광주여자고등보통학교 학생들의 광주학생독립운동 참여

윤선자 호남사학회 2023 역사학연구 Vol.89 No.-

Gwangju Girls’ High School was established in April 1927 with the aspirations of Jeonnam people. And, together with Gwangju High School, Gwangju Agricultural School, and Gwangju Normal School, they actively participated in the Gwangju Student Independence Movement. Gwangju Girls’ High School moved to a new school after living in Gwangju Girls' High School for one year. However, most of the teachers were still Japanese, and the attitude of ignoring Koreans was still the same. In November 1928, Gwangju Girls’ High School student Jang Mae-seong restricted Gwangju Girls' High School students from forming a meeting, and 6 students agreed. Jang Mae-seong’s proposal to form a meeting was influenced by Jang Jae-seong’s younger brother, who organized Seongjinhoe, and was caused by the formation of a research group by Korean secondary school students in the Gwangju area, the closing of the alliance, and the movement toward development into a specific organization. And the most decisive cause was the poor education of Japanese imperialism that high school girls were experiencing at the time. In July 1928, the students submitted a 「Complaint」 demanding the gangbanging of Japanese teachers who ignored them, and attempted a fierce retreat. It showed that students needed a united force to resist Japanese colonial education, and it led to the formation of “Girls’ Association”. The Girls’ Association of Gwangju Girls’ High School, which was formed in early November 1928, became known to the Japanese after Jang Mae-seong was arrested on November 30, 1929. And on January 15, 1930, it ended with the arrest of the girl members. The Girls’ association lasted for about a year and two months, expanded its gathering to Gwangju Girls’ High School, studied social science, and actively participated in the Gwangju Student Independence Movement that began in November 1929. Although they did not participate in the Girls’ association, many students at Gwangju Girls’ High School knew about the Girls’ association, and after the arrest of the Girls’ association by the Japanese, most of the students found out about it, they actively sympathized with the Girls’ association and wanted to be with them. It is clear evidence that Lee Kwang-chun, who was not considered a member of the Girls’ Association by the Japanese authorities, actively recommended the Blank Examination Paper Alliance as a student protest, and all students at Gwangju Girls’ High School agreed to Lee Kwang-Chun’s invitation to participate in the Blank Examination Paper Alliance. Gwangju Girls’ High School students, including members of the Girls’ Association, treated Korean male students who were injured in a clash between Korean and Japanese students. And when they couldn’t go outside the school, they sang independence songs and protested in the school. In addition, everyone actively participated in the Gwangju Student Independence Movement, such as forming a Blank Examination Paper Alliance to be with the arrested Gwangju Girls’ High School students. As a result, many students were suspended or expelled. 1927년 4월 전남인들의 열망으로 설립된 광주여자고등보통학교는 광주고등보통학교, 광주농업학교, 광주사범학교와 함께 광주학생독립운동에 적극 참여하였다. 광주여자고등보통학교는 광주고등여학교에서의 1년 더부살이 후 신축 교사로 이전하였다. 그러나 교사들 대부분은 여전히 일본인이었고, 한국인을 무시하는 태도도 여전하였다. 1928년 11월 광주여고보생 장매성이 광주여고보생들에게 모임 결성을 제한하였고, 6명이 찬성하였다. 장매성이 모임 결성은 제안한 것은 성진회를 조직하였던 장재성의 동생으로 그의 영향을 받았고, 광주지역 한국인 중등학교 학생들의 연구모임 결성과 동맹휴교, 구체적인 조직체로의 발전을 향한 움직임에 원인이 있었다. 그리고 가장 결정적인 원인은 당시 여고보생들이 겪고 있던 일제의 부실한 교육이었다. 1928년 7월 학생들을 무시하는 일본인 교사들의 갱질을 요구한 광주여고보생들의 「진정서」제출과 맹휴 시도는 일제의 식민교육에 저항하려면 학생들의 단결된 힘이 필요하다는 것을 보여주었고, 그것이 모임 결성으로 연결되었다. 1928년 11월 초에 결성된 광주여고보의 소녀회는 1929년 11월 30일 장매성이 체포된 후 일제에게 그 존재가 알려졌고, 1930년 1월 15일 소녀회원들이 체포됨으로써 막을 내렸다. 소녀회는 약 1년 2개월 동안 존속하며, 광주여고보에 모임을 확대하고 사회과학을 공부하였으며 1929년 11월부터 전개된 광주학생독립운동에 적극 참여하였다. 소녀회에 참여하지 않았지만 광주여고보의 많은 학생들이 소녀회를 알았고, 소녀회가 일제에게 체포된 후에는 대부분의 학생들이 알게 되었으며, 소녀회원들을 적극 동정하고 함께 하고자 하였다. 일제가 소녀회원으로 파악하지 않은 이광춘이 백지동맹을 적극 권유하였고, 여고보의 모든 학생들이 이광춘의 백지동맹 참여 권유에 동의하였음이 명백한 증거이다. 소녀회원들을 포함하여 광주여고보생들은, 한․일 학생 충돌로 인해 부상당한 한국인 남학생들을 치료하고, 학교 밖으로 나갈 수 없게 되자 교내에서 독립가를 부르며 시위하였다. 또한 검거된 여고보생들과 함께 하고자 백지동맹을 결행하는 등 광주학생독립운동에 모두가 적극 참여하였다. 그리고 그로 인해 많은 학생들이 정학, 퇴학 처분을 당하였다.

일제 강점기 조선인 여학교와 재조선 일본인 여학교의 특성 비교 연구 – 동덕⋅수원고녀 학적부를 중심으로 –

김명숙 한국사상문화학회 2015 韓國思想과 文化 Vol.76 No.-

In this study, school records of Dongduk and Suwon Girls’ High Schools during the 1940s were analyzed to compare characteristics between Korean girls’ high schools during the Third and Fourth Chosen Educational Ordinance and Japanese girls’ high school in Korea. Dongduk Girls’ High School was a private school founded in Gyeongseong(Seoul) by Chungang Cho Dongshik and Korean benefactors who shared his view of nationalistic women’s education, and had a strong nationalistic tendency. On the other hand, Suwon Girls’ High School was founded as a public school by the Suwon Japanese School Association for secondary education of Japanese female students. While Dongduk Girls’ High School kept the records mainly in Korean and Chinese characters Suwon Girls’ High School recorded in Japanese and Chinese characters. For the names of students and parents, also, the former first put the Korean name, which was crossed out in two lines, to write the Japanese name on top of it. There were 14(8.5%) students out of 165 who did not convert their names into a Japanese one. However, in Suwon Girls’ High School, except 1 student, all students’ names were recorded in the Japanese version. In both Dongduk and Suwon Girls’ High Schools, only a quarter of the parents were involved in agriculture whereas 82.1% of the entire Korean population during the 1930s and 1940s were working in agriculture. However, about one third of parents at Dongduk Girls’ High School and half of parents at Suwon Girls’ High School were public servants or liberal professionals who were highly active in and open to women’s education as a newly emerging bourgeoisie class. In the Third Chosen Educational Ordinance, ‘conduct’, which is likely to reflect the subjective opinion of the teacher, was included in the grade. Demeanor evaluation was based on observation of the teacher in charge on overall daily life of students inside and outside the school, and reveals the perspective and position of the recorder. Suwon Girls’ High School, where both Korean and Japanese students were educated, showed ethnic discrimination in education. 본고는 동덕고녀와 수원고녀의 1945년 졸업생 학적부를 분석하여, 제 3⋅4차 조선교육령기 조선인 사립고녀와 일선공학으로 운영된 재조선 일본인 공립고녀의 특성을 비교사적 관점에서 검토한 것이다. 동덕고녀는 춘강 조동식 선생과 그의 민족주의적 여성교육 이념에 공감한 조선인 독지가들의 재정적 후원으로 설립된 경성 소재의 사립학교로 민족주의 교풍이 강한 학교였다. 수원고녀는 재수원 일본인 학교조합에서 일본인 여학생의 중등교육을 목적으로 설립한 공립학교로 일선공학으로 운영된 일본인 학교였다. 동덕⋅수원고녀의 학적부 기록 언어는 전자가 주로 한글과 한문으로 기록된 반면 후자는 일어와 한문으로 기록되었다. 보호자의 직업은 농업종사자가 동덕고녀 27.3%, 수원고녀 18.8%인 반면, 근대여성교육에 매우 적극적이고 개방적이었던 공무⋅자유업 종사자는 동덕고녀 33.4%, 수원고녀 52.1%였다. 성적평가의 특징은 제 3차 조선교육령에 의해 교사의 자의성과 주관적 판단의 여지가 있는 ‘조행(操行)’과 체위(體位) 점수를 성적에 반영한 것이다. 체위향상을 위해 동덕고녀는 전교생에게 생활체육의 일환으로 근대스포츠를 장려하여 체위를 향상시키고자 했다면, 수원고녀는 군사훈련에 버금가는 강도 높은 체력훈련을 통해 체위를 향상시키고 신체 강건한 황국여성으로 육성하고자 하였다. 성행평가는 관찰자인 담임교사의 주관적인 관점이 가장 잘 드러나는 기록으로, 동덕고녀의 경우 성질과 행위가 성적에 비례하지 않고, 대부분의 학생들을 긍정적으로 평가하였다. 수원고녀는 기질⋅거동평가에서 ‘온순⋅명랑⋅쾌활’한 성품을 긍정적으로 평가한 반면 ‘활발하지 않고, 둔중하며, 멋대로’인 성품을 부정적으로 평가하였다. 지조 평가에서는 한국학생에 비해 일본학생을 긍정적으로 평가하는 경향이 있고, 한국학생을 부정적으로 평가한 것 중에 ‘겉과 속이 다름, 우유부단, 소극적, 견실하지 못함’ 등이 많았다.

한국사상 사학(韓國思想 史學) : 일제 강점기 조선인 여학교와 재조선 일본인 여학교의 특성 비교 연구 -동덕,수원고녀 학적부를 중심으로-

김명숙 ( Myoung Sook Kim ) 한국사상문화학회 2015 韓國思想과 文化 Vol.76 No.-

본고는 동덕고녀와 수원고녀의 1945년 졸업생 학적부를 분석하여, 제 3·4차 조선교육령기 조선인 사립고녀와 일선공학으로 운영된 재조선 일본인 공립고녀의 특성을 비교사적 관점에서 검토한 것이다. 동덕고녀는 춘강 조동식 선생과 그의 민족주의적 여성교육 이념에 공감한 조선인 독지가들의 재정적 후원으로 설립된 경성 소재의 사립학교로 민족주의 교풍이 강한 학교였다. 수원고녀는 재수원 일본인 학교조합에서 일본인 여학생의 중등교육을 목적으로 설립한 공립학교로 일선공학으로 운영된 일본인 학교였다. 동덕·수원고녀의 학적부 기록 언어는 전자가 주로 한글과 한문으로 기록된 반면 후자는 일어와 한문으로 기록되었다. 보호자의 직업은 농업종사자가 동덕고녀 27.3%, 수원고녀 18.8%인 반면, 근대여성교육에 매우 적극적이고 개방적이었던 공무·자유업 종사자는 동덕고녀 33.4%, 수원고녀 52.1%였다. 성적평가의 특징은 제 3차 조선교육령에 의해 교사의 자의성과 주관적 판단의 여지가 있는 ‘조행(操行)’과 체위(體位) 점수를 성적에 반영한 것이다. 체위향상을 위해 동덕고녀는 전교생에게 생활체육의 일환으로 근대스포츠를 장려하여 체위를 향상시키고자 했다면, 수원고녀는 군사훈련에 버금가는 강도 높은 체력훈련을 통해 체위를 향상시키고 신체 강건한 황국여성으로 육성하고자 하였다. 성행평가는 관찰자인 담임교사의 주관적인 관점이 가장 잘 드러나는 기록으로, 동덕고녀의 경우 성질과 행위가 성적에 비례하지 않고, 대부분의 학생들을 긍정적으로 평가하였다. 수원고녀는 기질·거동평가에서 ‘온순·명랑·쾌활’한 성품을 긍정적으로 평가한 반면‘활발하지 않고, 둔중하며, 멋대로’인 성품을 부정적으로 평가하였다. 지조평가에서는 한국학생에 비해 일본학생을 긍정적으로 평가하는 경향이 있고, 한국학생을 부정적으로 평가한 것 중에 ‘겉과 속이 다름, 우유부단, 소극적, 견실하지 못함’ 등이 많았다. In this study, school records of Dongduk and Suwon Girls` High Schools during the 1940s were analyzed to compare characteristics between Korean girls` high schools during the Third and Fourth Chosen Educational Ordinance and Japanese girls` high school in Korea. Dongduk Girls` High School was a private school founded in Gyeongseong(Seoul) by Chungang Cho Dongshik and Korean benefactors who shared his view of nationalistic women`s education, and had a strong nationalistic tendency. On the other hand, Suwon Girls` High School was founded as a public school by the Suwon Japanese School Association for secondary education of Japanese female students. While Dongduk Girls` High School kept the records mainly in Korean and Chinese characters Suwon Girls` High School recorded in Japanese and Chinese characters. For the names of students and parents, also, the former first put the Korean name, which was crossed out in two lines, to write the Japanese name on top of it. There were 14(8.5%) students out of 165 who did not convert their names into a Japanese one. However, in Suwon Girls` High School, except 1 student, all students` names were recorded in the Japanese version. In both Dongduk and Suwon Girls` High Schools, only a quarter of the parents were involved in agriculture whereas 82.1% of the entire Korean population during the 1930s and 1940s were working in agriculture. However, about one third of parents at Dongduk Girls` High School and half of parents at Suwon Girls` High School were public servants or liberal professionals who were highly active in and open to women`s education as a newly emerging bourgeoisie class. In the Third Chosen Educational Ordinance, ‘conduct’, which is likely to reflect the subjective opinion of the teacher, was included in the grade. Demeanor evaluation was based on observation of the teacher in charge on overall daily life of students inside and outside the school, and reveals the perspective and position of the recorder. Suwon Girls` High School, where both Korean and Japanese students were educated, showed ethnic discrimination in education.

일제강점기 고등여학교 학생들의 꿈과 이상, 그리고 현실-1945년 동덕고등여학교 학적부를 중심으로-

김명숙 서울역사편찬원 2011 서울과 역사 Vol.- No.78

School register in Japanese colonial period is a kind of family register of school which was recorded in line with the educational objectives of Japanese Government-General of Korea for ʻthe cultivation and drilling of the Emperorʼs Citizensʼ and was administered and inspected by Government-General of Korea. It is a record from which the colonial education policy of Japan and Koreansʼ response method to the policy are clearly exposed. Dongduk Girlsʼ High School was a cradle of nationalistic womenʼs education which was established under the educational philosophy of Choongang(春江) Jo Dong-Shik(趙東植) who perceived women education as the key factor for saving the country. The school was operated with the financial sponsorships of patriotic civil benefactors who sympathized Jo Dong-Shikʼs educational philosophy, and the fact that the school kept the school register in Chinese characters and Korean characters instead of Japanese characters clearly demonstrates the nationalistic intentions of the school, which is well proved by the viewpoints in the notes on student observation. Especially we can find the significance as a case study from the point that the school register of 1945 clearly demonstrates the dreams, ideals and reality of the students of Dongduk Girlsʼ High School who had to go through their high school days during the period of 1941∼1945, where the Japanese policy was to make Koreans as their emperorʼs citizens and the wartime emergency measure made the school as the place for war manpower supply and supports. Since the 1930ʼs, the competition rate of entrance examination for Dongduk Girlsʼ High School was going up every year and good quality girls from all over the nation entered the Dongduk. In the 1940ʼs, as the rate of school entrance of students from Seoul was going up, new cultural phenomena called ʻEarly study in Seoulʼ was emerged at that time. In 1945, almost two thirds of the parents of the graduates of Dongduk were from the upper middle level tier who were active and open to womenʼs education and were engaged in civil service and liberal professions. Particularly, four fifths of the parents of Dongduk graduates were from the upper level class who owned assets for more than ʻ15 thousand wonʼ. The students of girlsʼ high school in Japanese colonial era were a minor women elite group who were educated for modern new knowledge, and were the symbols of modernism who were usually called as ʻNew Womenʼ but their path after graduation was not so promising. Approximately 70% of the graduates for 1945 hoped to get a job or to study in the universities. Under difficult situation for employment at that time, however, only approximately 40% of the graduates could achieve ʻthe dream of new womenʼ with 32.7% for getting job and 7.3% of entering into universities whereas remaining 60% had to become housekeepers at home after marriages. However, in the case of graduates for 1945, they demonstrated very lively images getting jobs even at the ages over 20 which was recognized as ʻold single ladyʼ and working in the office even after marriages. From such image, we can realize that to the graduates of girls high schools, ʻwork and jobʼ are as important as marriage. Even though girlʼs high schools have still viewed as final educational institution for woman at that time, Dongduk Girlʼs High School had endlessly tried to respond to the ʻmodern desireʼ for new women group going beyond their nature of final educational institution called ʻBride training centerʼ, and eventually the endless efforts resulted in having the meaning of the resistance against Japanese colonial policy. 일제강점기 학적부는 ʻ皇國民 鍊成ʼ을 위한 조선총독부의 교육목적에 맞추어 기록되고 관리․검열된 일종의 학교 戶籍簿로, 일제의 식민지 교육정책과 그에 대한 조선인의 대응방식이 잘 드러나는 기록물이다. 동덕고녀는 여성교육을 救國의 요체로 인식한 春江 趙東植 선생의 교육이념과 그에 공감한 애국적 민간 독지가들의 재정적 후원으로 운영된 민족주의 여성교육의 요람으로, 일어가 아닌 한문과 한글로 학적부를 기록한데서 단적으로 드러나듯이, 학생들을 관찰하여 기록하는 시선에서도 민족주의적 성격이 잘 드러나 있다. 특히 1945년 졸업생의 학적부에는 일제의 황민화정책과 전시비상조치령으로 학교가 전쟁 인력의 수급 및 지원처로 변모한 1941∼1945년에 여고시절을 보내야 했던 동덕고녀생들의 꿈과 이상 그리고 현실이 잘 드러나 있다는 점에서 사례연구로서 의의를 찾을 수 있다. 1930년대 이래 동덕고녀의 경쟁률은 해마다 높아져 전국에서 우수한 여학생들이 높은 경쟁률을 뚫고 진학을 하였는데, 1940년대에는 경성지역 학생들의 진학률이 높아지면서 ʻ경성 조기 유학ʼ이라는 새로운 문화현상을 낳기도 하였다. 1945년 졸업생의 학부모 2/3 정도가 여성교육에 적극적이고 개방적인 공무․자유업에 종사하는 중류 이상의 계층이었고, 또 1945년 졸업생 학부모의 4/5가 ʻ1만 5천원ʼ 이상의 자산을 소유한 유산층이었다. 일제강점기 고녀생은 근대적 신지식을 교육받은 소수의 여성엘리트 집단으로, 세칭 ʻ신여성ʼ으로 일컬어지던 근대의 상징이었으나, 졸업 후의 미래가 그리 희망적이지만은 않았다. 1945년 졸업생은 70% 정도가 졸업 후에 취업이나 진학을 희망하였다. 그러나 심각한 취업난 속에 졸업 후의 상황은 취직 32.7%, 진학 7.3%로 약 40% 정도만이 전문직 여성으로서 ʻ신여성의 꿈ʼ을 이룰 수 있었고, 나머지 60%는 결혼과 함께 가정에 안주해야 했던 것이 현실이었다. 그러나 1945년 졸업생의 경우 20세가 넘어 ʻ노처녀ʼ로 인식되던 나이에도 당당히 취직을 하고, 결혼 후에도 직장생활을 병행하며 자신의 미래를 개척해나가는 신여성의 활기찬 모습에서, 당시 고녀 졸업생에게 ʻ일과 직업ʼ은 결혼 못지않게 중요한 일이었음을 알 수 있었다. 고녀가 여전히 종결교육기관으로서의 성격이 강했지만, 1945년 동덕고녀 학적부에서 취업 및 진학용 내신으로 필요했던 4학년 성적이 상향 평가되고 성행평가 역시 대체적으로 긍정적으로 평가된 데서 알 수 있듯이, 동덕고녀는 ʻ신부양성소ʼ라는 종결교육기관으로서의 성격을 넘어 신여성 그룹의 ʻ근대적 욕망ʼ에 부합하기 위하여 부단히 노력하였고, 이는 결과적으로 일제 식민지배정책에의 저항이었던 것이다.

생활 및 두발관리 습관과 두피 및 모발상태 -미국과 한국의 일정지역 여고생 중심으로-

이명주 ( Myoung Joo Lee ),노영희 ( Young Hee Noh ) 한국미용학회 2009 한국미용학회지 Vol.15 No.4

In this study, we compared daily (diet, exercise, smoking, drinking et al.) and hair care habits and the condition of scalp and hair focusing Korean and American high school girls whose social background and culture were different from each other. Through this study we intended to provide practical and useful information on scalp and hair care for teenagers. Data were collected through a questionnaire survey of 118 Korean and 98 white American high school girls. We carried out t-test, frequency analysis, and one-way ANOVA for the data analysis. Korean high school girls showed more irregular daily habits than American girls and Korean girls also had less vegetables, fruits, and water in their diet than American girls. Both groups did not eat enough fish like anchovy, sea weed but they had much of instant food instead of real food. Korean high school girls exhibited more oily scalps and American girls had more normal scalps. Korean girls showed more damaged hair due to hot permanent wave, so their hair showed more hair break off and spilt ends. Korean high school girls worried about damaged hair, oily scalp, hair losss and no shine hair for their hair care. On the other hand American girls more worried about dandruff and hair break trouble due to thin hair. American high school girls showed more tied hair than Korean girls and they dried well their hair after shampooing. American high school girls used less hot curlers and hair dryer but they consumed more hair wax and hair spray goods than Korean girls did. Futhermore American high school girls used more hair treatment goods to have their hair shiny and glossy. However, American high school girls paid more attention to the instruction and caution note on the hair treatment goods after purchasing.

학적부를 통해 본 일제강점기 동덕여고 여학생의 특성 연구

김명숙 ( Kim Myoung Sook ) 한국여성사학회 2017 여성과 역사 Vol.0 No.26

본고는 일제강점기 동덕여고 학적부(1926-1945년)를 분석하여, 동덕여고의 학생 구성, 학부모의 사회경제적 배경,졸업생 진로에 초점을 맞추어, 동덕여고 여학생의 특성을 고찰한 사례 연구이다. 동덕여고는 국권회복에 기여할 수 있는 여성인재의 육성을 목표로 순수 조선인 독지가들의 후원으로 설립된 민족주의 교풍의 사립학교였다. 현재 동덕여고에는 1914-1945년까지 재학했던 동덕여고 학생들의 학적부가 거의 완전한 형태로 보존되어 있는데,이는 일제강점기 조선인 여학생 집단의 민족적·계급적·성적 특성이 잘 드러나는 사례라는 점에서 연구의 의의가 있다. 일제강점기의 `여학생`이란 당시 여자중등교육의 기회를 부여받았던 1% 미만의 조선인 여성 엘리트 집단으로, 이른바 `신여성`으로 일컬어지던 근대의 상징이었다. 그러나 동덕여고 여학생들은 입학 단계에서부터 나이가 평균 2-4세 정도 많은 학생들이 81.9%나 될 정도로 법적 학령(學齡)에 준하는 교육기회를 부여받지 못하였다. 여성교육을 구국운동의 일환으로 생각했던 동덕여고에서는 평균 5-7세나 많은 만학도, 결혼한 기혼여성에게도 가능한 학업의 기회를 부여하였고,심지어 다른 학교에서 항일학생운동을 하다가 퇴학당한 학생들에게도 편·입학의 기회를 부여하였다. 출신지역별 특성을 보면,경성부 출신이 평균 44.1%로 높은 비중을 차지하는 가운데,지방출신 학생들이 보통학교부터 `경성조기유학`을 하였음이 확인된다. 또한 공립보통학교 출신이 사립보통학교 출신보다 많아 일제강점기가 `공립만능시대`였음을 확인할 수 있었다. 그러나 1933년 이후로는 교육환경 개선을 위한 학교 당국의 노력과 함께 점점 치열해지는 입시경쟁 속에서 서북지방까지 동덕여고 진학생이 확대되고 있었으며,지방출신 학생들은 경성과 지방의 문화교류의 매개자로서 역할을 하였다. 동덕여고 여학생의 학부모는 농업종사자가 33.7%인 반면,공무·자유업과 상업·광공업 등 자본주의적 근대직업 종사자가 63.8%로 2배 정도 많아, 농업 종사자가 1930년대 83.1%, 1940년대 74.4%였던 조선사회의 직업 구성과 매우 대조적이었다. 자산규모면에서도 동덕여고 학부모들은 1만원 이상의 자산을 소유한 중류 이상의 유산자가 77.8%나 되었다. 즉,동덕여고 여학생의 2/3정도는 중류 이상의 자산을 소유하고 자본주의적 근대직업에 종사하면서 여성교육에 개방적·적극적이었던 부모의 영향으로,일제강점기에 1% 미만의 조선인 여학생들만이 누릴 수 있었던 여자중등교육의 수혜자가 될 수 있었다. 그러나 동덕여고 졸업생들은 식민지 말기로 갈수록 심해지는 취업난,상급학교 진학에서 여학생에 대한 기회 불균등, 조혼을 부추기는 사회분위기 속에서 졸업생의 평균 70.1%가 가사에 종사하였다. 반면 동덕여고 여학생의 70% 이상이 취직과 진학을 통한 전문직 여성으로서의 진출을 희망하였으나,취업 14.3%, 국내외 상급학교 진학 13.9%로 졸업생들이 마주한 식민지 현실은 여의치 않았다. 이는 일제강점기 여고의 교육목표를 현모양처 양성을 위한 신부양성소적 성격의 종결교육기관으로 설정했던 식민지배자의 의도가 식민지 전 기간을 통하여 강화·고착되어 나갔음을 의미하는 것이기도 하다. 그러나 비록 일제강점기의 여고가 여학생들의 희망을 담보하지 못하고,여전히 종결교육기관으로서의 성격이 강하였지만,만학도들의 진취성에서 보듯이,상급학교 진학과 취직을 통한 `근대적 욕망`을 실현하려는 여학생 계층의 선구적 역할과 가능성에 주목해야 할 것이다. This article is a case study of the characteristics of female students at Dongduk Girls, High School during the Japanese colonial period( 1926-1945) focusing on pa-rents} socioeconomic background, and alumni`s career after analyzing the school register. Dongduk Girls` High School was a private school established by Korean bene- factors, support, aiming at fostering capable women who could contribute to the restoration of sovereignty; the school spirit was decidedly nationalist. Hie school register of students enrolled in Dongduk Girls` High School from 1914 to 1945 is retained almost intact in Dongduk Girls` High School. This study is significant in that it analyses the characteristics of nation, social class, and school record in Korean female students during the Japanese colonial period- `Female students, during the Japanese colonial period were of the top 1% Korean female elite to whom the opportunity of female secondary education was given at that time, and were the symbol of the modem age, dubbed `new women.` Female students at Dongduk Girls> High School were not given educational opportunities according to compulsory school age to the extent that students older by an average of 2-4 years from the admission stage accounted for 81.9%. However, Dongduk Girls` High School saw female education as part of the save-the-nation movement and did it^ best to give study opportunities to older students as well as married students. In addition they gave school transfer opportunities even to students expelled from other schools who had carried out anti-Japanese student activities When these characteristics are examined according to students) birthplace, students from Gyeongseongbu(京城府) accounted for 44.1% of the school population which was the highest, while students from other provinces `moved to Gyeongseong to study at: an early age(京城早期留學)` from elementary school. The number of students from public elementary schools was higher than that of private elementary school. So, it was possible to verify that the Japanese colonial period was the (age of the public school(公立萬能時代)`. However, due to the school administration`s effort to improve educational environment and the growing competition over school entrance tests, the range of provinces from which students entered Dongduk Girls` High School extended up to the Northwest region. And students from the provinces played a role as intermediaries of cultural exchange between the capital Gyeongseong and the provinces. With regard to parents of female students at Dongduk Girls` High School, people engaged in agriculture accounted for 33.7%. On the other hand, people engaged in modem bourgeois occupations such as commerce, mining and manufacturing industries and public service, or free-lance professionals accounted for 63.8%. These figures are the opposite of percentage of occupations in Korean society in the 1930s-1940s when people engaged in agriculture accounted for 83.1%-74.4%. In terms of assets, among parents of students at Dongduk Girls High School, bourgeois families with assets of KRW 10,000 or more accounted for 77.8%. In other words, about 2/3 of female students at Dongduk Girls` High school were beneficiaries of female secondary education that only top 1% Korean female students could get during the Japanese colonial period due to the wealth of their parents who were engaged in modem capitalist occupations, and were open to and supportive of the education of women.

여고생들의 공부와 시험에 관한 속신 연구

김현경 국립민속박물관 2008 민속학연구 Vol.0 No.23

Students who are about to take important examinations such as college entrance exams like to believe that wheat-glutens or glutinous rice cakes can help them obtain good results on their exams. We define those vulgar superstitions related to results of studying, grades, tests, Korean SAT tests, college entrance exams, aptitudes, intelligence, and course life with certain behavioral or conditional circumstances as vulgar superstitions regarding studies and exams. In order to investigate high school girls’ vulgar superstitions, three-step field tests were conducted on students who attended Seoul Jungang Girls’ High School located at Bukahyeon-dong, Seodaemun-gu, Seoul, Korea. The first step entailed random interviews of selected students after school. Then all students were interviewed followed by an intensive interview on chosen students based on their year and religion. We collected 7,547 vulgar superstitions from this investigation and 828 of them were related to studies and exams. Vulgar superstitions regarding studies and exams tell us about the result of studies and exams in terms of eating habits, washing habits, body care, locations and directions, personal goods, stationeries and so on. The results show that positive vulgar superstitions have more diverse aspects in terms of results than negative ones. If all vulgar superstitions are compared, the difference will be minimized because negative ones are well-recognized despite their simplicity. This proves that negative vulgar superstitions have been handed down over a long period of time and, have been penetrating into our daily lives on a widespread basis. On the other hand, positive vulgar superstitions have been poorly understood because modified versions and newly created ones with continuously changing meanings have reached the main stream. High school girls are exposed to vulgar superstitions among their peer groups, in their family and by the mass media. When vulgar superstitions regarding studies and exams are handed down in a peer group, they confirm their common goal as a group and outburst becomes fierce in relation to achieving their goal. Also, vulgar superstitions present common standards for achieving their goal in a peer group. Vulgar superstitions tend to be relatively reliable when handed down within the family where the mother is the transmitter in general. Finally, vulgar superstitions from the mass media are more likely ‘something we just know about’ which have nothing to do with the real life of high school girls. In this case, vulgar superstitions appear to materialize from the mass media or commercialized as ‘exam goods.’ Also, it is clear that vulgar superstitions are highly credible and acceptable when they are delivered via the Internet by a ‘virtual community’ which could share common interests or by an informer whose identity is disclosed. Vulgar superstitions regarding studies and exams serve to express desire and belief, strengthening unity power of peer groups, and offer amusement and entertainment. Most of all, they represent high school girls’ desire of obtaining positive results on their studies and exams, particularly to achieve self-realization through studies and exams. With their desire, they believe in the supernatural power and existence from which they expect to get some positive effects. The function of vulgar superstitions based on desire and belief is strengthening the power of unity within high school girls’ peer groups. These superstitions could be the indicator in distinguishing one high school girls’ peer group from others. These could also serve as regulations and standards for protecting their own group. In the meantime, the unilaterally delivered vulgar superstitions regarding studies and exams from virtual spaces become the object of amusements and entertainments.

여자 중학생의 체형분류에 관한연구 - 교복패턴개발을 중심으로 -

신장희 한국의상디자인학회 2020 한국의상디자인학회지 Vol.22 No.3

In terms of junior high school girls’ growth patterns during early adolescence, are unlike childhood when relatively balanced growth patterns are found and high school years in which the normal adult body type is nearly reached, growth patterns displayed are imbalanced and rapid. In fact, diverse size changes by body part growth occur significantly different from individual to individual. Therefore, it has been hard for junior high school students to select their proper size when buying school uniforms. This study attempted to acquire basic data needed to address adolescent body shapes and school uniform patterns for junior high school girls, using the data from the 7th Size Korea Survey (2015). Specifically, it provides basic data for the development of school uniform patterns through the classification of their body into particular types, After extracting body shape components and a cluster analysis using ANOVA. According to a factor analysis conducted to determine body shape components, six factors were obtained: Factor 1: bulk and horizontal size, Factor 2: body height and length, Factor 3: shoulder shape and length, Factor 4: shape of upper body, Factor 5: lower drop, Factor 6: upper drop with a variance of 81.46%. To classify junior high school girls’ body shape and determine their characteristics, a cluster analysis was performed with the variables obtained using factor analysis. Body shape was classified into three different types: Type 1 accounted for 30.7%. This was a short, slender body with the smallest bulk, size, and upper drop. Type 2 accounted for 24.9%. This was the largest in bulk and horizontal size and highest and length as well. Type 3 accounted for 44.5%. This type was close to average in terms of horizontal size, length and height, and high drop values. To develop school uniforms with great accuracy and body fit for junior high school students, there should be further studies on changes in body shape and their causes. The study results can serve as basic data for comparing branded school uniform patterns for junior high school girls and developing school uniform patterns based on body shape, using 3D virtual clothing simulations.

여고생의 라이프스타일에 따른 교복변형행동 비교

위은하 한국가정과교육학회 2008 한국가정과교육학회지 Vol.20 No.3

This study was intended to examine the relationship between lifestyle and school uniform design modification in high school girls and provide basic data for guidance in the wearing of school uniform. The subjects of this study were 585 girls who were in the first and second grades of high schools throughout Gwangju. This study was executed using a questionnaire. The data from this study was processed using SPSS WIN 12.0(Kr). The results were as follows; This study hypothesized that the perception and attitude on school uniform modification would be significantly difference depending on lifestyles in high school girls. The significant differences appeared in a few items. So the results suggested that school uniform modification was a common that appeared in most high school girls. However it was affected by their lifestyle. specifically, a digital-dependence lifestyle group has a few different perceptions and attitudes on school uniform modification than the others. In other words, school uniform modification in high school girls who spend their most time in school is a general and universal clothing behavior by psychological factors rather than the effect of lifestyle. It is considered that rules concerning school uniform modification should allow students to express their individuality within certain limits. Teachers should instruct students to wear appropriate underwear rather than keep students under control with a fixed set of rules. If High school girls have a negative body image as a result of their exposed body, they should receive active educational guidance.

경성여자상업학교 맹휴를 통해 본 여학생의 사회운동

박현옥 한국독립운동사연구소 2023 한국독립운동사연구 Vol.- No.83

The Unified Student Strike of Gyeongseong Girls’ Commercial High School is an event that revealed the positions and directions of students, alumni, teachers, parents, school authorities, and social organizations. A total of seven Unified Student Strikes broke out in Gyeongseong Girl’s Commercial High School which practiced technical education for women under the slogan of “Women’s Economic Independence”. The High School and its seven strike history denote the flow of the student movement of the 1920s and 1930s. At the 1928 Unified Student Strike, students of Gyeongseong Girls’ Commercial High School maintained and wielded their initiative in solving the conflict. Unlike other school cases that entrust the role of mediation to the parent association, social maintenance, and alumni, the Strike case of Gyeongseong Girls’ Commercial High School shows an example of continuous efforts by students to take the lead and further connect and arouse social opinion. The Strike of 1928 Gyeongseong Girls’ Commercial High School irrigated Gyeongseong Women’s Association Manse Demonstration, which was gathered by students across the country under the common slogan of “Release Gwangju Detained Students.” Furthermore, the main figures of the Unified Student Strike continuously participated as supporters and guides after their graduation. Another Strike of 1931 shows how graduated figures contributed to the further Student Strikes. Meanwhile, the Unified Student Strike in 1934 took place centred on the left-wing reading club. Students such as Shim Gye-wol, Park On, and Cha So-young suggests representative example. Through the Unified Student Strike of Gyeongseong Girls’ Commercial High School, students protested against the colonial education system’s structural contradiction. Series of Strikes shows how student strikes gradually dyed with ideological colour and developed with the connection between experienced graduates. 경성여상의 맹휴는 학생, 동창회는 물론 교사, 학부형, 학교당국과 사회단체의 입장과 지향이 선명하게 드러나는 사건이다. ‘여성의 경제적 자립’을 주지로 하여 여성에게 실업교육을 실천한 경성여상에는 총 7차례의 동맹휴학이 발발하며, 학생운동의 흐름을 담아내고 있다. 1928년 맹휴에서 경성여상 학생들은 일관적으로 맹휴해결의 주도권을 갖고 행동했다. 맹휴 해결 과정에서 학부형회나 사회인사, 동창회 등에게 중재의 역할을 일임하는 다른 학교 사례와는 달리, 경성여상 맹휴생들은 주도권을 잡고 학부형회 각 사회단체, 학부형회는 물론 사회적 여론을 환기시키려 지속적인 노력이 돋보이는 사례이다. 격렬하게 진행된 1928년 경성여상 학생들의 맹휴는 전국의 학생들이 ‘광주 구속학생 석방’이라는 공통의 슬로건 아래 결집했던 경성여학생연합만세시위의 선경험이 되었다. 나아가 1928년 맹휴의 주인공들은 이후 1931년 맹휴 발생시 졸업생으로서 지속적인 지지를 보내고 지도의 역할을 하였다. 한편 1934년 경성여상의 맹휴는 경성여상 내에 존재했던 심계월, 박온, 차소영 등을 중심으로 좌익 독서회가 중심이 되어 일어났다. 경성여상 맹휴의 전개 과정 속에서 학생주체들은 식민지 교육제도의 구조적 모순을 정조준하며 항일적 성격과 사상적 색채를 점차 뚜렷이 해나갔음을 보여준다.