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Social Construction of Chinese Nationalism in the 21stCentury
차창훈(Cha Chang Hoon) 21세기정치학회 2011 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.21 No.1
If one hypothesize the existence of nationalism and then classify it as an ideology, Chinese nationalism could decide the trajectory of China’s growing national power direction, which gets more and more concern from international community with rise of China in the 21st century. The constructivist argument provides some meaningful points for understanding and explaining Chinese nationalism. As nationalism is imagined under certain conditions, as Anderson argues, Chinese nationalism has been socially constructed in international arena. Like all forms of identity, national identity does not arise in isolation, but develops and changes in encounters with other groups. Thus, Chinese nationalism cannot be comprehended in isolation. Instead, it must be understood as constantly evolving as Chinese interaction with other nationalities. It means the future trajectory of Chinese nationalism in great part depends upon its interaction with outside powers, especially regional powers and great powers. During this process, the collective identity formation through multilateral cooperation with other states, especially with regional neighbors like Korea and Japan, would greatly contribute to China’s soft landing on international community. The process of understanding others’ identity would lead to collective identity formation. If not, the world of the 21th century would face a significant challenge that will be posed by a rise of China.
박순성 21세기정치학회 2000 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.10 No.1
본 논문은 21세기 한반도 통일전략과 관련하여 세 개의 명제를 제시한다. 첫째, 통일에 대한 접근은 민족주의적 관점에 중심을 두고 신자유주의적 관점을 포용하는 방식을 취하여야 한다. 둘째, 현 단계 남북한의 관심영역인 경제분야 교류협력이 확장되고 남북관계 전반에 긍정적 파급효과를 미치기 위해서는 정경분리원칙을 넘어 당국간 정책협력을 도모해야 한다. 셋째, 한반도 통일은 동아시아 질서의 재편을 가져올 뿐만 아니라 재편 자체를 통해서만 실현될 수 있으므로, 냉전체제 해체 이후 아직도 완전히 재편되지 않은 동아시아 질서가 통일에 유리한 방향으로 나아가도록 하는 방안, 곧 동아시아의 안보‧경제협력방안을 모색하여야 한다. 본 논문의 논의는 현실에 대한 역사적‧구조적 해석으로 대부분 구성되어 있다. 사실의 수집‧확인보다 해석에 치중하는 연구가 가질 수밖에 없는 한계에도 불구하고, 본 논문이 제시하는 한반도 공간정치에 대한 해석은 통일정세 변화에 대한 과학적 이해와 함께 대북‧통일정책의 기본 방향 설정에 기여할 것이다.
전복희 21세기정치학회 2018 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.28 No.2
New feminism reflects the culture and demand of some younger generations in socio-economic and political changes in Germany in the 2000s. It emphasizes individual freedom and choice, meritocracy and personal responsibility. It rejects the ideological dogma of the second wave feminism and claims feminism which originated from daily life. It also criticizes objectified femininity in popular culture, insists on subjective femininity that enjoys freedom, sexual pleasure and advocates feminism with men. It arbitrarily redefines feminism by sampling and remixing feminist elements. So it lost social criticism and its power for social transformation, and defended the status quo. In addition, it is disseminated by the media, lacking academic and theoretical debates. It could diffuse distorted knowledge and understanding of feminism, and intensify conflicts between generations, which can hinder the development of German feminism and the women's movement.
김의곤(Eui Kon Kim) 21세기정치학회 2003 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.13 No.1
In the wake of the 21th Century, the United States, the current hegemon of the world, seems to be bewildered in the field of the hegemonic leadership as well as world management. Facing the collapse of the major adversary, the Soviet Union, the United States seems to have lost what has made America as it has been. I other words, the U. S. had to do anything that were opposing the Soviet Union and that was thought by many Americans as the right, correct and just. Now its adversary is gone and American society as a whole is facing the fragmentation and multi-culturization. In this context the U. S. seems to stick to its traditional values like freedom, liberty and human rights, etc. The Commission on America's National Interests clearly identified five national interests in 2000. The first and most significant national interest, among others, at least in the near future is to deter and prevent any countries from possessing and developing Massive Destructive Weapons including bio-chemical as well as nuclear weapons. So American policies toward Pyongyang is largely determined in terms of its world-wide management as a hegemon. The United States as a responsible hegemon will exercise its coercive leadership to its allies as well as its potential enemies including China, Russia, and countries in the list of Rogue countries. Thus, American policy vis-a-vis Pyongyang in the near future will be likely to be a restrained engagement, which is detrimental to North Korean nuclear acrobat.
고영근(Koh Yung-Keun) 21세기정치학회 2000 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.10 No.2
중국 전통문화의 주류이자 고대중국의 통치 이데올로기였던 유가사상은 현대 중국지도부의 중시와 재조명을 받고있으며, 아울러 현대중국의 중국특색의 사회주의라는 통치이념중에서 유가사상은 과거 모택동시기와는 대조적으로 적극적으로 운용되고 있다. 그같은 통치이념으로서의 유가사상의 운용은 정치ㆍ사회 및 경제적 목적을 지니고 있으며, 특히 21C 양안관계의 통일문제에서 주도권을 잡고자하는 중국정부의 정치적 계산과도 밀접한 관련을 지니고 있다. 본 연구는 개혁개방이후 현대중국의 국가발전과정에서 지도부의 유가사상에 대한 인식의 변화와 적극적 운용의 배경을 사회․문화적 및 정치ㆍ경제적 관점에서 고찰했다. 그리고 개혁ㆍ개방시기의 유가사상에 대한 정책 변화와 구체적인 운용을 중국특색의 사회주의의 세속화, 사회안정의 기제 및 민족경제력 극대화를 위한 문화적 기초라는 시각에서 분석을 시도했다. 끝으로 현대중국의 정치機制중 사회주의 사상과 유가사상의 상보적 상관관계 가능성과 연계해서 21C 중국사회주의의 미래에 대한 조명을 시도했다.
수도권 지역의 선거적 책임성과 당파성의 사회화: 제21대 국회의원 선거 설문조사 분석
정동준 21세기정치학회 2020 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.30 No.3
수도권 지역은 그 정치적 중요성에도 불구하고 우리나라 선거 연구에서 많은 주목을 받지 못했다. 본 논문은 이번 21대 총선에서 나타난 수도권 유권자들의 투표행동을, 선거적 책임성과 당파성의 사회화를 중심으로 분석하였다. 설문조사 분석 결과, 수도권 지역 유권자들이 비수도권에 비해 선거를 책임성의 도구로 사용하는 정도가 높은 것으로 나타났다. 이러한 차이를 가져온 원인으로 당파성의 사회화를 살펴본 결과, 수도권 거주자 중 영호남 출신에서 부모와 같은 당파성을 갖는 비중이 높게 나타났고, 출신지가 당파성 형성에 미치는 영향력은 수도권에 오래 거주했다 하여 약화되지 않았다. 이를 통해 우리나라에서도 유년 시절의 환경과 부모 사회화를 통해 당파성이 형성되고 있고, 수도권의 높은 선거적 책임성은 이렇게 사회화가 강하게 일어나는 지역 출신의 유권자가 상대적으로 적은 인구 특성에 기인한 것임을 알 수 있다.
독일 연방상원(Bundesrat)의 지역·정당이익 대표
주인석(In Suck Joo) 21세기정치학회 2014 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.24 No.1
The purpose of the paper is to analyse the modus operandi of the German Bundesrat, being as the second chamber under the cooperative federalism, in which regional and political interests of federal states have been represented simultaneously. And the paper will try to derive some implications for political reform in Korean Politics. The Bundesrat is a consensus-oriented institutional mechanism that represents political and region-specific interests through providing opportunities for cooperation and competition between federal government and federal states, among federal states. One reason to pay to attention to the structure and functions of Bundesrat is that the local politics in Korea needs a consensus -oriented system being able to overcome the chronic intervention of central politics into local politics and to coordinate the conflicts in the regional and local politics. A Bundesrat model would not be applied directly to the Korean politics because it has been placed in the German-specific historical and political context. However, we can take and learn some lessons from the Bundesrat model and German consensus democracy: first, political reforms in Korean politics have to be oriented toward providing the people with an 'equal life condition' and to bring our political systems including political party and election system to correspond to the goal. Second, a tentative named, 'Representative Council of Local Politics' is to be established for limiting the excessive interference of national politics and ensuring the local interests. And third, local politics is to be activated through organizational building of political parties at the local level.
여계언(Yu Chi-Yen) 21세기정치학회 2014 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.24 No.1
This dissertation is written to examine and discuss repatriation issues of the Chinese Prisoners Of War (POWs) during 6.25 Korean War. The involvement of People’s Republic of China (PRC) in Korean War produced thousands of Chinese POWs in the aftermath of war. As a result, mismanagement on repatriation for a large number of Chinese POWs became a big issue and made several problems. I examines the question of how United States Armed Forces’ Civil Information and Education Section (CIE) education program influences the repatriation decision of Chinese prisoners in United Nations (UN) prisons after Korean War. According to some documentary sources, I demonstrate that the Chinese prisoner’s ultimate decision on “Back to Taiwan” in UN prisons were mostly influenced by the Taiwan Government’s active intervention. I argue that Taiwan government dispatched their personnels to participate in the CIE’s education program, explicitly. At the same time, Taiwan personnels also had been nominated as cadres in the CIE education program, in order to induce the Chinese prisoners’ decision, implicitly. Beside that, the Chinese POWs also considered the POWs asylum policy, the better life-style, and more importantly their lives under threat by others life-wing Chinese POWs. More surprisingly, I found that it was a ‘force’ rather than inducement when the Taiwan personnels intervened on the Chinese prisoners’ decision. I suggest the fact that each Chinese POWs had made the definitive choice, however, these fourteen thousand POWs who refused to return back to China mainland absolutely were not influenced by the same factor. In fact, comprehensive factors that I mentioned in the dissertation indeed play a part on the repatriation decision making.