1930년대 김광주의 상해 체험과 아나키즘 인식

김명섭 ( Myung Seob Kim ) 단국사학회 2016 史學志 Vol.52 No.-

본 논문은 소설가 김광주의 회고를 통해 1930년대의 상해 한인사회에 대해 살펴보았다. 김광주는 1929년 상해로 이주한 이래 중일전쟁이 일어난 1937년 피신까지 약 10년 동안 상해 한인사회의 다양한 인물들을 만나고 항일운동과 함께 문화 활동을 펼쳤다. 이를 통해 1930년대 상해에서의 김광주는 영화계의 젊은 신진 감독을 비롯해 연극계의 다양한 문화예술가들과 교유하였음을 알 수 있다. ``일제의 지배가 싫은 젊은 세대``인 자유로운 문화예술가들과의 교류와 ``보헤미안극사`` 활동을 통해 그는 시, 꽁트, 연극, 영화 등에서 다양한 체험을 하게 되었다. 물론 그 바탕에는 1930년대 상해 한인 민족운동을 이끌고 있던 김구·안창호·김두봉 등 지도자들 후원이 컸다. 더욱이 남화연맹에서 활동한 아나키스트들과의 교류는 그의 항일 민족정서와 함께 자유정신을 키우는데 큰 영향을 끼쳤다. 특히 해방이후 상해체험을 회상하는 그의 작품의 대부분이 나라를 위해 싸우다 죽거나 방랑생활을 하다 귀국하지 못한 동지들에 대한 그리움이 한 축을 이루고 있다는 점에서, 상해체험이 그의 작품 활동에 미친 영향은 매우 컸다. This paper discussed the Korean community in China Shanghai in the 1930s by the novelist Kim Gwang-ju`s recalls. Kim Gwang-ju is a refuge for about 10 years until the 1937 war took place while since moved to Shanghai in 1929 to meet the various figures of the Korean community in Shanghai unfolded cultural activities with the anti-Japanese movement. Even though his shanghai settlement and time of refuge records are seem to inaccurate, but it is a relatively considered as a objective and analytic memoir of his experience. Through this we can know that Kim Gwang-ju associated with the young director of movies, including the various cultural artists of theatrical world in 1930s Shanghai. Through the interchange with "the young generation of unconstrained cultural artists who do not want the Japanese domination" and the activity of "Bohemian Theater Company", he had various experience in poem, conte, play and movie. Of course, theses are based on the great support of leaders such as Kim-Gu, Ahn-Changho and Kim Du-bong who led the Korean Independent Movement in Shanghai. Furthermore, the interchange with anarchists who were active in the ``Namhwa-Federation`` has had a big impact to raise his nationalistic emotion and the spirit of freedom. From the perspective of the Korean modern national movement, the research of Kim Gwang-ju`s life first, additional research materials for his family, especially elder brother Kim Dong-joo is very necessary. Kim Dong-joo is a secret help sponsor of activities of the Anti-Japanese independence fighters in Manchuria, as well as a important person who connected with an agents of a Provisional Government. His life was believed to be the future of course, also we need to study in depth the role and position of the personal hospital. Secondly, it is necessary to examine the local shelter, etc. Activity of Kim Gwang-ju activities in Shanghai. In other words, while Kim Gwang-ju live a long time is needed for local excavations and historical research, such as the Activity where many literary works written by the school and toughness. This is expected to find signs of shanghai, including Kim Gwang-ju Korean culture, artists in the 1930s who exchanges with him.

1886년 일본망명자 김옥균 유폐의 전말과 그 원인

김성혜(Kim, Sung-hyae) 고려대학교 아세아문제연구소 2015 亞細亞硏究 Vol.58 No.3

갑신정변에 실패한 김옥균 등이 일본으로 망명한 이후, 조선정부는 이들을 역적으로 간주하고 김옥균의 본국 송환을 위해 노력해 나갔다. 이러한 조선정부와 달리, 일본정부는 국사범을 보호해 일본의 인도적 행동을 드러내고 조선과의 협상카드로 김옥균을 이용하고자 했다. 따라서 번번이 일본국내법과 만국공법, 그리고 조일간 범죄인인도조약의 부재를 이유로 조선정부의 김옥균 송환 요구를 거절했다. 그렇지만 일본정부의 김옥균 비호 방침은 오사카사건 관련자들의 김옥균에 대한 회유 모색이 발각되고 조선정부가 장은규와 지운영을 파견해 김옥균을 암살하려 하면서 변화되었다. 이로 인해 김옥균의 일본체류가 일본국내 치안을 불안하게 만들고 외교 분쟁의 빌미를 제공한다는 사실이 표면화 되었기 때문이었다. 그러자 일본정부는 김옥균문제를 해결할 방안을 강구했는데, 공교롭게도 이때 스스로를 지키고자 한 김옥균의 행동이 일본정부를 더욱 자극했다. 일본정부는 1885년까지 망명 국사범의 보호라는 명분과 대조선 정책에서의 활용이라는 실리를 모두 얻고자 김옥균의 일본체류를 묵인했다. 그렇지만 점차 조?청 양국의 반복적인 송환 요구와 일본내 반정부세력과의 연계, 암살자들의 도일 등으로 김옥균을 내치외교의 걸림돌로 판단하게 되었다. 결국 일본정부는 김옥균의 공식적인 신변보호 요청을 계기로 추방을 결정해 오가사라와에 유폐시켰다고 하겠다. The Korean government had constantly promoted the repatriation of political asylum in Japan like Kim Ok-kyun(金玉均) who led a failed coup and fled to Japan. At that time, the Korean government recognized Kim was a threat to the regime and made the feelings of the people disturb. However, the Japanese government opposed the Korean government for they permitted Kim’s residence in Japan. By the way, the Japanese government’s policy had changed because of the discovery of the Osaka plot(大阪事件) with Kim Ok-kyun and an assassin dispatched by the Korean government. The Japanese government had to prevent a coup by the opposition with Kim Ok-kyun or the assassins would kill Kim in Japan. Therefore, the Japanese government had decided on Kim’s deportation from Japan because of the obstacles in diplomacy and sedition. Then Kim had consulted his personal problems with an Englishman belonging to the judiciary of Japan and moved to a hostel of France concession in Yokohama, leaving Tokyo. Kim then sued Ji un-yeong(池運永) in court. In addition, Kim asked for personal protection and asylum in Russia from the Speyer of Russian consul in Japan. However, Kim Ok-kyun’s formal request for personal protection antagonized the Japanese government and made his expulsion one of force. As a result, Kim Ok-kyun was confined to Ogasawara(小笠原) Island.

김억의 번역론 연구 : 근대문학의 장(場)과 번역자의 과제

김진희(Kim Jin-hee) 한국시학회 2010 한국시학연구 Vol.- No.28

In the beginning of the Korean modern literature since 1910's, Kim Eok played a crucial role as a translator for foreign literature and theory. During the acceptance of foreign literature, Kim realized the importance of translation and he is considered an intellectual who, as opposed to other contemporary translators, performed a bulk of translations from various countries. He was in the lead of balancing content and form, reforming he literary circles of translation in which there was abundance of arbitrary interpretations and content-concentrated translations. However, Kim Eok's translated works have been devalued by reason of erroneous and liberal translation of original works and inapt understanding. Researchers generally examine original and translated texts in tandem, after which they point out problems of the translations and attribute them to the translators' lack of capacity. The study of this paper presupposes that in-depth understanding of translated texts can be carried out only when the theory and practice of translation go in parallel. It argues that the negative evaluation for Kim's translations can be reconsidered through the study of theory. Kim argued for 'creative liberal translation,' and this paper investigates the formation and characteristics of this standpoint. This paper particularly looks into how symbolism, which Kim embraced, influenced Kim's view on translation. The acceptance of symbolism and the theory of translation are discussed in regard to the theory of translation maintained by Bejamin, a German literary critic who lived around the same time, in his book The Task of the Translator. The paper also examines Kim Eok's theory of translation in the sense that the act of translating foreign languages expands and deepens a mother tongue, which provides an opportunity to form and develop the self-identity. Kim's viewpoint on translation, which searches for the nature of poems, found modern poetic language for the Korean poetry, which was possible due to his exploration into language that represents this nature. Translating the western poems in the initial stage of modern literature implies admission and conveyance of heterogeneous culture, beyond simple written text, and creation of new culture. Kim Eok's translated works shows the creativity of cultural translation that is generated at the intersection of internal and external cultures. The literary world after 1920's, via translations, could realize the identity of modern literature by means of dialogue with others, i.e. dialogue between tradition and the West. Furthermore, it could have a foundation in creation of new culture. Along these lines of modern literature, Kim Eok's theory of translation presented ‘creative liberal translation’ and ‘creative translation’ as the task and direction for those who do the translation, including himself. It was an aspect of cultural action that Kim's theory evidently showed through translation.

무용 상해 및 재발 예방을 위한 Kim's Body conditioning Program

김양근(Yang Keun Kim) 한국무용과학회 2009 한국무용과학회지 Vol.18 No.-

본 연구의 목적은 상해 경험이 있는 무용수가 Kim's body conditioning program 후 무용동작 수행 시 무용수의 신체 움직임 느낌을 통해 프로그램의 효과를 규명하고자 하였다. 본 연구의 목적에 따라 연구대상자들은 2007년 ADF(America Dance Festival)에 참석한 무용수들 중 Kim's body conditioning program 수업에 참석한 60명 중 6주간 수업에 결석하지 않은 31명을 대상으로 설문조사를 실시하였다. 연구 대상자들의 평균 연령은 22.06(±1.590)이며, 무용경력은 3년 미만이 54.8%로, 3년 이상이 38.7%이다. 조사 설문 내용은 무용전문가 3명과 의학전문가 1명, 설문조사 전문가 1명 등 5명으로 구성되어 설문조사 문항을 위해 협의, 의논하여 문항들을 선택하였으며, 자료 분석 방법으로는 기술통계의 빈도분석과 X2 분석 방법이 사용되었으며, 분석결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 전체적인 움직임에 대해 Kim's body conditioning program 수행 후 무용동작 수행 시 보다 편안함을 느낄 수 있으며, 원활하게 움직일 수 있다는 것으로 응답하였다. 둘째, 무용의 기본 동작에 대해 기본 브러쉬(brush) 동작, 그랑 바뜨망(grands battements) 동작, 데벨로뻬 (develope) 동작, 쁠리에 (plie) 동작, 아라베스크(arabesque) 동작에서 움직임 수행 시 편안함을 느꼈으며, 관련된 근육들에 움직임에서 원활하게 움직일 수 있었다고 응답하였다. 셋째, 무용수들의 Kim's body conditioning program 평가에서 이 프로그램은 전체적인 근력 및 하지의 유연성을 강화할 수 있다고 응답하였으며, 무용 동작 수행 시 움직임에 도움을 줄 수 있는 것으로 무용수들에게 도움이 된다고 응답하였다. 또한 이 프로그램이 무용수들뿐만 아니라 비전공자들에게도 필요한 프로그램이 될 수 있다고 응답하였다. 그러나 무용 표현 기술적인 측면에서는 높은 동의를 얻지 못했다. 이와 같은 결론을 통해 Kim's body conditioning program이 상해를 가진 무용수들에게 재활의 프로그램 중 하나로 제시될 수 있다. The purpose of this study was investigating about previously injured dancers' execution of movements and comfortableness after Kim's body conditioning program. 31 participants joined the six weeks of ADF of the year 2007 after undergoing Kim's body conditioning program. Contents of research were examined by three dance expertise, one medical doctor, and one research expertise. Frequency of descriptive statistics and X2 were used to analyze the collected data. The results were as follows. First, the 31 participants answered they were comfortable executing their movements and greater control over their muscle movements after Kim" body conditioning program. Second, they responded that they could comfortably execute their basic movements then previous to participating in Kim's body conditioning program and move their muscles more readily. Third, after undergoing Kim's body conditioning program, the participants answered Kim's body conditioning program can improve muscular power, become more flexibleness and help execution of movements. In addition, Kim's body conditioning program can help people who are not dance major. Kim's body conditioning program, however, cannot improve executing difficult dance movements. In conclusion, Kim's body conditioning program could be a rehabilitation program for previously injured dancers.

Considering Kim’s Dual Identity in the Post-colonial Discourse

Kim Hoyeol 한국외국어대학교 영미연구소 2015 영미연구 Vol.34 No.-

It is becoming significant for individuals to find their own individual identities, as the today’s ongoing globalization has become much more complicated. A similar situation occurred when the British Empire influenced the world politically, economically, and culturally in the nineteenth century. In order to grasp human intrinsic identities, my thesis aims to use postcolonial theories to examine characters’ identities in a nineteenth-century British novel, Kipling’s Kim (1901). In Kipling’s Kim, I examine Kim, an Irish boy who experiences racial identity confusion by living in British India. Kim’s identity is ambiguous as his background is complicated: his parents are Irish, Kim was born in India, he was educated in a British school, and he participated in the Great Game. It would prove inadequate to try to see Kim’s identity based on binary oppositions, as Kim’s identity is neither British nor native Indian. Aside from simply being a person named Kim, Kim’s identity consists of being someone who has cultural hybridity. Through the main character of Kim, Kipling suggests that a Brit who understands the local Indian culture and society, as Kim does, would govern India with ease. Overall, Kipling’s Kim elaborates on why or how India should be governed by Britain and also seems to justify the British rule of India. In Kim, Kipling creates the main character of Kim, who has cultural hybridity and whose process of personal growth throughout the novel depicts Kipling’s ideas on how to govern India easily. In order to justify British rule in India, Kipling also depicts how British-Indian society was developed by Britain, also through the character of Kim. Looking into characters’ identities throughout nineteenth-century British novels helps modern readers who live in this complicated world to grasp human intrinsic identities.

19세기 전ㆍ중반기 프랑스 선교사들의 조선 입국 시도와 서해 해로

김규성(Kim Gyu-Seong) 한국교회사연구소 2009 敎會史硏究 Vol.0 No.32

The purpose of this thesis is to find out about the process to seek Korean entry route of French missionaries. Bishop Ferreol envisioned this work. And Father Kim-Dae-Geon(金大建) practiced it. This thesis also put great emphasis on the exploitation of the entry route through the seaway of the West Sea. There were several attempts to seek entry route of missionaries before 1843: Bishop Ferreol was appointed to Korean Vicar Apostolic in that year. In those days, the envoy's march which Korea(Jo-seon) sent to China(Cheong) was in existence. They used the route through Ui-ju Byeon-mun(義州 邊門). The emissaries of Korean church utilized this route. Father Ju-Mun-Mo entered through this way. Three French missionaries also came in by similar way. But this route was interrupted after 1839's Persecution. On December 1842, Kim-Dae-Geon searched around Ui-ju Byeon-mun. He met Kim Francisco on the envoy's march of the Winter Solstice at that time. The whole circumstances of 1839's Persecution and the situation of Korean church were reported on the outside. The connection with Korean church have been cut off since 1839's Persecution. It restored in the third year. He tried out infiltration in Korea after succeeding to contact with emissary. He wanted to take Father Maistre in Korea. Therefore he entered alone to Korea on February of the next year. But he should return as it failed to attain the desired end. Bishop Ferreol was appointed to Korean Vicar Apostolic in 1843. After that, he envisioned the entry route to penetrate effectively in Korea. And he selected Father Kim with practician of his plot. He was a seminarian at that time. Bishop Ferreol thought that Korean priest effectively would practice this plot. Besides Father Kim had courage, bravery and geographical faculty. These became important backgrounds that he was selected. At first, they envisioned and attempted the plan to enter through a land route. This route is passing Ui-ju Byeon-mun or the Northeast. Kim-Dae-Geon directly explored this area and attempted a entry. But this didn't succeed. The reason was that it would be dangerous to french missionaries of different appearance. Besides a guard of the frontier had been solemn since 1839's Persecution. Bishop Ferreol also envisioned entry through the Seaway of The West Sea on behalf of a land route. Bishop Imbert and Father Maubant had already devised this plan. In 1840, Bishop Ferreol discovered the letter which contain this scheme. He probably has referred to this letter. Kim-Dae-Geon was ordained deacon on December 1844. Thereafter he entered to Korea alone. Then he received direction from Bishop Ferreol to inquire the plan to enter through the Seaway of the West Sea. When he went to Shang-hai(上海) to be ordained priest, he passed by seaway. He was ordained priest on August 1845. After that, he entered to Korea with Bishop Ferreol and Father Daveluy by similar way. However the seaway also was dangerous and uncertain because of strict surveillance and wind wave. So Bishop Ferreol envisioned a method to use Chinese fishing craft to come and go in coast of Hwang-hai-do(黃海道) for a fishery. And he commanded exploitation of entry route by this method to Father Kim. Father Kim was arrested on the way exploration of this coast for this work. And he died for his belief. The exploitation of entry route was shrunk for a little time due to aftereffect of Father Kim's arrest and martyr. But it was continued to attempt to enter by Ui-ju Byeon-mun and coast of Hwang-hai-do in the long run. Father Choi-Yang-Eob(崔良業) entered to Korea by Ui-ju Byeon-mun on December 1849. Three missionaries including Bishop Berneux arrived in Korea by coast of Hwang-hai-do on March 1856. Thereafter another missionaries used similar seaway. In addition, Father Kim had already made geographics datas on his way to exploit. They were utilized to entry of missionaries actually. The attempt of Korean Entry of French Missionarie

김대건 신부의 해로를 통한 조선 입국로

김수태(Kim, Soo Tae) 한국교회사연구소 2016 敎會史硏究 Vol.0 No.49

김대건 신부는 신학생 때인 1842년에 프랑스 함대를 타고 조선으로 들어오려다 실패하였다. 1845년 부제로서 육로로 조선에 입국하였던 그는 서해를 건너 중국에 들어간 최초의 천주교 신자가 되었다. 이후 신부가 된 그는 조선에서 타고 갔던 배로 페레올 주교와 다블뤼 신부와 함께 다시 돌아왔다. 그러나 귀국한지 얼마 안 되는 1846년에 그는 백령도 부근을 거점으로 해서 조선과 중국을 연결하는 새로운 입국로를 개척하려다가 체포되고 말았다. 따라서 그는 바다와 함께 살다가 순교한 사제였다고 일컬을 수 있다. 이러한 까닭에 김대건 신부의 서해를 통한 선교사들의 입국로 개척에 대해서는 최근에 들어와서 관심이 높아지고 있다. 페레올 주교가 구상하고, 김대건 신부가 개척하였기에 가능하게 되었다고 파악되고 있다. 그러나 김대건 신부의 해로를 통한 입국로 개척에 대해서는 새롭게 다룰 측면이 있다. 우선 페레올 주교와 김대건 신부의 활동은 그 보다 앞선 선교사들이 시도한 해로 개척의 연장선상에서 살펴보아야 한다는 것이다. 무엇보다도 김대건 신부의 활동이 주도적이거나, 능동적으로 제대로 그려지고 있지 않다는 점을 커다란 문제라고 할 수 있다. 이 점에서 해로에 대한 전문적인 지식을 가지고 있던 김대건 신부에 의해서 프랑스 선교사들의 해로 입국이 구체적으로 이루어지게 되는 과정을 새롭게 살펴보고자 한다. 사실 프랑스 선교사들은 조선배로 조선에 입국하는 문제에 대해서 망설였다. 김대건 부제가 중국으로 타고 온 배가 너무나 작고 초라해서 서해를 건너서 갈 수 있는 배로 생각하지 않았다. 더욱이 김대건 신부의 항해 지식이나 해로 개척 가능성에 대해서도 그다지 신뢰하지 않았던 것이다. 이에 이들은 조선배가 아니라 중국배로 조선으로 돌아가고자 희망하였다. 그럼에도 불구하고 김대건 신부는 조선의 배로 두 명의 프랑스 선교사를 태워서 입국하였다. 더 나아가 그는 새로운 지도 작성을 바탕으로 프랑스 선교사들이 백령도 부근을 통해서 조선으로 들어올 수 있는 길을 개척하였다. In 1842, when Kim Daekeon was a seminary student, his attempt to enter Chosun dynasty on the French fleet was frustrated. In 1845, as a deacon whom already entered Chosun by land, he became a first Catholic who entered China by crossing the Western sea. Later, becoming an ordained priest, he came back to Chosun with Bishop Ferréol and Father Daveluy by a ship which he took from Chosun. However in 1846, just after returning from China, he was arrested near the Baengnyeong island attempting to pioneer a new entrance connecting China and Chosun dynasty. Therefore, he can be called as a martyr who dwelled on seas. Due to this, Father Kim Daekweon"s efforts to pioneer missionary entrance through the western sea are currently gaining more interest. This was identified as a feasible plan because Baptiste Ferréol has conceived and Father Kim Daekweon has carried out. However, there is an another perspective to consider regarding Father Kim"s pioneering entrance through seaway. Above all, Bishop Ferréol and Father Kim"s attempts should be considered as an extension of efforts of the previous missionaries. Also, another crucial problem is that Father Kim"s activities are not being portrayed as leading, nor active. In this regard, different examination on how French missionaries" seaway entrance took place by the efforts of Father Kim Daekweon and his expert knowledge about seaway is required. In fact, French missionaries were reluctant at entering Chosun through seaway. The boat that Deacon Kim Daekweon took during his voyage to China was considered too small and flimsy to cross the Western sea. Moreover, Father Kim Daekweon"s nautical knowledge and his vision of pioneering a seaway entrance were thought to be reckless. Hence, they hoped to return to Chosun by chinese ship instead of Chosun"s boat. Nevertheless, Father Kim Daekweon managed to enter Chosun riding Chosun"s boat along with two French missionaries. Furthermore, he pioneered new entrance to Chosun for the French missionaries through mapping areas around Baengnyeong island.

농은(農隱) 김문주(金汶株)의 삶과 문학에 대한 소고

김새미오 ( Kim Sae-mi-o ) 영주어문학회 2018 영주어문 Vol.40 No.-

본고는 農隱 金汶株(1859~1935)의 삶과 문학에 대해 살펴보았다. 김문주는 구한말 제주문인으로, 무과에 합격하여 40대까지 여러 관직을 거쳤다. 하지만 시대가 어지러워지면서 관직을 버리고 은둔의 삶을 선택하였다. 그는 陶淵明을 처신의 기준으로 삼았다. 그의 교유관계는 화갑시에 차운한 인물을 중심으로 정리하였다. 교유관계의 이면에 浮海 安秉宅과의 밀접한 관계를 확인할 수 있었다. 이를 통해 간접적으로 일본에 대해 비판적이었던 그의 마음을 읽을 수 있었다. 이런 그의 인식은 勉庵 崔益鉉ㆍ忠武公 李舜臣등을 제재로 한 작품에서 보다 분명하게 표현되었다. 하지만 김문주는 많은 나이로 인해 실제 항일투쟁을 옮길 수 없었다. 김문주의 의식과 암담한 현실은 분명히 달랐기 때문이다. 실질적인 행동은 다음세대에서 이루어 졌다. 아들인 金明植ㆍ金瀅植, 손자인 金允煥 등은 여러 방식으로 항일의지를 실천했다. 하지만 일제는 이들을 철저히 탄압했고, 결국 좌절되고 말았다. 김문주는 이 지점에서 무력한 자아에 대해 비통한 감정을 토로하였다. 이것은 어쩌면 당대 지식인의 무력감을 상징적으로 보여주는 것이라고 할 수 있다. 제주풍광의 기술 역시 주목할 만한 사항이었다. 김문주는 기존에 있던 『瀛州十景』을 중심으로 재창작하였다. 하지만 이를 그대로 따른 것은 아니었다. 그는 예전의 영주십경을 기준으로 보다 자유롭게 제주풍광을 해석하였다. 그 중에서 「漢拏山」·「龍淵夜帆」 등에 대해서는 특별한 의미를 담고 창작하였다. 김문주의 이런 창작방식은 당시에 제주풍광에 대한 새로운 관점을 제시했다는 점에서 그 의미를 찾을 수 있을 것이다. This paper studied the life and works of Nong Eun Kim Mun-Joo (here after Kim). Kim went through several governmental posts after he passed the military service exam. However, as the time became troubled, he gave up his governmental post and decided to lead the life a recluse. Kim referred Doh Yeun-Myoung for making such decisions. His companionship was organized through the figures recited in poems. It was identified that Kim had a close relationship with Boohae Ahn Byung-Taek, which indicates his fighting spirit against Japan’s colonial power. Such spirit was clearly described in the works that discussed Myun Ahm Choi Ik-Hyun, Admiral Yee Sun-Shin However, Kim could not act himself against Japan’s power as he became already older. Kim’s fighting spirit could not come along with those days in dark, hopeless situations. Real actions were made by his offspring. His two sons Myung-Shik and Hyung-Shik and his grandson Yun-Whan practiced in diverse ways the fighting spirit against Japan. However, Japan’s colonial power persecuted them severely and Kim’s sons and grandson could not help but giving the anti-Japan movement. Kim expressed his bitter emotional pains about his powerless self. This might represent symbolically the powerlessness of intellectuals at those days. It is also worthwhile to pay attention to his descriptions of Jeju Island’s landscape. Kim recreated Jeju’s landscape by focusing up Youngjushipgyung (The Ten Great Landscapes of Jeju). However, he did not follow simply the previous styes. He interpreted on his own styles with more freedom the landscapes of Jeju. Of particular, he created Halla Mt and Yongyeonyabum (also known as youngyeon pedestrian overpass) by giving special meanings to them. Kim creation styles with full of free spirit can be said meaningful in that they suggest new perspectives on Jeju’s landscape at those days.

김대건 신부의 성사 사목활동과 행정 사목활동

김정숙(Kim, Jeong-Sook) 한국교회사연구소 2021 敎會史硏究 Vol.- No.59

김대건 신부는 1845년 8월 17일 사제 서품을 받았고, 1846년 9월 16일 새남터에서 참수치명했다. 사제로서 생활한 기간이 13개월이다. 본고는 이 13개월간 김대건 신부가 행한 일에 대한 검토이다. 여기서는 김대건 신부의 사목활동의 범위를 확정하고 그 활동의 세세한 면면을 찾았다. 자료로는 기존의 문헌 사료는 물론, 지역답사를 겸하며 관련 지역의 전승까지 활용했다. 시작에 앞서 김대건 신부의 사목활동의 개념과 방향을 전환할 필요를 제시했다. 그리고 그의 체력과 외모, 성사 사목 태도, 사는 모습 등을 살폈다. 이어 시복 재판에 나온 증언을 토대로 김대건 신부의 성사 사목활동을 정리했다. 김 신부는 서울과 경기지역에서 성사 사목활동을 했는데, 그 빈도는 반반이었다. 성사에 참여한 사람들은 상호 간 인적 관계를 가지고 있으며, 교회 내 신앙적 위치도 깊은 이들이었다. 이와 더불어 재판 증언은 김 신부의 성사 활동을 포괄적으로 밝히기에는 한계가 있음을 지적했다. 이를 뒷받침하기 위해 남경문 등 증언자로 나오지 않았으면서 김 신부로부터 성사를 본 사람들, 또 신부의 옥중에서의 성사 사목 등을 짚고, 당시 교회 상황을 분석했다. 다음으로 김대건 신부의 특수 사목으로 신자들 조직 방법과 그 운영 방식을 밝히고, 김 신부의 인적 자원을 확인했다. 연평도 항해에 나갔던 사람들, 신부댁에서 봉사하던 여성 등 김 신부와 함께 일한 이들도 역시 상호 인적 관계가 긴밀하고, 신앙생활도 활발한 이들이었다. 김 신부는 이들 인력을 배치하여 교회를 점조직으로 운영해 갔다. 한편, 김대건 신부는 전교자금을 운영했는데, 포목과 은괴 등을 통한 물품으로 국내외 차익을 통해 자금을 늘리고자 했다. 신자들에게 돈을 대주어 배를 사서 장사하도록 하면서 바닷길을 개척·운영했다. 또한 김 신부는 부제 때부터 해오던 신학생 교육도 재개하여 이어갔다. 그는 이러한 교회 업무를 처리하면서, 조선교회 부주교의 역할까지도 감당했다. 김대건 신부는 기해박해 이후 폐허화된 교회를 재건했고, 두 선교사가 조선에 정착 활동할 기반을 다져 놓았다. 메스트르 신부와 최양업 신부는 각기 다른 길로 입국했지만, 그가 개척한 해양로는 이후 조선교회와 세계교회의 연결로가 되었다. 그뿐만 아니라 김 신부는 조선 조정에 새 문화에 대한 충격을 가져다주었다. 무엇보다도 그는 조선인이 신부가 되는 길을 보여주었고, 한국인에게 꿈을 열어 주었다. Father Kim Dae-geon was ordained priest on August 17, 1845, and was beheaded at Saenamteo on September 16, 1846. At the time of his martyrdom he has completed 13 months since his priestly ordination. This article is a review of what Father Kim Dae-geon did during these 13 months. For my research, I used not only existing historical documents, but also information of local traditions of found during my field surveys on the geographic areas where father did his Pastoral work. As a starting point it seemed important to me to present the need of changing the concept and direction of Father Kim’s pastoral activity. It also seemed important to me to highlight the strength of his physical appearance, his own personal way of conceiving and living the sacraments. Then, based on the testimony from his process of beatification, I summarized Father Kim Dae-geon’s sacramental ministry. By this data, Father Kim carried out his sacramental pastoral activities between Seoul and Gyeonggi Province, and the regional frequency was half and a half. Those who participated in the formation for the reception of the sacraments had a personal relationship with each other, and they also had a deep religious position in the life of the local Church. In addition, I pointed out the limitations of the witnesses during the process of beatification; those testimonies remain short and do not comprehensively reveal the fullness of Father Kim’s sacramental ministry. To support this, I analyzed the situation in the church at the time by pointing to people who did not appear as witnesses, such as Nam Kyung-moon, and the work of pastoral ministry carried out in the prisons where the sacramental life was preached and prepared. Next, I try to explain the originality of the pastoral work of father Kim Dae-geon specially the way he organized and interacted with the believers and prepared them as a resource for his work of evangelization. Those who worked with Father Kim, such as those who went on a voyage to Yeonpyeong Island for finding the entrance for the missionaries and the women who served at the presbytery, also had close personal relationships and were active in their religious life. Father Kim organized these belivers as a branch organization to run the church. On the other hand, Father Kim Dae-geon ran the funds of the mission, and he wanted to increase the funds through import profits with goods such as cloth and silver ingots. He opened and operated the sea route by lending money to believers to buy ships and trade. In addition, Father Kim continued to educate seminaries, which he had been doing since the time of his deacon. While handling these church affairs, he was even considered as the vice-bishop of the Joseon Church. Father Kim Dae-geon rebuilt the church that was ruined after the Gihae persecution, and laid the foundation for the two missionaries to settle down in Joseon. The sea route that Father Kim Dae-geon pioneered became a connection way between the Korean church and the world church, except Father Maistre and Father Yang-eop Choi entered Korea by different routes. Not only that, but Father Kim brought the shock of the new culture to the Joseon court. Above all, he showed the way for Koreans to become priests and opened up dreams for Koreans.

金範禹와 그의 가계

김두헌(Kim Doo-Hean) 한국교회사연구소 2010 敎會史硏究 Vol.0 No.34

This paper studied on the Kim Beom-u (金範禹) and his lineage who was first persecuted in 1785 for his belief in Roman Catholicism (天主敎). Followings are results of the research in this paper: First, the Kim Beom-u's ancestors began to separate themselves from YangBan (兩班) lineage and to form Chungin (中人) lineage in the early 17th century. From that time on, some of the Kim's ancestors passed not only Mugua (武科) but also Japgua (雜科). Although they passed Mugua, their social status as Chungin were unchanged. The existing arguments that Kim's lineage was changed from Muban (武班) status into Chungin status must be reexamined because their social status was never changed since they had became Chungin in the early 17th century. Second, though Kim Beom-u's father Kim Ui-seo (金義瑞) had four legitimate children from his wife who had been still alive, he had more children from a concubine. He also paid some funds for publications of his lineage books, ChogPo (族譜). Such actions were very popular practices in Chungin society. On the contrary, the fact that Kim Ik-han (金翊漢), Kim Beom-u's great-grandfather, after passing the YugGua (譯科), became active in a chief interpreter of a diplomatic envoy to Beijing (北京) illuminated that Kim Beom-u's lineage seems to be quite open to the outside world. Third, the existing research emphasized that Chungin accommodated Catholicism because of their resistance to the discrimination by YangBan. But Chungin also must be giving up desires for getting public offices or concubines to receive Catholicism. Kim Beom-u, as the member of a powerful Chungin lineage, must have more determination than other Chungin members become a Catholic believer because Kim Beom-u could easily get those advantages such as public offices or concubines. Fourth, Kim Beom-u was intimate with Yi-Byeok (李檗) because they were related by marriage. Their in-lawships were formed by Kim Ssi (金氏) who was Jeong Yak-yong (丁若鏞)'s father's concubine. But the most important reason for their intimate relationships was the fact that Kim Beom-u was a man of great knowledge. The fact that Yi-Byeok was a great scholar and Kim Beom-u propagated many people such as not only Chungin but also YangBan make me surmise their close relations. Fifth, the Kim Beom-u's descendants still had married with Chungin after 20 years of his persecution. Kim Dong-yup (金東曄), Kim Beom-u's grandson, who resided in Mil-Yang (密陽), associated with YugGuan (譯官) who kept high ranking public offices in Seoul. The purpose of his intimate relations with them was to maintain his social position for his family. Kim Dong-yup kept the relationship by marriage and the scop of the relationship was very wide. Through this fact we can conclude that interrelationship in the late ChoSon (朝鮮) society was very powerfully influenced by not only blood but also marriage. Sixth, through this research I can notice that the most important qualification of Chung in was kept in the blood, and Chungin must marry Chungin and reside in Seoul or suburb to maintain it's status.