서면서 이러한 이주와 개발의 상호 연관성을 둘러싼 오래 묵은 논의가 정책입안자와 국제기구를 통해 다시 주목받기 시작하며 새로운 정점을 맞고 있다. 이주-개발의 연계성 논의는 1970년대부터 1990년대까지 이어져왔던 ‘두뇌 유출’, ‘저개발’에 초점을 둔 이주의 부정적 효과를 강조한 기존의 비관론적 관점에서 2000년대 들어서면서 ‘두뇌 유입/순환’, ‘경제적․사회적 송금’, ‘국가 개발의 주요 행위자로서의 이주자’, ‘디아스포라의 초국적 역할’ 같은 긍정적인 효과가 강조되면서 관점의 전환기를 맞이한다. 즉 ‘이주’와 ‘송금’이 ‘개발의 주문(the development mantra)’처럼 다시 여겨지고 있다. 이 연구는 충분한 경험적 사례가 뒷받침되지 못함에도 불구하고 오늘날 국제이주와 개발에 대한 담론을 지배하고 있는 신자유주의적 낙관론에 대해 문제를 제기하며 기존 이주와 개발에 대한 논의를 지역적 맥락에서 다시 풀어가고자 한다. 이 글은 다음 세 가지 질문에 대한 답을 탐색한다. 첫째, 이주와 개발에 대한 담론이 어떠한 내용으로 이어져 왔으며, 최근 재조명을 받고 있는 ‘이주-개발의 연계성’이 과연 기존의 논의에서 벗어나 새로운 시각을 제시하고 있는지 살펴본다. 둘째, 이주와 공동발전이란 기치 하에 수용국-송출국-이주당자사 모두에게 유리한 ‘삼중이득(triple win)’ 해결책으로 제시되고 있는 순환이주와 개발의 연계성 논의를 조명한다. 특히 한국을 비롯한 아시아 지역 내 이주의 흐름을 특징짓는 단기순환적 노동이주가 이와 같은 지극히 낙관적인 이주와 개발의 논의에 부합될 수 있는가를 논의한다. 마지막으로 이주와 개발의 상호연관성에 관하여 비관론과 낙관론으로 대치되는 기존의 이분법적 논의에서 벗어나기 위한 대안적 접근방식으로 인간개발 및 사회개발적 접근, 지역적․맥락적 접근 그리고 초국가적 접근을 제시한다.

이주대책의 개념과 특별공급의 적용법조

김종보(Kim Jong-Bo) 행정법이론실무학회 2010 행정법연구 Vol.- No.28

The migration measure means needs for migration and measures that are caused by public work in general. This is pretty same with livelihood compensation and includes stipend for residential move, compensation for tenants etc. On the contrary to this, the migration measure in a narrow sense signifies making migration settlement and providing houses and housing sites. Owing to different concepts on the migration measure, a range of applications and laws applied are not clear. The migration measure in act on the acquisition of land, etc. for public works and the compensation therefor is creation of migration settlements and collective migrations. The developers can award resettlement stipend instead of creation of migration settlements, if there are statutory reasons. The special provision is a mean of livelihood compensation in a development project that builds houses and housing sites. It substitutes for migration measures. Clauses for migration measures are not applied for special provisions, because it's a matter of choosing either migration measures and special provisions. Historically, the clause for expense of facilities stipulates expenses of migration measures in detail. So it is not applied for special provisions. An added clause recently in act on the acquisition of land, etc. for public works and the compensation therefor is open to dispute concerning the scope of delegation, a range of applications etc. Furthermore, this added clause is not applied for cases that are developed before the revised law would go in effect.

Labour Migration to Taiwan: A View from Gender Perspective

( Nguyen Thi Hong Xoan ) 부경대학교 글로벌지역학연구소 2018 Journal of Global and Area Studies(JGA) Vol.2 No.1

The last four decades have seen a massive increase in the scale and complexity of international migration in Asia. Among the most striking features is the fact that in many important flows, women outnumber men. Research into international migration has focussed strongly on the fact associated with marriage migration, one of the most significant flows in international migration in Asia. Usually this results in women moving from a less developed country to a more developed country within the Asian region. While labour migration in this region is the less important flow, the issue has received somewhat less attention from researchers. The increase in labour migration in Asia has raised a number of important issues. In particular, some evidence of exploitation of the women involved has been concern of. In addition, it has considerable consequences for both origin and destination areas. Similarly, the migration has been developing networks between origin and destination along which flow remittances, information and other forms of migration. The present paper focuses on one of the important streams of labour migration in Asia - that of people moving to work in from Vietnam to Taiwan. The perspective adopted is largely from the origin and draws on secondary data of this in Vietnam. The paper begins by outlining the main levels of, and trends, in labour migration to Taiwan and explores some of the structural factors shaping this phenomenon. It then draws upon secondary data to examine the process of migration and some of the impacts of the movement on the Vietnamese female migrants at the destination. It concludes by examining some of the policy implications of the findings.