Irrigation with Microbial-Contaminated Water and Risk of Crop Contamination

최연식,송인홍,권순국,Choi, C. Yeon-Sik,Song, In-Hong,Kwun, Soon-Kuk The Korean Society of Agricultural Engineers 2007 한국농공학회논문집 Vol.49 No.2

The aim of this study was to compare crop contamination between two irrigation methods using microbial-contaminated water. The effect of relative humidity on microbial survival of the three indicator microorganisms was also investigated. Escherichia coli ATCC 25922, Clostridium perfringens ATCC 3624, and coliphage PRD1 were applied to irrigation water to grow cantaloupe, lettuce, and bell pepper. Half of the sixteen plots were subsurface drip irrigated (SDI) and the other half were furrow irrigated (FI). Two relative humidity levels were controlled at 15-65 % and 55-80 % for the dry and humid condition experiments, respectively. Samples of produce, surface soil, and subsurface soil at a depth of 10 cm were collected over a two-week period following the application of the study microorganisms. Overall, greater contamination of both produce and soil occurred in the FI plots. For the SDI plots, preferential water paths and resulting water appearance on the seed beds seemed to be responsible for produce contamination. Relative humidity levels did not appear to affect microbial survival in soil. PRD 1 showed lower inactivation rates than 5. coli in both dry and humid conditions. C. perfringens did not experience significant inactivation over the experimental period, suggesting this microorganism can be an effective indicator of fecal contamination.

인테그린 α₂와 상피성장인자수용체 차단항체의 저해작용을 통한 구강편평상피암 세포의 선택적 제거

최연식,김규천,윤식,황대석,김철훈,전영찬,변준호,신상훈,김욱규,Choi, Yeon-Sik,Kim, Gyoo-Cheon,Yoon, Sik,Hwang, Dae-Seok,Kim, Cheol-Hun,Jeon, Young-Chan,Byun, June-Ho,Shin, Sang-Hun,Kim, Uk-Kyu 대한악안면성형재건외과학회 2013 Maxillofacial Plastic Reconstructive Surgery Vol.35 No.3

Purpose: This study was to find efficacy of integrin alpha2 (${\alpha}_2$) and epidermal growth factor receptor (EGFR) as tumor marker of oral squamous cell carcinoma (SCC) and clarify the selective cell death effect of anti-integrin ${\alpha}_2$ and anti-EGFR on SCC cells, additionally testify conjugated gold nanoparticles (GNP) with air plasma for selective cell death of oral SCC. Methods: Expression of integrin ${\alpha}_2$, EGFR on human SCC cells (SCC25) were examined by western blot. SCC25 cells were treated with anti-integrin ${\alpha}_2$, anti-EGFR and analysed by Hemacolor staining, immunoflorescence staining, FACS flow cytometry. Conjugated GNP with integrin ${\alpha}_2$, EGFR antibody were treated by air plasma on SCC cells. Results: Integrin ${\alpha}_2$ and EGFR were over-expressed on SCC25 cells than normal lung WI-38 cells. The cell viability rate of SCC25 cells treated with anti-integrin ${\alpha}_2$, anti-EGFR was lower than WI-38 cells. The concentration changes of nucleus, releasing cytochrome c and apoptosis inducing factor (AIF) from mitochondria to cytosol were observed. The changes of proteins related with apoptosis were observed. Increase of bax, bcl-xL, activation of caspase-3, -7, -9, and fragmentation of PARP, DFF45 and decrease of lamin A/C in SCC25 cells were observed. In FACS, increase of sub-$G_1$ and S phase was observed. Cell cycle related proteins, Such as cyclin D1, cyclin dependent kinase (CDK) 4, cyclin A, cyclin E, CDK 2, p27 were decreased. After SCC25 cells treated with conjugatged GNP-Integrin ${\alpha}_2$, GNP-EGFR, additionally air plasma, the cell death rate was significantly increased. Conclusion: Integrin ${\alpha}_2$, EGFR were over-expressed in oral SCC cells. Anti-integrin ${\alpha}_2$, anti-EGFR in SCC25 cells induced apoptosis selectively. When GNP-anti integrin ${\alpha}_2$, GNP-anti EGFR were treated with air plasma on SCC25 cells, cancer cells were died more selectively. GNP-anti integrin ${\alpha}_2$, GNP-anti EGFR with air plasma could be treatment choice of oral SCC.

『예기』에 나타난 예의 법제화와 유교입헌주의

최연식(Choi Yeon Sik) 한국정치학회 2009 한국정치학회보 Vol.43 No.1

예치의 원리가 작동하는 유교사회에서 군주는 예를 제정하고 집행하는 지존의 존재였지만, 동시에 예는 군주를 규율하는 견제 장치로 활용되었다. 이글은 예를 통해 군주의 권력을 제한하고자 했던 유교국가의 예치 이념을‘유교입헌주의(confucian constitutionalism)’로 규정하고자 한다. 특히 유교입헌주의의 정전(正典)으로 확립된『예기』는 새로운 거대 제국의 통치 질서를 확립하려는 한대의 정치적 문제의식이 가미되면서, 유교와 법가의 통치원리가 습합된 동양사회의 헌정 규범으로 전승되었다. 유교입헌주의의 관점에서『예기』는 천자를 천하에 군림하는 지존의 존재로 설정했지만, 동시에 도덕규범과 법제를 준수하지 않는 자의적 권력행사는 견제의 대상이었다. 『예기』가 지향하는 유교입헌주의는 황권을 부인하지 않는 범위 내에서 자의적 권력 행사에 대한 견제를 허용하는 절충적 구조였다. 이념적인 측면에서 볼 때, 한대 이후 중국 사회가 거대 제국의 효율성과 안정성을 동시에 충족시키면서 비교적 장기간 지속할 수 있었던 것은 이러한 권력의 길항을 허용하는 유교입헌주의의 소산이었다. In the Confucian society where the principle of rule of rites had been working, the son of Heaven was the highest ruler who legislated and executed the rites. But at the same time the rites was utilized as a restraint apparatus to discipline the power of the son of Heaven. The aim of this paper is to define the ideology of Confucian rule of rites which tried to restraint the power of the son of Heaven as Confucian Constitutionalism. The Book of Rites was established as a canon of Confucian Constitutionalism when the Confucian scholars of Han dynasty propelled to settle the ruling ideology of new gigantic empire. Therefore from that time on the Book of Rites had begun to be handed down as a Constitutional canon which combined the Confucianism and Legalism. From the Confucian Constitutional perspective, the Book of Rites had defined the son of Heaven as the highest ruler under Heaven, but his arbitrary power which did not conform to moral regulation and legal institution was the object of restraints from subjects. The Confucian Constitutionalism in the Book of Rites aims an eclectic structure which permitted subjects’restraints on the son of Heaven’s arbitrary power without denying the King’s power. From the ideological perspectives, the longevity of Chinese empire from the Han dynasty was the product of Confucian Constitutionalism which permitted the rivalry of powers between King and subjects.

이와쿠라 사절단(岩倉使節團)이 본 서양

최연식(Yeon Sik Choi),이필영(Pilyoung Lee) 연세대학교 동서문제연구원 2013 동서연구 Vol.25 No.2

일본은 메이지 유신을 단행한 이후 1871년부터 1873년까지 약 1년 10개월 동안 대규 모의 사절단을 미국과 유럽에 파견하여 서양의 문명 현장을 시찰했다. 이에 앞서 중국도 1867년부터 1868년까지 2년간에 걸쳐 미국과 유럽에 사절단을 파견했고, 조선도 1881년에 사절단을 일본에 파견하여 메이지 유신의 성과를 시찰했다. 그러나 중국의 사절단에는 정부의 실세들이 포함되지 않았고, 쟝더이가 기록한 사절단의 보고서는 중국 중심적 세계관이 강하게 남은 개인의 기록이었다. 조선의 경우는 시찰 기간도 짧았고 시찰 지역도 일본에 한정되어 있었기 때문에 서구 문명의 위력을 실감하는 데한계가 있었다. 반면에 일본의 경우에는 정부의 실세인 이와쿠라 도모미가 특명전권 대사를 맡았고, 정부 주도로 치밀하게 준비하여 대규모의 사절단을 장기간 파견했다. 이 연구는 이와쿠라 사절단의 파견 배경과 견문 내용을 검토함으로써, 조선의 조사시 찰단 파견이 갖고 있는 함의와 한계를 판단하는 시금석으로 삼고자 한다. 이를 위해서 이 연구에서는 우선 메이지 유신을 단행한 일본 정부의 사절단 파견 결정 과정을 검토하여 그들의 결정이 전에 없던 새로운 국민국가를 건설하기 위해 치밀한 준비 과정을 거쳤음을 밝혔다. 둘째로 이와쿠라 사절단의 견문 기록을 전체적으로 검토하여 그들의 관심이 서양의 과학과 기술과 같은 물질적 차원의 문명뿐만 아니라 정치제도와 교육 같은 제도와 정신적 차원의 문명도 주의 깊게 관찰했다는 점을 밝혔다. 셋째로 이와쿠라 사절단이 일본 사회에 미친 영향을 중심으로 그들의 서양 문명 수용 방식이 모방을 넘어서 일본적인 특수성과 서양적인 보편성을 습합(習合)시키는 데 초점이 맞추어져 있었음을 밝혔다. After Meiji Restoration, Japan decided to dispatch the Iwakura Mission to the U.S. and Europe and observed the civilization of the West for 1 year and 10 months from 1871 to 1873. China dispatched grand embassy to the west before Iwakura Mission from 1867 to 1868, and Joseon also dispatched embassy to Japan and inspected the result of Meiji Restoration in 1881. But powerful figures of Chinese government were excluded in Chinese embassy and the reports of Zhang Deyi were a personal record that was filled with Sino centric world view. In case of Joseon, the period of inspection was too short to experience the power of Western civilization and the region of inspection was limited to Japan. On the other hand, ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary Iwakura Tomomi was a powerful figure of Japanese government and Japanese government carefully prepared to dispatch grand mission for a long time. This study purports to examine the background of Iwakura Mission dispatch and contents of inspection to test the meaning and limits of Joseon’s mission to Japan. The arguments of this study are three as below. First, the purpose of Japanese government’s decision to dispatch mission was to build new nation state that was never heard to Japanese people. Second, the interests of Iwakura Mission were to inspect and learn spiritual civilization as well as material civilization. Third, the way of accommodating western civilization of Iwakura Mission was not to imitate west but to compromise Japanese specific and western universality.

1970년대 박정희 정권의 산업합리화와 중화학공업화 정책의 역기능

최연식(Choi, Yeon Sik) 연세대학교 동서문제연구원 2012 동서연구 Vol.24 No.2

산업합리화의 목표는 기본적으로 기업의 국제경쟁력을 강화하는 데 있고, 대기업이나 재벌만을 위한 산업합리화가 아니라 중소기업의 활성화를 근간으로 하는 산업구조의 체질 개선이 무엇보다 중요하다. 그러나 산업합리화의 일환으로 추진된 한국의 중화학공업화는 1969년 3월 12일 박정희 대통령의 지시에 따라 시작되었고, 박정희의 지시사항을 전담하는 중화학공업추진위원회기획단에 의해 추진되었다. 이 점에서 1970년대 한국의 중화학공업화는 경제적 동인보다 대통령의 의지와 리더십이 무엇보다 중요한 요인으로 작용했다. 특히 이 시기의 중화학공업화 정책은 1972년에 선포된 유신과 동전의 양면을 이루면서 정치논리가 경제논리를 견인하는 방행으로 전개되었다. 결과적으로 박정희 개인의 정치적 리더십과 결단에 의존한 중화학공업화는 경제적 측면에서 주목할 만한 가시적 성과를 거둔 것도 사실이지만, 과잉중복투자와 재벌로의 경제력 집중이라는 부정적 선례를 남겼다는 비판으로 자유롭지 못했다. 박정희가 중화학공업화를 추진하는 과정에서 발휘한 리더십은 경제논리보다는 정치논리에 압도되었고, 경제리더십은 정치리더십의 정당화를 위해 활용된 수단합리적 성격을 띠고 있었다. Basically industrial rationalization purports to strengthen international competitiveness of individual company and whole industry. In this vein the success of industrial rationalization depends not on the interests of big business and conglomerates but on the revitalization of medium and small-sized enterprises and the improvement of industrial structure itself. But heavy and chemical industrialization of Korea in 1970s which propelled as a part of industrial rationalization was commenced by president Park Chung Hee on March 12, 1969, and exclusively initiated by the Heavy and Chemical Industry Promotion Council which was only responsible for president Park’s instructions. In this respect the more important factor in the process of heavy and chemical industrialization of Korea in 1970s was president’s political will and leadership rather than economic inducement. Moreover the heavy and chemical industrialization and the proclamation of Yushin reform in 1972 forming two sides of a coin, political logic of Yushin reform guided economic logic of industrialization. As a consequence, politically-lead heavy and chemical industrialization had achieved anticipated economic results, it also leaved negative precedents of overinvestment and concentration to big businesses. In the process of wielding Park’s leadership in heavy and chemical industrialization, political logic overwhelmed economic logic, and his economic leadership wore the character of instrumental rationality which legitimized his political leadership.

정암 조광조(1482-1519)의 도덕적 근본주의와 정치개혁

최연식(Yeon Sik Choi) 한국정치학회 2003 한국정치학회보 Vol.37 No.5

도덕적 근본주의는 도덕의 정치화를 통해 도덕과 정치를 일치시키려 했던 조광조의 의지를 표현하는 개념이다. 이 논문에서는 조광조의 도덕적 근본주의가 영향력 있는 정치담론으로 확립될 수 있었던 배경으로 조선 초기의 도통론을 정치적 관점에서 재해석했고, 조광조의 도덕적 근본주의 정치론을 정치의 원칙에 대한 도덕적 탐색과 도덕적 원리의 정치적 실현이라는 두 가지 차원에서 검토했다. 도덕적 근본주의자 조광조는 당대에는 현실정치의 벽을 뛰어넘지 못했지만, 김굉필, 정여창, 이언적, 이황 등과 함께 문묘에 배향됨으로써 사후에 정치적으로 복권되었다. 조광조의 정치활동은 4년에 불과했고, 그는 학문적으로도 뚜렷한 업적을 남기지 못했지만, 정치의 도덕적 원칙을 엄격히 지키려 했던 그의 신념이 정치적으로 재평가되었던 것이다. 그리고 이러한 정치적 복권과정을 통해서 조광조의 도덕적 근본주의는 한국정치사상의 전형으로 확립되었다. Moral Radicalism is the concept that represents Cho Kwang-jo’s volition to synthesize morality and politics through the politicization of morals. Firstly, this article seeks to reinterpret the genealogy of neo-Confucian orthodoxy in the early Chos?n period from political perspectives. Secondly, it tries to argue that Cho exercised his influence over his contemporary political arena in the process of establishing Korean neo-Confucian genealogy. Thirdly, it examines two aspects of Cho’s moral radicalism, which are moral investigation on the principles of politics and political realization of the moral principles. A moral radical Cho Kwang-jo was not able to overcome the political obstacles in his days. His political career was no more than 4 years, and he did not produce brilliant academic achievements. Nevertheless, he was politically reinstated posthumously through the enshrinement in a Confucian shrine, and his faith in moral principle on politics was reappraised. Cho Kwang-jo’s moral radicalism was a typical ideology of pre-modern Korean political thoughts.

『경국대전』과 유교국가 조선의 예치(禮治): 예(禮)의 형식화 과정을 중심으로

최연식 ( Yeon Sik Choi ),송경호 ( Kyung Ho Song ) 연세대학교 사회과학연구소 2007 社會科學論集 Vol.38 No.1

The Western view on Eastern society that Confucian society lacked the rule of law is an expression of ``Negative Question`` which attempt to distinguish the East from the West by the lack of Western elements. Challenging arguments against Orientalism, which considers the rule of Li as an opposing conception to the rule of law, are related with next three questions. First, is it true that Confucian society was despotic which had been ruled by an arbitrary emperor without the idea of rule of law? Second, if it is true that the rule of man, not the rule of law, had been predominant system in the Confucian society, did it wholly originate from Confucian conception of Li? Third, did Joseon dynasty which defined itself as an Confucian state, consequently, lack a sense of the rule of law? The main purpose of this article is to grope answers for three questions through the codification process of Li which Gyeongguk daejeon pursued. Gyeongguk daejeon was a result of Joseon dynasty scholar-officials` reflection on the rule of Li which codified Confucian ethics and Confucian scriptures. Moreover, Joseon dynasty could have considerable openness through the codification process of both ethical and formal aspect of Li, it is because the whole process had been repeatedly verified, revised, and complemented according to Confucian scriptures. At this point, Confucian state Joseon could sublate to bet on morality of a monarch and guarantee the stability of rule of Li which synthesized social and state norm.

디지털합성의 기술과 과학

최연식 ( Yeon Sik Choi ) 한국영상미디어협회 2005 예술과 미디어 Vol.4 No.1

경제발전, 정치안정, 그리고 이념적 조정

최연식(Choi Yeon Sik) 한국국제정치학회 2001 國際政治論叢 Vol.41 No.1

탈냉전기 중국의 민족주의와 동북아질서

최연식(YEON SIK CHOI) 21세기정치학회 2004 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.14 No.1

With China rising as a military and economic super power after the end of cold war, it began to emphasize the international duty and role of great power, the role of responsible great power. The main question of this study is how China came to take charge of responsible great power in international order. This study assumes that the resurgence of nationalism in 1990's motivated the change of chinese foreign policy from passive perception of their international role to positive conviction of responsible great power. The diverse trends of Chinese nationalism in 1990's was the result of self reflection on their nationalistic nihilism in 1980's. And the remarkable and steady economic growth amplified the nationalistic confidence of China after open door policy in 1978. In this regard it seems to be plausible that chinese nationalism are gradually evolving from the exclusive nationalism into the universal and pragmatic nationalism in the post-cold war era. Nevertheless it cannot be overlooked that chinese nationalism can negatively affect northeast asian regional order. Moreover the Northeast Asian Project that launched in February 2002 and historical reinterpretation of chinese borderland especially between China and Korean peninsular show that chinese nationalism is deeply connected with northeast asian regional order and Korean security issues.