소설(小說) 『삼국지(三國志)』의 한글 번역본에 대한 고찰 - 악선재본(樂善齋本) 『삼국지통쇽연의』를 중심으로

玉珠 ( Ock Ju ) 중국어문학회 2020 中國語文學誌 Vol.0 No.72

The edition based on the translation of the novel 『The Romance of Three Kingdoms』 can be divided into 240 Chik (則, interpretation rules) series and 120 editions (回) version series. Among the translations of the 240 Chik (則, interpretation rules) series, Naksunjae edition 『Three Kingdoms TongsuYanyi』 39 editions, which is noted in this paper, was not clearly sourced through example sentences through comparison with various versions, suggesting the possibility of translation based on another version that does not exist now. It was confirmed that Gyujanggak edition 『Three Kingdoms TongsuYanyi』 27 editions were translated based on Naksunjae edition 39 editions. Gyujanggak edition 『The Romance of Three Kingdoms』 30 editions is almost similar to Naksunjae version 39 editions, but it could not be considered completely the same as the first two chapters of book 1 outlined the history of the Han Dynasty. However, except for this part, most of them coincide with Naksunjae version 39 editions, so it is presumed to be a translation derived from Naksunjae version 39 editions. Korea University version 『The Romance of Three Kingdoms』 33 editions are partially inconsistent with the chapter titles and contents, but since it seems unlikely that they were translated based on a previously non-existent version after the 1800s, it is estimated that Korea University version 33 editions were also derived from the subclass of Naksunjae version 39 editions. As a result of comparing the contents of Korea University version 『The Romance of Three Kingdoms』 33 editions with the various versions that were assumed to have flowed into Korea, the inconsistency was confirmed, and the possibility of translation based on another version that does not currently exist was suggested. As a result of the discussions so far, the source of the Naksunjae version 『Three Kingdoms TongsuYanyi』 39 editions, Korea University version 『The Romance of Three Kingdoms』 33 editions Korea University version 『The Romance of Three Kingdoms』 38 editions belonging to 240 Chik (則, interpretation rules) series is not clear, and it is highly likely that the translation was based on another edition that does not currently exist. It is expected to require additional work, and intended to proceed in the future.

경판방각소설 <춘향전>의 순차단락 고착화 양상 연구

이창헌 ( Chang Heoun Lee ) 한국고소설학회 2003 古小說 硏究 Vol.15 No.-

Among the editions of <Chunhyang-cheon> Seoul Block Print(SBP), the 35-leaf edition is different from others-such as two kinds of the 30-leaf edition, the 23-leaf edition, the 17-leaf edition and two kinds of the 16-leaf edition-in the narrative sequence. Rather, the narrative sequence of the 35-leaf edition is similar with that of <Namweon-Gosa>, the book for lending. The narrative sequence of the 35-leaf edition has a very slight disarrangement. So an unskilled storyteller is very likely to make a mistake when he recites the broken-mirror-dream of Chunhyang and its interpretation by blind fortuneteller Heo. A skilled storyteller, such as Gwangdae, always recites them in the order of the narrative sequence of <Namweon-Gosa>. The aim of the narrative sequence of <Namweon-Gosa> is as follows : How vivildly does the author express the situation? How much is the narration elaborated? The aim of the narrative sequence of the 35-leaf edition is as follows : How much dramatic effect does a simple narration give rise to?, among others. The narrative sequence of the 35-leaf edition is similar with that of <Namweon-Gosa>. But the 35-leaf edition was published in the form of SBP. In general, SBP`s narrative sequence aims at dramatic effects. Thus the publication of 35-leaf edition has two conflicted aims : one arises from the view of SBP`s readers, the other from that of SBP`s publishers. SBP`s readers tend to prefer the 30-leaf edition to the 35-leaf edition because of its dramatic effects. SBP`s publishers, too, prefer the 30-leaf edition to the 35-leaf edition because of its lower publishing cost. For the reasons, the narrative sequence of <Chunhyang-cheon> SBP, especially the part of the broken-mirror-dream of Chunhyang and the part of its interpretation by blind fortuneteller Heo, comes to remain only in the form of the 30-leaf edition.

동의보감의 판본 종류와 간행시기 연구

한기춘 ( Gichoon Han ),서정철 ( Jungchul Seo ),최순화 ( Soonhwa Choi ) 대구한의대학교 제한동의학술원 2023 東西醫學 Vol.48 No.2

The aims of this paper are classifying the edition types and estimating the year of publication about Donguibogam(東醫寶鑑). In addition to the first edition, the editions of Donguibogam include the republication at year Gapsul in Jeolla Provincial Government(甲戍嶺營開刊), the new publication at year Gapsul in Gyeongsang Provincial Government(甲戍嶺營開刊), the publication at year Gapsul in Gyeongsang Provincial Government(甲戍嶺營開刊), the republication at year Gapsul in Gyeongsang Provincial Government(甲戍嶺營開刊), and the new publication at year Kihae in Gyeongsang Provincial Government(己亥嶺營開刊). For this study, we collected as many editions published in Jeolla Provincial Government and Gyeongsang Provincial Government as possible, as well as editions with unknown areas. In total, 14 different types of editions have been found in Donguibogam including the complementation edition, and we found that there were four complementation editions of the republication at year Gapsul in Jeolla Provincial Government, one complementation edition of the new publication at year Gapsul in Gyeongsang Provincial Government, and no complementation edition of the new publication at year Kihae in Gyeongsang Provincial Government. The lower limit of the publication year of the earliest old edition, type 1, is 1652. The lower limit of the publication year of the latest old edition, type 8, is 1752. The republication at year Gapsul in Jeolla Provincial Government was published in 1754. The new publication at year Gapsul in Gyeongsang Provincial Government was published in 1754. The new publication at year Kihae in Gyeongsang Provincial Government was published in 1839. The earliest old edition, type 1, is the first wooden block edition published after the first wooden movable type edition. It appears to have been printed before 1635, based on the records in the Daily Records of Royal Secretariat(承政院日記). In the Preparation Booklet in Jeolla Provincial Government(完府措備書册), it says “Donguibogam fourteen volumes(東醫寶鑑十四卷)”, and the 14 volumes of Donguibogam held by the Dongsan Library of Keimyung University correspond to the earliest old edition, type 1. After analyzing the bibliography, for example, Eo-Mi(魚尾) and styles of types(書體)in detail, it was found that the editions closely mimic the features of the first wooden movable type edition, so it is possible that these 14 volumes may correspond to the 14 volumes of Donguibogam in Preparation Booklet in Jeolla Provincial Government. However, it needs further research. Estimating the Donguibogam edition type in Wooden Block Plates according to the order of the years in which the list of them were compiled, the Donguibogam edition type in Wooden Block Accounts Book(册板置簿册), compiled in 1740, appears to be the old edition of the several editions of the Donguibogam.

Nearest neighbor editing aided by unlabeled data

Guan, Donghai,Yuan, Weiwei,Lee, Young-Koo,Lee, Sungyoung Elsevier 2009 Information sciences Vol.179 No.13

<P><B>Abstract</B></P><P>This paper proposes a novel method for nearest neighbor editing. Nearest neighbor editing aims to increase the classifier’s generalization ability by removing noisy instances from the training set. Traditionally nearest neighbor editing edits (removes/retains) each instance by the voting of the instances in the training set (labeled instances). However, motivated by semi-supervised learning, we propose a novel editing methodology which edits each training instance by the voting of all the available instances (both labeled and unlabeled instances). We expect that the editing performance could be boosted by appropriately using unlabeled data. Our idea relies on the fact that in many applications, in addition to the training instances, many unlabeled instances are also available since they do not need human annotation effort. Three popular data editing methods, including edited nearest neighbor, repeated edited nearest neighbor and All <I>k</I>-NN are adopted to verify our idea. They are tested on a set of UCI data sets. Experimental results indicate that all the three editing methods can achieve improved performance with the aid of unlabeled data. Moreover, the improvement is more remarkable when the ratio of training data to unlabeled data is small.</P>

高麗의 吳越板 『寶篋印經』 수용과 의미

이승혜 불교학연구회 2015 불교학연구 Vol.43 No.-

The Chongjisa edition of the Baoqieyin Dhāraṇī Sūtra 寶篋印陀羅尼經 (Kr. Bohyeobin gyeong), published in 1007, has received considerable scholarly attention as the oldest extant woodblock printed scripture with a frontispiece. The textual and material features of the Chongjisa edition of the dhāraṇī sūtra have been the subject of many previous studies. Scholars have also pointed out that the Chongjisa edition of the dhāraṇī sūtra bears close affinities with the three Wuyue editions of the same text, each published in the year 956, 965, and 975 under the patronage of Qian Hongchu. Qian Hongchu 錢弘俶 (r. 947-978) was the last king of Wuyue 吳越 (907-978), a kingdom that prospered in the southeast coastal region of China during the political chaos of the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period. However, little scholarly attention has been paid to the fact that the frontispiece of the Chongjisa edition of the dhāraṇī sūtra is closest to the first Wuyue edition of the dhāraṇī sūtra in terms of visual composition and iconographical motifs. What do these visual affinities between the Chongjisa and the first Wuyue edition indicate in light of the circulation and reception of the Baoqieyin Dhāraṇī Sūtra in East Asia? The primary objectives of this paper are twofold. First of all, I examine the publication and circulation of the three Wuyue editions of the dhāraṇī sūtra against the political and historical landscape of 10th century China and beyond. Secondly, I delve into the issue of Goryeo court’s reception of Wuyue court’s diplomatic gifts, namely the first Wuyue edition of the dhāraṇī sūtra (d. 956) and the bronze miniature stūpa, by taking the political realities of the two countries' courts into consideration. To this end, I first closely compare the frontispieces of the three Wuyue and Chongjisa edition of the dhāraṇī sūtra, and then proceed to analyze relevant textual and archaeological evidence in their historical context. Through this analysis, I showcase that only the first Wuyue edition of the dhāraṇī sūtra was transmitted to Goryeo, and was served as a model for the patron and carver of the Chongjisa edition. The Chongjisa edition of the dhāraṇī sūtra is, I argue, a historical product of an East Asia of the 10th-11th centuries characterized foremost by multi-state proliferation. 1007년에 개성 총지사에서 간행된 『보협인경(寶篋印經)』은 변상도가 있는 현존 최고의 목판인쇄경전으로 학계의 많은 관심을 받았다. 선행연구를 통해 총지사본의 형태와 서지학적 특징, 인쇄사적 의의가 밝혀졌다. 또한 총지사판 『보협인경』과 오대십국시대 중국의 강남지역에서 번성했던 오월(吳越, 907-978)의 마지막 왕 전홍숙(錢弘俶, 재위 947-978)이 956년, 965년, 975년 세 차례에 걸쳐 간행했던 『보협인경』과의 밀접한 관련성도 익히 지적됐다. 반면 1007년에 간행된 총지사본 변상도의 도상이 3종의 오월본 중 956년에 간행된 판본과 유사하다는 점은 간과됐다. 그렇다면 동아시아에서 『보협인경』의 유통과 수용이란 문제에 있어서 양자 간의 유사성이 의미하는 바는 과연 무엇일까? 이 논문의 주요 목적은 두 가지이다. 첫째로, 오월판 『보협인경』의 간행과 유통을 10세기 동아시아라는 역사적 상황에서 논의하는 것이다. 둘째로, 고려의 오월판 『보협인경』 수용을 경전의 공여자인 오월의 입장과 수용자인 고려 조정의 입장을 고려하여 살펴보는 데 있다. 이를 위해 이 논문에서는 먼저 3종의 오월본과 총지사본 변상도를 종합적으로 비교하겠다. 나아가 현재까지 알려진 문헌사료와 고고학적으로 발견된 유물들을 종합적으로 분석할 것이다. 이를 통해 956년에 간행된 오월본만이 고려에 전래되어 수용됐을 가능성을 논증하고, 그 원인을 오월을 둘러싼 10세기 중국의 역사적 상황과 당시 고려의 내부적 상황에서 찾아보겠다. 마지막으로 총지사판 『보협인경』이 다원적 천하관으로 대표되는 10-11세기의 동아시아 국제질서를 반영한 역사적 산물임을 밝혀 보겠다.

한국찬송가의 과거, 현재 그리고 미래 ―「통일찬송가」와 「새 찬송가」(21세기 찬송가)의 비교 분석을 중심으로

강만희 한국기독교학회 2008 한국기독교신학논총 Vol.55 No.-

The newly published Korean Hymnal(2006) is considered a much improved edition of the hymnal published in 1983. The new edition showed great improvement and also added many hymns by Korean authors and composers. The portion of Korean contributors is the largest in the history of Korean hymnals. This comparative study examined many changes made in the 2006 editions: 1) deletion and addition of hymns; 2) the content layout; 3) author, composer, translator, and dates; 4) metrics; 5) musical contents; 6) hymn texts; 7) classification and indexes; and 8) litanies. In addition to the improvements made in the 2006 edition, remaining errors, which should have been corrected, are pointed out with conclusive examples. When improving future editions of the Korean hymnal, three important things should be considered. First, the original hymn words and music of a hymn should be consulted throughout the editing and publishing processes. Secondly, the copyright information should be clarified for each hymn, just as words, translation, information, should be also included in the hymnal. Lastly, the Korean Hymnal Society, music, harmonization, and so on are other elements to be considered. It is further necessary to develop a clear guidelines and rules for editing old and new hymns, thus promoting Korean hymns to the world of Christianity. The Korean Hymnal Society also must provide broad and up-to-date resources for researchers and end users in preparation for the future edition of hymns. The newly published Korean Hymnal(2006) is considered a much improved edition of the hymnal published in 1983. The new edition showed great improvement and also added many hymns by Korean authors and composers. The portion of Korean contributors is the largest in the history of Korean hymnals. This comparative study examined many changes made in the 2006 editions: 1) deletion and addition of hymns; 2) the content layout; 3) author, composer, translator, and dates; 4) metrics; 5) musical contents; 6) hymn texts; 7) classification and indexes; and 8) litanies. In addition to the improvements made in the 2006 edition, remaining errors, which should have been corrected, are pointed out with conclusive examples. When improving future editions of the Korean hymnal, three important things should be considered. First, the original hymn words and music of a hymn should be consulted throughout the editing and publishing processes. Secondly, the copyright information should be clarified for each hymn, just as words, translation, information, should be also included in the hymnal. Lastly, the Korean Hymnal Society, music, harmonization, and so on are other elements to be considered. It is further necessary to develop a clear guidelines and rules for editing old and new hymns, thus promoting Korean hymns to the world of Christianity. The Korean Hymnal Society also must provide broad and up-to-date resources for researchers and end users in preparation for the future edition of hymns.

忠州 靑龍寺 刊行의 「禪林寶訓」에 관한 硏究

박문열 한국서지학회 2017 서지학연구 Vol.72 No.-

This study analyzes on the Seonrimbohun published by Cheongryongsa in Chungju. The major findings are as follows: (1) Seonrimbohun is a collection of teachings and anecdotes from ancient Buddhist monks and used by ascetics of Zen Buddhism as reference material. Jonggo and Sagyu compiled the first edition of Seonrimbohun, thereafter, Jeongseon revised and recompiled this original version by complementing about 50 articles. In consequence, Seonrimbohun consists of 2 volumes and contains about 300 articles from the great masters of Zen Buddhism. (2) But the Seonrimbohun contains a total of 278 articles of sermons from 34 great monks. The first half of volume, written by 17 great monks, is comprised of 142 articles, while the second is comprised of 136 articles from the other 17 monks. The first edition of the collection was published in the 9th year of Chunxi(淳熙; 1182 C.E.) under the reign of Emperor Xiaozong of Song and was published again in the 31st year of Zhiyuan(至元; 1294 C.E.) under the reign of Kublai Khan. It is supposed that the first edition had been introduced to Japan, while the Yuan Dynasty’s copy is believed to have been introduced to Goryeo. (3) The Cheongryongsa Temple edition of Seonrimbohun is the first edition of Seonrimbohun to have been published in Korea, in the 4th year of King U of Goryeo(1378). It was based on the Yuan Dynasty edition, which was obtained by Haengje and stored as a woodcarving in the Cheongryeongsa before its loss. It became an influential reference point for all future editions of Seonrimbohun during the Joseon period. Examples of which include the following editions: Daekwangsa edition(1525), Pyohunsa edition and the Yi Sun-jae family edition (1555). These were essentially copies of the Cheongryongsa edition. (4) Haengje (行齊 or 行齋), also known as Yoam, was the monk who acquired the Yuan Dynasty edition of the Seonrimbohun that served as the basis of the Cheongryongsa edition. He once resided in the Gaecheonsa Temple in Chungju and had close friendship with Mokeun Yi Saek and Hwanam Honsu. (5) A monk from the late Goryeo period, Honsu who posthumously named Bogak Guksa, led the efforts to publish the Cheongryongsa edition of Seonrimbohun. His family clan was Pungyang and he was also known as Mujak, Yowon, Hwanam and Jeonghyewonyung. Honsu presided over the publication of a number of Buddhist texts while he stayed Yeonhoeam in Cheongryongsa, such as Geumgangbanyagyeongsoronchanyojohyeonrok, Seonrimbohun, Hobeobron, and Seonjongyeonggajip. His achievements led to his fame during his lifetime, and he also became a monumental figure in Korean Buddhism. (6) Details on other people involved in the publication of the Cheongryongsa edition, such as the fund-raiser Sangwi and Manhoe and the benefactors Gosikgi and Choeseongyeon, remain unclear. However, existing historical records point to Gosikgi having served a dual position as the Bongseondaebu and the Bujeong in the Royal Clinic (Jeoneuisa). Records also state that Choeseongyeon was the spouse of Haejugun. 본 硏究는 「禪林寶訓」의 撰集과 刊行을 바탕으로 高麗 우왕 4년(1378)에 忠州 靑龍寺에서 刊行된 「禪林寶訓」의 刊行과 關聯人物 등에 관하여 考察한 것으로 그 結果는 다음과 같다. (1) 「禪林寶訓」은 禪法을 닦는 學人들의 龜鑑이 될 만한 先德祖師들의 嘉言善行을 撰集한 것이며, 宗杲禪師와 士珪禪師의 初集本에 淨善禪師가 50餘篇을 蒐輯․補完하여 約 300篇으로 重集한 뒤 上下 2卷으로 編次한 것이다. (2) 그러나 실제로 「禪林寶訓」의 卷上에는 17禪師 142篇과 卷下에는 17禪師 136篇 등 도합 34禪師 278篇의 法語가 수록되어 있으며, 中朝에서 宋朝 淳熙 9년(1182)에 初刊되고 元朝 至元 31년(1294)에 重刊된 뒤 宋版은 日本으로 전래되고 元版은 高麗로 전래되었던 듯하다. (3) 忠州 靑龍寺版 「禪林寶訓」은 고려 우왕 4년(1378)에 우리나라의 初刊된 版本으로 行齊禪師가 求得한 元版을 底本으로 하여 造成된 뒤 그 木板은 青龍寺에 留板되었으나 지금은 失傳된 상황이며, 이 版本은 朝鮮朝의 「禪林寶訓」 刊行에 크게 영향을 미친 결과 大光寺版(1525)․表訓寺版(1542)․李順才家版(1555) 등은 한결같이 忠州 靑龍寺版이 踏襲된 版本이다. (4) 忠州 靑龍寺版 「禪林寶訓」의 刊行을 위한 底本의 求得者인 行齊禪師는 法名이 ‘行齊’ 또는 ‘行齋’이고 法號가 了庵으로 한때 忠州의 開天寺에 駐錫한 바 있으며, 牧隱 李穡과 幻庵 混脩禪師와는 가까운 사이였다. (5) 忠州 靑龍寺版 「禪林寶訓」의 刊行을 主導한 混脩禪師는 高麗時代 末期의 僧侶로 本貫은 豐壤이고 字는 無作․了圓 등이며 號는 幻庵이고 諡號는 普覺國師이며 塔號는 定慧圓融이다. 忠州 靑龍寺의 宴晦庵에 머물면서 「金剛般若經疏論纂要助顯錄」․「禪林寶訓」․「護法論」․「禪宗永嘉集」 등의 佛書刊行을 主導함으로써 當時는 물론 後代에 이르기까지 佛敎界에 큰 業績을 남긴 高僧으로 評價되고 있다. (6) 忠州 靑龍寺版 「禪林寶訓」의 刊行을 위한 募緣者인 尚偉禪師와 万恢禪師 및 助緣者인 高息機와 崔省縁 등의 人物에 관한 자세한 行歷은 알 수 없으나, 高息機는 奉善大夫로 典醫寺의 副正을 역임한 人物이며 崔省縁은 海州郡夫人의 爵號가 있는 人物이다.

「擊蒙要訣」 초간본과 현전본에 관한 서지적 연구

임영란 한국서지학회 2013 서지학연구 Vol.54 No.-

This study examines GyeokmongYogyeol, presumed to be the first printed book, and looks into the 27 types of woodblock-printed editions of Gyeokmong Yogyeol extant in Korea in the following order of historical research: compilation background and composition; publication and circulation; the system of editions; and the time of publication of the extant edition. GyeokmongYogyeol comprises of the writer's introduction, 10 chapters of text and the 2 volumes of the appendix “Jae-ui-cho” written in December 1577 in the 10th year of King Seonjo’s reign. The publication and distribution trend after the first publication in the 10th year of Seonjo(1577) is roughly divided into three stages: the publication and time of dissemination of the government edition 관판; the time the village/town edition 방판 and the reprint copy appeared; and the appearance of the modern commercial print copy and circulation. The systems of editions are categorized as the block book, the metal print book, and others. The books which were restored once their time of publication was estimated are the Samcheokbu Lee Seong Ghee(李聖基) edition from the 9th year of Hyojong (1658), the Ghee Yong Sooboh edition from the 3rd year of Yeongjo (1727), the Young Yanghyeon revised and published edition from the 25th year of Gojong (1888), the Song Byeongseon edition of 1901, the newly published Yong Hadong edition of the 6th year of Gwangmu (1902), and the newly published Sangseo Yongam edition of 1917 among others. The existing editions of GyeokmongYogyeol have been systemized by time period and pieced together. The printing type began with fifteen-character nine-line editions, then was circulated as eighteen-character nine-line editions after the Hwanghae Gamyeong edition(1629), diversified after the publication of Yulgokseonsaengjeonseo with such types as the twenty-character eleven-line edition which would reduce production cost and the twenty-character ten-line edition which was printed by jaejujeonglija, and was followed by the publication of the Shinyeon printed edition after the time of enlightenment. The ending of the word was heug-eomi for the early version and changed into flower-pattered word endings with the shape of 2-3 leaves as with the passing of the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592. In the block books aside from printed book, 2-leaved flower-pattered word ending became the mainstream. 본 연구는 초간본으로 추정되는 「擊蒙要訣」을 발굴하고, 국내에 현전하고 있는 「擊蒙要訣」의 판본 27종을 조사하여 편찬배경과 구성, 간행과 유통, 판본의 계통, 현전본의 간행시기 고증의 순서로 살펴보았다. 「擊蒙要訣」은 선조 10년(1577) 12월에 쓴 저자의 서문과 본문 10章과 부록 <祭儀抄>의 2卷으로 되어 있다. 선조 10년(1577)에 초간 된 이후의 간행과 유통의 경향은 대략 官版의 간행 및 보급시기, 坊刻 및 飜刻本의 출현시기, 근대적 상업출판본의 출현과 유통의 세 가지 단계로 나뉜다. 판본계통은 목판본, 금속활자본, 기타로 구분된다. 간행시기를 추정하여 복원한 것은 효종 9년(1658) 三陟府 李聖基 간행본, 영조 3년(1727) 箕營 修補本, 고종 25년(1888) 英陽縣 開刊本, 1901년 宋秉璿 간행본, 광무 6년(1902) 用夏洞 新刊本, 1917년 商西 龍巖 新刊本 등이다. 「擊蒙要訣」의 현전본들을 시기별로 체계화하여 종합하였다. 이들 판본에 나타나는 판식의 흐름은 초기의 9행 15자본에서 黃海監營本(1629) 이후 9행 18자본이 유통되기 시작하고, 「栗谷先生全書」 간행 이후 제작비용이 절감되는 11행 20자본과 재주정리자로 찍은 10행 20자본 등으로 판식이 다양해지고 개화기 이후 신연활자본의 간행으로 이어진다. 版心의 魚尾의 모양은 초기본은 黑魚尾이며 임진왜란을 거치면서 2-3葉의 花紋魚尾로 바뀌고 활자본 이외의 목판본에서는 2葉花紋魚尾가 주류를 이룬다.

『포은시고』 판본에 대한 고찰

홍순석(Hong, Soon Seuk) 포은학회 2017 포은학연구 Vol.19 No.-

After the first edition was published, Poeun’ anthology is added fourteen times until Okssan-edition was published in 1903. It is unusual for one type of works to be published fourteen times. The fact that a collection of Jeong Mongju’s works was published before and after Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 and in confusing time in the late Joseon Dynasty has meant a lot. Currently, there are 206 types and 481 volumes of Poeun’anthology(圃 隱集) housed in all of the organizations across the country. The most remarkable thing among them is a two-volume book of Poeunsigo(圃隱詩 藁) housed in the Pusan city library. This edition is designated as tangible cultural assets No. 49. since it is later printing, which is a revised edition in 1439(Sejong21). Even though it has been discussed about Poeun’anthology(圃隱集) , it has not tried to take demonstration of the first edition. This paper compares and analyzes in Housa Bunko which is the title of the first volume is marked as Poeunsigo, Singye-edition(新溪本: Garammungobon·釜山市立圖書館 本·晩松文庫本), Gaiseung-edition(開城本), and Hwangju barracks– edition(黃州兵營本). As a result, the following several facts are determined. First of all, the first edition which has been known for being destroyed remains in Housa Bunko(蓬佐文庫)of Japan. Also, Singye-edition and the first edition were expected for the same one, but it turns out that those edition are not identical. Poeunsigo(圃隱詩藁) which is housed in Bongjwa library is a printed book as the first edition. Whereas it is very well preserved, the preface is destroyed and someone touched the end of the first volume and second volume PartⅠand PartⅡ(page4) of the draft of Poeunsigo. Works in the first volume of Poeunsigo and in the second one are 120 and 134 respectively. Lee sack s three works, 〈圃隱齋記〉 〈題圃隱記後〉 〈憶鄭散 騎〉, are added at the end of the second volume and marked as ‘校記’ in pansim(板心). Poeunsigo which is designated as Pusan cultural asset No.46 is not a second volume of the first edition but a second volume of Singye-edition(新溪本). There are seven kinds of Shingye-edition in the country: Garam paperback in Kyujanggak, a paperback of paperback of Korea University and so one. Those were printed at different times. The edition in City library of Pusan is published in 1632(Injo 10) in that the period of publication, ‘大明崇禎五年 三月 日’, is engraved in the end of a book. Shingye-edition included 120 poems in the first volume and there is no difference from the first edition. The second volume included 135 poems, which is one poem is added in the first edition. 〈圃隱齋記〉 〈題圃隱記 後〉 〈憶鄭散騎〉 which are marked as ‘校記’ in the first volume are contained in ｢Japjeo(雜著)｣ and added Leesack s 〈書江南紀行詩藁後〉, Yubangseon s 〈訪圃隱先生舊居小賦〉. Ultimately, Shingye-edition added a Poeun s work, a Mokeun s work, and a Yubangseon s work. Gaiseung-edition(開城本) is a wooden printing which is published in 1575 when sungyang seowon received a framed picture from the King. 포은집 은 초간본이 간행된 후, 1903년 옥산본이 간행될 때까지 14차례에 걸쳐 판각이 이루어졌다. 1종의 문집이 14차에 걸쳐 간행된 것은 드문 일이다. 더욱이 임진왜란이나 조선말기의 혼란 시기를 전후하여 포은 정몽주의 문집이 간행된 사실은 각별한 의미를 지닌다. 현재 전국 36개 기관에 소장되어 있는 포은집은 206종 481책이다. 이 가운데 주목되는 것은 부산광역시립도서관에 소장되어 있는 포은시고 2권 1책이다. 이 판본은 1439(세종21)에 개판한 초간본의 후쇄본이라고 하여 시도유형문화재 제49호로 지정되어 있다. 그동안 최채기, 양진조, 홍순석 등에 의하여 포은집 판본에 대해여 논의된 바 있으면서도. 초판본에 대한 변증은 시도된 바 없다. 최채기는 실전 되었다고 하였으며, 양진조는 부산시 문화재 49호로 지정된 포은시고 가 초간본의 후쇄본이라고 소개하였다. 필자는 일본 봉좌문고본이 초간본이라 고 소개만 하였을 뿐이다. 그동안 포은집 판본에 대한 연구에서 미흡했던 점이 바로 이 부분이다. 본고에서는 권수(卷首)의 제목이 ‘포은시고’로 표기된 초간본(봉좌문고본), 신계본(가람문고본·부산시립도서관본·만송문고본), 개성본(장서각본), 황주병영본(국립도서관)을 대상으로 비교 분석하였다. 포은시고 판본을 대상으로 비교 분석하는 과정에서 다음 몇 가지 사실을 확인하였다. 우선, 최채기․김기빈 등이 일실된 것으로 간주한 초간본이 일본 봉좌문 고에 현존하고 있으며, 최채기는 신계본과 동일한 것으로 판단된다고 하였 으나, 초간본과 신계본을 대조해 본 결과 동일한 판본이 아니다. 일본 봉좌 문고에 소장된 포은시고 는 초간본으로 활자본이다. 현존 상태는 비교적 양호한 편이나 권채의 서문이 소실되었고, 시고의 권지상 말미와 권지하1~2장(4면)은 누군가가 보필하였다. 시고 권지상에 수록된 작품은 120제, 권지하에는 134제이다. 이색의 작품 〈포은재기〉 〈제포은기후〉 〈억정산기〉 3편을 권지하 말미에 추각하였는데, 판심에 ‘校記’로 표기하였다. 부산문화재 46호로 지정된 포은시고 는 초간본의 후쇄본이 아니고 신계 본의 후쇄본이다. 국내에 소장된 신계본은 규장각 소장 가람문고본(가람貴 819.4J464P)과 연세대도서관본(貴237-1, 貴237-2),관, 고려대 만송문고본 (晩貴345) 등 7종이 있으나, 쇄출한 시기는 각각 다르다. 만송문고본은 일휴 당 금응협(琴應莢:1526-1586)의 소장인으로 보아 판각한 지 얼마 되지 않아 쇄출한 판본이다. 유부의 중간 발문도 있어 현존 신계본 가운데 주목되는 자료이다. 부산시립도서관본은 권미에 ‘大明崇禎五年 三月 日’이라는 간 기가 추가로 판각되어 있음을 볼 때 1632년(인조10)에 간행한 판본인 셈이다. 신계본은 권상에는 시 120제를 수록하였는데 초간본과 차이가 없다. 권 하에는 시 135제를 수록하였다. 초간본에다 〈척약재명(惕若齋銘)〉 1편이 추가된 것이다. 초간본에서 판심에 ‘校記’로 표기하여 수록한 〈포은재기(圃 隱齋記)〉 〈제포은기후(題圃隱記後)〉 〈억정산기(憶鄭散騎)〉는 ‘잡저(雜 著)’라는 편목 하에 수록하였다. 그리고 이색의 〈서강남기행시고후(書江南 紀行詩藁後)〉, 유방선의 〈방포은선생구거소부(訪圃隱先生舊居小賦)〉를 추가하였다. 결국 신계본은 초간본에다가 포은의 작품 1편과 목은의 발 문 1편, 유방선의 작품 1편을 추가한 셈이다. 개성본은 1575년 개성의 숭양서원 사액 당시에 간행한 목판본이다. 한호 의 글씨로 판각된 것으로 이전의 판본인 신계본과 약간의 차이가 있다. 시문 의 표기체계에서 초고본과 신계본에서 쓰인 고자(古字), 이자(異字)를 정자 체(正字體)로 바꿔서 썼으며, 오탈자를 바로 잡았다. 이후의 판본에서는 개 성본의 표기를 그대로 쓰고 있다. 개성본 간행시 증보된 작품은 〈용이공봉 운(用李供奉韻)〉 3수와 〈송송정랑안경상도〉 1수, 〈청물영원사소(請勿迎 元使疏)〉 〈제김득배문(題金得培文)〉이다. 황주병영본은 교서관본 영천초각본 이후에 간행된 판본임에도 개성본 (1575)을 모본(母本)으로 복각한 때문인지 수록된 내용은 개성본에 가깝다. 개성본에 노수신의 서문이 추가되었으며, 시문은 〈제동포맹사문희도시축점 민자(題東浦孟斯文希道詩軸占民字)〉 〈김해산성기(金海山城記)〉 2편 이 증보되었으며, 그리고 포은화상과 포은유묵이 추가되었다. 포은연보의 기사는 개성본과 같다. 포은시고 판본에 수록된 작품 가운데 〈서제교역벽상(書諸橋驛壁 上)〉(上005), 〈소금성역회송경제우(小金城驛懷松京諸友)〉(上021), 〈제요동방진무선(題遼東龐鎭撫扇)〉(上048) 등은 이후 간행된 판본에서 시제가 바뀌어 있다.

성유광훈(聖諭廣訓)의 만주어 연구

김주원 ( Ju Won Kim ) 한국알타이학회 2013 알타이학보 Vol.0 No.23

This paper investigates various editions of Shengyuguangxun (聖諭廣訓; Enduringge tacihiyan be neileme badarambuha bithe in Manchu; first published in 1724), including the Manchu edition, the Manchu-Chinese edition, the Manchu-Mongol edition, the Manchu-Mongol-Chinese edition, and the Chinese edition. A special focus is given on the Manchu- Chinese edition that was newly discovered in the Seoul National University (SNU) Central Library. On its bibliographical side, I show that the SNU edition is different from the typical Manchu-Chinese editions found in the other libraries, in that the interlinear Chinese translation was added later at the time of reprinting in order to satisfy the needs of monolingual Chinese readers. On its linguistic characteristics, I demonstrate how the Manchu language has been modified by means of a thorough comparison of the different editions. The reason for modification is mainly attributed to the standardization of the Manchu language that was carried out in compliance with the edict by the Emperor Qianlong issued in approximately 1750.