김환기의 근대기 작품에 나타난 체험과 감각

김인아(Kim In-ah) 한국근현대미술사학회 2015 한국근현대미술사학 Vol.29 No.-

It is prevalent opinion that Kim Whan?ki from the 1930s to the early 1940s was an abstract artist. As well known, Kim had strong ties with the avant-garde communities of Japan when he was a student there as well as when back to Korea while producing abstract works. Kim later formed a neorealism community with Yoo Youngkuk and Lee KyuSang, where he seeked the ‘Neo-Reality’. He also reflected his interest in korean tradition and antiques in his work while having made an exchange with artists, poets, and writers who had worked through ‘Munjang’ that is literature magazine. That much of the academic literature on Kim’s paintings from this period have been focused on abstract and avant-garde art and orientalism may be a natural consequence of his historical trajectory as the above. As the advanced researches tell, Kim Whan?ki’s interest is not the departure from an object but the way ‘abstractifying’ an object, while pursuing the abstract art. This study also begins from the premise that the key element necessary for interpreting Kim’s abstract art is the way rather than the concept. I would like to go even a step further to argue that the form and content of the abstract in Kim’s work reflect the artist’s personal experiences and emotional sensations. And I’ll argue that such personal experiences-which exist on the outskirts of Kim’s abstract art-are imbued with a kind of romanticism. To illuminate these points, I analyze the abstract features of Kim’s work that appear as geometrical designs in conjunction with the social atmosphere of the era, and also interpret the artist’s personal experiences reflected in the work through references to articles, photographs, and related written works published in the literary magazines of the day. I attempt to show that Kim Whan-ki’s painting which abstractly portrayed the city and machines-symbols of the most cutting-edge elements of civilization- are not simply a matter of style but concrete expressions of the artist’s existential interpretations of nature, life, and modern civilization. It may seem unusual for an artist who interprets the world through the lens of existentialism to pursue such an abstract style. However, at that time, this is not unusual. This is because the avant-garde discourse in those days was developed in each artist’s personal understanding. The experiences of the 1930s that appear in Kim’s work were personal and everyday experiences of modern civilization, and this is why his artwork includes hints at the modernist emotional connection with urban life. Kim’s nostalgia for the modern lifestyle he experienced during his student years in Tokyo occasionally appears as a landscape that is in turn representational or contemplative. These approach is similar to imagism in literature. Kim Gi-rim, a leading Korean modernist poet, defines poetry as the expression of not the mental but the “real” world in writing. Similarly, Kim Whan?ki’s work is an expression of reality as created through the artist’s memories and experiences.

조선총독부박물관 전시에 대한 소고

김인덕(Kim In duck) 전남대학교 글로벌디아스포라연구소 2011 전남대학교 세계한상문화연구단 국제학술회의 Vol.2011 No.2

1915년의 공진회는 만들어진 홍보공간이었다. 빛나는 조선 문화 보다는 열등한 조선 문화, 제국에 눌린 조선의 왕권, 일본자본주의를 학습하는 장소였다. 문제는 공진회의 전시가 기본적으로 역사성과 문화성이 결여되었고, 동시에 비교 전시를 통해 현실의 정치와 문화를 상대화시켰으며, 종국적으로 조선총독부의 효율성을 과시하는 공간이 되어 제국의 ‘목적’에 충실했다는 점이다. 공진회 때의 미술관인 석조 건물은 조선총독부박물관의 본관이 되었다. 개관한 조선총독부박물관 본관은 박물관 건물로 지어진 것은 아니었다. 기능적으로 미술관이었다. 조선총독부박물관의 1920년대 전시는 1923년의 내용을 우선 확인할 수 있다. 1923년 전시는 공진회 때의 미술관 1층의 전시 내용, 즉 중앙 홀의 경주 남산 약사불, 석굴암 부조 등과 동실의 고기물, 서실의 각종 미술품 등이 부분적으로만 확인된다. 본관 2층의 전시는 공진회 때의 2층 동실의 조선 회화 중심, 2층 서실의 현대 회화 중심의 전시에 변화가 있었다. 변화의 핵심은 본관 1층 동실에 낙랑, 대방 등에서 발굴된 유물이 전시되었다는 것과 수정전 등에 중국 신강성에서 수집하여 온 유물들이 전시되고 있는 사실 정도이다. 본격적인 조선총독부박물관 전시실의 구성 내용을 확인할 수 있는 시기는 1926년으로 보인다. 1926년의 전시는 큰 변화가 있다고 할 수 없지만 유물의 시대순 정리와 분류가 분명해졌다. 1930년대의 전시는 1933년과 1936년의 전시 내용을 통해 확인되는데, 1933년의 전시는 기본적으로 1920년대의 공간 구분의 큰 틀은 그대로 유지했으나, 진열장 내부의 전시 유물이 변했다. 특히 1936년 본관 상설 1층 전시는 진전된 연구가 보인다. 아울러 기초한 진열장과 전시 유물의 순서 변화도 보인다. 이상과 같이 조선총독부박물관의 전시를 볼 때는 공진회 미술관과 큰 차이가 없었다. 동선도 기본적으로 변화가 없어 건춘문을 지나 본관을 구경하고 사정전, 수정전, 경회루를 지나 탑들을 관람하고 박물관 사무실이 있던 자경전 앞을 지나 다시 본관으로 돌아가는 방식이었다. 1920년대와 1930년대 전시의 내용은 부분적으로 개편된 것은 사실이다. 특히 1층 중앙 홀의 진열장의 순서와 벽면을 이용하는 전시 방식의 개편은 확인하는데 어렵지 않다. 그리고 2층 회랑 전시의 경우도 독립장의 수치가 변화되었고, 제6실의 경우는 독립장의 사용방식을 바꾸어 내부에 가림판을 넣어서 활용하다가 통장의 형태로 전열장을 사용했다. 특히 1930년대로 가면 학술 조사의 진전과 연구 성과를 반영하여 고분 발굴품의 전시가 보다 정연해지는 모습도 보인다. 이러한 전시의 변화는 선수유물이 조선총독부박물관에 들어가면서 부득이 하게 진행되거나 아니면 조선총독부박물관의 전체 전시의 부분적인 개편 의도가 작용했던 것으로 보인다. 조선총독부박물관은 ‘역사적 진열법’에 의거하고 각 시대의 특질을 보여 주어 ‘문화 발달’의 단계를 인지하는데 편리한 ‘특수 진열법’을 병용하고 있었다. 실제로 조선총독부박물관은 식민통치를 위해 존재했기 때문에 이러한 논리는 전시 의도를 통해서도 그 내용을 파악하는 것이 어렵지 않다. Competitive exhibition in 1915 was formed promoting space where educate interior Chosun culture, oppressed Chosun dynasty, Japanese imperialism rather than excellent Chosun cutlture. The problem was that exhibition was lack of historical and cultural orientation. At the same time, throughout comparative exhibition, which relativizing actual politics and culture. Frequently, exhibition showed the efficiency of the Japanese government of general of Korea which was purpose of Japanese imperialism. Museum of art in 1915 competitive exhibition made of stone became main building for museum of Japanese government of general of Korea. Primary opened museum of Japanese government of general of Korea was not originally built for museum but technically art gallery. Museum of Japanese government of general of Korea’s exhibition in 1920s was begun from 1923 display. 1923 display involved 1<SUP>st</SUP>floor in museum of art in 1915 competitive exhibition which was Bhaisajyaguru in Namsan, Kyong-ju and carved part of Seokguram. Second floor of main building was displayed with east side of 1915 competitive exhibition paintings of Chosun, west side filled with modem paintings. The major transition was that east side of main building exhibited by relics from Nangnang, Daebang and artifacts from in Xinjiang, China. Earnest period when are able to figure the display of exhibition is 1926. This is the moment that they classified relics in periodic. Exhibitions in 1930s can be verified by 1933 and 1936’s exhibition. Basically, 1933 was kept 1920s’ space but relics been replaced. In particular, 1936s’ permanent exhibition of main building progressed with display case and formalities. With this, there were no especial changes between museum of Japanese government of general of Korea and museum art of competitive exhibition. Also, visitor’s movement was fundamentally same as before; starting from Kunchunmoon and see main building, followed by Sajungjun, Sujungjun, Gyeonghoeru pavilion with pagodas, back to main building in the end. It is true that they reorganized from 1920s. Particularly, orders of display case in main hall on first floor and using the surface of wall were clearly showed their reforming. In add, second floor exhibition differed with the numbers of individual cases. In the case of 6<SUP>th</SUP>room, they utilized whole case which was alternation from previous exhibition using splashback. As time went to 1930s, display of excavations from ancient tomb well-ordered in terms of researches, scientific investigation. These types of transition in exhibition indicate either inevitable effect of new relics or reforming intention of museum of Japanese government of general of Korea. Museum of Japanese government of general of Korea based on historical display principle and showed characters of each period so that using Special display principle jointly which was likely to understand cultural progression. Literally, museum of Japanese government of general of Korea was built for ruling colonies. In result, this logic clearly can be comprehended by intention of exhibition.

인권에 관한 법제 · 정책 개선의 성과와 과제

김인재(金仁在, In Jae Kim),이발래(李發來, Bal Rae Lee) 한국공법학회 2006 공법연구 Vol.35 No.2-2

국가인권위원회(이하 '위원회'라 함)는 인권에 관한 법령, 제도, 정책 및 관행 등의 개선에 관한 권고와 의견표명을 통하여 지난 5년간 인권보호가 정부 정책의 수립 및 집행과정에서 주요 가치 및 평가지표로 뿌리내릴 수 있도록 노력하였다. 위원회의 권고나 의견표명은 고전적인 자유권 문제, 사회권 문제, 사회적 소수자를 비롯한 다양한 영역에 걸친 인권문제를 모두 포괄하고 있다. 국가보안법 , 사회보호법 및 사형제도, 인권 NAP 권고안, 차별금지법 제정 권고안 등 사회적으로 민감하고 높은 관심을 불러일으키는 주제에 대하여 권고나 연구·조사가 이루어졌다. 이는 위원회가 우리 사회의 인권 문제 전반에 대하여 폭넓은 관섬과 노력을 기울여 우리 사회의 인권 보호와 증진이라는 설립목적을음 충실히 수행하였음을 보여준다. 다만, 폭증하는 주요 인권정책 현안의 처리가 지연됨에 따라 시의성을 상실한 경우도 있었으며, 피권고기관의 권고불이행으로 권고의 실효성 문제가 지적되기도 하였다. 또 대부분의 권고 및 의견표명이 위원회 내부 기획에 의한 정책검토 보다는 외부요청(의견조회 등)에 의하여 행해졌으며, 특정 분야 또는 대상에 대한 계획적·종합적·지속적 개업보다는 계기적·부분적·일회적 정책권고가 행해졌다. 따라서 정책엽무 수행에서 전략적 기획에 의한 선택과 집중 및 사회권 관련 권고 개발이 미흡할 수밖에 없었다. 또한 위원회가 법안에 대하여 의견을 표명하는 경우에도 개별 조문에 대한 의견을 제시하는 선에서 그치거나 법률주의적 관점이 지배적이라는 것과 진정사건의 침해구제에 치우쳐 있었으며, 현재의 법제와 관행에서 인권침해적 요소를 찾아내고 시정하려는 노력은 상대적으로 미약했다는 위원회 외부의 비판이 있었다. 이에 위원회는 위원회법이 요구하는 인권 보호와 증진이라는 설립목적올 달성하가 위하여 사회적 약자 및 소수자의 권리증진을 위한 사회권 관련 정책개발음 동하여 인권영역을 확장하고, 국제 인권가준의 국내 적용을 위한 기반을 구축하고, 인권현안에 대한 대응능력을 제고하는 방향으로 추진될 필요가 있다. 위원회가 국제적인 수준의 인권기구가 되가 위해서는 수동적인 진정사건의 해결이나 법령 검토에 만족해서는 안되고, 인권 현안에 대하여 적극적이고 능동적으로 대응해야 하며 인권에 관계된 법령·제도의 개선에 신속한 대책을 강구해야 한다. The National Human Rights Commission of Korea (NHRCK) has submitted recommendations and expressed opinions on reforming human rights legislation, policies and general practice during the past five years in an effort to establish human rights protection as fundamental criteria of values and evaluation in processes of developing and enforcing government policies. NHRCK recommendations and opinions cover all human rights issues from diverse fields includingissues regarding classical civil rights, social rights and social minorities. Recommendations, research and investigations were conducted on socially sensitive issues or of high public interest such as national security law, social surveillance law, capital punishment system and, recommendations of the roadmap of National Action Plan on human rights. These illustrate NHRCK determination in the mandate to protect and promote human rights in our society by devoting its efforts and broad interest in the length and breadth of human rights issues of our society. Occasionally, due to the delay in response to escalating issues on current human rights policy, integrity was at stake andin other occasIOns, failure to comply withthe recommendation by the recommendee-institution was regarded as a problem in optimizing the effectiveness of recommendations. Also, as the majority of recommendations and opinions are made upon external requests (i.e. inquiry, etc) rather than policy revision based on the internal planning agenda, policy recommendations are opportunistic, partial and isolated rather than considered as planned, comprehensive and continuous interventions. Consequently, in the process of policy-making, choices and motivation based on strategic planning and, recommendations concerning social rights have no alternative but to be inadequate. Furthennore, in regards to cases where NHRCK expresses its opinion about bills, there has been external criticism that the opinion is limited at the point of a particular provision or, it is the case that the perspective of legal principles dominates and the opinion tends to lean towards the remedies of violation complaint cases. Hence, efforts to identify characteristics of human rights violation in the current legal system and general practice and, reform them are relatively weak. Accordingly, in order to carry out the mandate to protect and promote human rights as stipulated in the National Human Rights Commission Act, it is necessary that NHRCK works towards extending the scope of human rights by developing policies concerning social rights in favor of socially underpriviledged and minorities; establishing a framework to integrate international human rights standards as part of domestic jurisprudence and improving its capacity to countermeasure current human rights situations. For NHRCK to become a National Institution of international recognition, it must not be satisfied by passive remedies of complaint cases and revisions of laws but must respond to current human rights issues actively and enthusiastically and, must examine immediate measures regarding the improvement of legislation related to human rights.

상한론(傷寒論)에서 치자(梔子)의 기원(基原)과 1일 복용량

김인락 ( In Rak Kim ) 대한본초학회 2011 大韓本草學會誌 Vol.26 No.4

Objective: The purpose of this study is to determine the origin and daily dose of Gardeniae Fructus in Shanghanlun. Methods: Define the origin and daily dose of Gardeniae Fructus by searching Shanhanlun and Herbology Books (本草書). And Compared these with those of current Gardeniae Fructus. Results: According to Shanhanlun, the origin of Gardeniae Fructus is Gardenia jasminoides, but G. jasminoides f. longicarpa must excluded since originally it was used for dyeing. Among the 8 prescriptions containing Gardeniae Fructus, 15 Gardeniae Fructuses for the daliy dose in Chijabekpi-tang(Zhizibopi-tang) is assumed to be 14 Gardeniae Fructuses, as it is found 14 in many other prescriptions same in other prescriptions. The quantity of 14 Gardeniae Fructuses in Shananlun is 3 Ryang(兩), which is equal to 19.5 g in the current measurement. 1 Gardeniae Fructus is equal to 1.4 g. The length of the Gardeniae Fructus in the market which is produced in korea is 22-27 mm, and the diameter is 15-19 mm, whereas in China it is 20-25 mm, and the diameter is 13-18 mm. This meets the standard requirements of the Pharmacopoeia. Conclusions: As a result from above, the origin of Gardeniae Fructus is Gardenia jasminoides, but G. jasminoides f. longicarpa must be excluded. The recommended dose in a day is 14 Gardeniae Fructuses, which is equivalent to 19.5 g, the amount generally used in Shanhanlun.

일제시대 재일조선인사 속의 ‘탄압과 박해’에 대한 연구

김인덕(Kim In-Duck) 강원대학교 인문과학연구소 2006 江原人文論叢 Vol.15 No.-

재일조선인의 역사 속에서 탄압과 박해, 그리고 학살의 문제는 존재 그 자체가 역사 속에 기억되는 것이 그리 즐거운 일은 아니다. 그럼에도 불구하고 탄압과 박해는 객관적인 역사적 사실로 존재했고, 그 속에서 조선인은 삶을 영위했던 것이다. 주요한 네 가지의 탄압과 박해의 역사는 다음과 같이 정리할 수 있다. 첫째, 관동대지진은 진재가 아니라 학살이었다. 학살은 조직적으로 자행되었다. 일제는 사회운동을 탄압하면서 눈에 가시였던 조선인을 쓸어내려고 했다. 관동대지진은 적어도 6천명 이상의 조선인이 죽어갔던 탄압과 박해를 넘은 죽음의 역사였던 것이다. 둘째, 선진적인 활동가 김천해는 감옥에서 야수적인 일제의 탄압에도 불구하고 옥내 투쟁을 전개했다. 그는 감옥에서 1930년 3ㆍ1운동 기념투쟁, 메이데이투쟁 등을 주동했고, 특히 옥중에서도 『감방신문』을 발간하여 이론적으로 무장해 갔다. 그리고 공판투쟁을 통해, 비록 감옥 안이지만 탄압에 정면에서 맞서 싸웠다. 셋째, 강제연행은 일제에 의해 1939년 이후 1945년 8월 일본 패망까지 자행되었다. 이 때 일제는 노무동원, 병력동원, 준병력동원, 여성동원 등을 통해 자신들의 요구에 따라 물자와 인력을 수탈해 갔다. 이러한 조선인에 대한 강제연행은 조선인을 전선과 노동현장에 끌고 갔고, 결국 제국 일본에 충성을 다하지 않으면 죽음으로 귀결되었다. 넷째, 해방 공간인 1948년 한신교육투쟁은 조선인이 조선인으로 살아가고 성장할 권리를 지키기 위해, 미ㆍ일의 권력에 대항해서 일어났던 사건이었다. 이것은 재일조선인 스스로가 규정하듯이, 자위를 위해 일어났던 역사적 사건이었다. 이상과 같은 ‘박해와 탄압’의 역사는 다음과 같이 정리할 수 있다. 첫째, 계획적인 탄압과 박해가 자행되었고, 그것은 학살로 이어졌다. 둘째, 박해와 탄압은 민중의 투쟁력을 자극했다. 셋째, 박해와 탄압에 맞선 투쟁은 끝내 승리를 획득했다. 넷째, 재일조선인사 및 우리 민족운동사 속의 이정표로 자리 매김되고 있다. On a history of Korean residents' in Japan, problems issued by suppression, persecution, and massacre are not pleasant as being remembered. Although oppression and torment were existed as an objective fact, Korean residents' in Japan could have carried their lives on. The great four histories of suppression and torment can be summarized. First of all, the great Kanto earthquake(1923) was more like a massacre than an earthquake disaster ; the massacre was indulged systematically. Japanese imperialism had tried to clean Koreans (who were eyesore) out through coercing social movements. It was the history over suppression and persecution with at least 6,000 people's death. Second of all, futuristic activist Kim Chun-hae(金天海) kept unfolding struggles in a prison even though he had experienced brutal pressure from Japanese. Memorial conflict of March 1st, May day conflict were took the lead by Kim and throughout publishing 'a cell paper'(『감방신문』), he had equipped himself in theory. In addition, he had faced suppression even though he was in the prison. Third, compulsory execution(강제연행) had Japanese own way from 1939 to August 1945. At this time, Japanese imperialism plundered materials and human powers with mobilization of labor, military, and women who were what they required. These kinds of compulsive haul had been advanced in various ways, Japanese made Koreans be loyal to Japanese empire if casualties don't, Japanese brought them to war vessel or labor field and slaughter Koreans. Last, the Hanshin educational struggle(한신교육투쟁) was against the United States and Japan's authorities to defend Koreans' rights to live as a Korean. As Korean residents in Japan say, it was the historical event for the self-protection in the early era. Such persecution, suppression-histories can be organized by following statements. First, intentional suppression was continued by persecution. Second, suppression and torment stimulated people's power of strife. Third, eventually, struggle gained victories from oppressions. Fourth, it became a milestone for history of Korean residents' in Japan and Korean people movements.

식민지시대 강제연행 실태

김인덕 ( Kim In-duck ) 한국민족운동사학회 2001 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.29 No.-

The period of “Forced Migration” was generally during the years 1939 to 1945. The first period is from Sep. 1939 to Feb. 1942, and it was used ,what is called, the method of “recruitment”. The second one was from Mar. 1942 to Aug. 1944. At that time, Korean Labour Association - an extra departmental body of the government - general of Korea was a mediator of workers and the main group of recruitment. Namely it was the period of Government-directed. The third one was from Sep. 1944 to Aug. 1945. By the application of National Mobilization Orders, “Forced Migration” was committed in public without distinction. Japan Government, Korean Government-general and its subordinate officers had deeply intervened in Forced Migration since the first period. The survey of actual condition is as follows; Labour Recruitment among forced migration tended to concentrate in about 16~22 year old men during the years 1943 to 1945 and they were sent to the whole Japan. Particularly it was proved that a great send-off party was held with band all together in case of large-scale migration. When they were migrated forcibly, they concentrated at elementary school, town hall and then they were sent to the country or city. Soon they went to Busan, Yeosu by train. Finally they generally arrived at Shimonoseki, Hakada by ship. Korean who went to Japan were sent to the whole Japan by train or truck. Mostly they were arranged at mine, a site of construction, and military establishments. One Korean was killed per rail-road line or one prop one. In those days, when a Korean entered the mine, he thought it “the death” and when he came out of the mine, he felt greatly relieved. In case of labour mobilization, they worked too much from 6 A.M. to 6~8 P.M. In the field they were given a blow simply because they were poor at work and almost Korean workers experienced the blow. They lived in a boarding house and 7~10 persons used a same room at least or they must live in a temporary military building, a barrack, nagaya, hamba etc. Korean workers were in need of food. Shortly they were pressed by hunger. They ate miscellaneous cereals. After having meal, they drank water and were full of stomach with water. They hardly got their wages and they drew a empty pay envelope written the nominal wages. As they protested against it, Japanese usually promised that they would get the wage in all when they return home. But there were few in that case. The company staffs in the field prevented them from breaking way, but continued to bolt in the shape of opposition. With the defeat of Japan(1945. 8. 15), many Korean workers wanted to return home but a few of them came their country by ship served by company. A large number of people remained abroad or chose the returning home through the private ship. As we examined above this, Forced Migration surely existed. Though we admitted the diversity of the contents, it is certain that there was substantial force. Besides no doubt that Forced Migration was the direct product of the colonial rule of Imperial Japan.

아토피 피부염 모델에 대한 β-1,3/1,6-glucan과 Lactobacillus plantarum LM1004의 면역 조절 효과

김인성(In Sung Kim),김성학(Sung Hak Kim),김정아(Jeong A Kim),유다윤(Da Yoon Yu),김광일(Gwang Il Kim),박동찬(Dong-Chan Park),임종민(Jong Min Lim),이상석(Sang Suk Lee),최인순(In Soon Choi),조광근(Kwang Keun Cho) 한국생명과학회 2018 생명과학회지 Vol.28 No.1

본 연구에서는 아토피 피부염 동물 모델에 대한 β-1,3/1,6-glucan과 L. plantarum LM1004의 면역조절 효과를 확인하고자 하였다. 가려움증의 횟수와 유출된 evans blue, 그리고 혈청 IgE와 histamine의 농도는 β-1,3/1,6-glucan과 L. plantarum LM1004를 섭취한 그룹에서 아토피 피부염 유발그룹에 비해 유의적으로 감소하는 결과를 나타내었다. 아토피 피부염이 유발되면 전사 수준에서 Th2 및 Th17 세포의 전사인자 및 cytokine은 과발현되며, β-1,3/1,6-glucan과 L. plantarum LM1004를 섭취하였을 때 이를 유의적으로 감소되었다. 또한 β-1,3/1,6-glucan과 L. plantarum LM1004는 Th1 및 Treg 세포의 전사인자(T-bet, GATA-3, RORγT, Foxp3) 및 cytokine (INF-γ, IL-4, IL-17, TGF-β)의 발현을 증가시킴으로써 면역 균형을 조절하는 것으로 나타났다. Galectin-9과 filaggrin은 아토피 피부염 유발 처리군에서 유의적으로 가장 낮았으며, β-1,3/1,6-glucan 처리군에서 유의적으로 가장 높게 나타났다. 이와 반대로 TSLP는 아토피 피부염 유발그룹에서 유의적으로 가장 높았으며 β-1,3/1,6-glucan과 L. plantarum LM1004를 섭취한 그룹은 대조군과 유사한 수준이었다. 이러한 결과를 통해 β-1,3/1,6-glucan과 L. plantarum LM1004는 아토피 피부염 동물 모델에서 면역조절 작용 및 아토피 피부염의 개선 효과를 가짐을 알 수 있었다. 따라서 β-1,3/1,6-glucan과 L. plantarum LM1004는 아토피 피부염에 유용한 천연소재로서 사용될 것으로 기대된다. In this study, we examined the efficacy of the immune regulation of β-1,3/1,6-glucan and Lactobacillus plantarum LM1004 on atopic dermatitis models. The oral administration of β-1,3/1,6-glucan and L. plantarum LM1004 on mice significantly decreased the amount of scratching, leakage to evans blue, and concentrations of serum immunoglobulin E (IgE) and histamine compared with the atopic dermatitis–induced group. When atopic dermatitis was induced, the transcription factors (GATA-3, retinoic acid-related orphan receptor γ T [RORγT]) and cytokines (interleukin-4 [IL-4], IL-17) of Th2 and Th17 cells were overexpressed at the transcriptional level, and they significantly decreased with oral administration of β-1,3/1,6-glucan and L. plantarum LM1004. In addition, β-1,3/1,6-glucan and L. plantarum LM1004 were shown to modulate the immune balance by increasing the expression of Th1 and Treg transcription (T-bet, forkhead box p3 [Foxp3]) and cytokines (interferon-γ [IFN-γ], transforming growth factor-β [TGF-β]). Galectin-9 and filaggrin were significantly lower in the atopic dermatitis–induced group and significantly higher in the β-1,3/1,6-glucan-treated group. In contrast, thymic stromal lymphopoietin (TSLP) was highest in the atopic dermatitis–induced group, while mice that were orally administered β-1,3/1,6-glucan and L. plantarum LM1004 showed similar TSLP levels to the control group. These results indicate that β-1,3/1,6-glucan and L. plantarum LM1004 have immunomodulatory effects and atopic dermatitis improvement effects in an animal model of atopic dermatitis. Therefore, it is expected that β-1,3/1,6-glucan and L. plantarum LM1004 can be used as natural materials in the treatment of atopic dermatitis.

역사 속 재일조선인 의료와 복지의 한계 : 현재의 코로나19 속 상황에서 1920년대 전반 오사카방면위원회의 존재적 한계 보기

김인덕(Kim, In-Duck)(金仁德) 한일민족문제학회 2021 한일민족문제연구 Vol.40 No.-

現在地球はコロナ19の危機の中にある。こうした危機は本質的であり、我々の暮らしの現像的側面に対する部分的、臨時的、外面的収集策では絶対克服できないという事実を感知しなければならない。公害と感染、自然の破壊、そして伝染病の伝染につながる現像は、韓国の社会が自然環境であるという側面の本質的制限である。このような問題は個人の次元ではなく社会的、ひいては地球的次元のことと、歴史的、特に哲学的論議は切實といえる。歴史の中で見ると、伝染病と社会福祉は国家と資料の問題のみにの位置づけにはならない。特に在日朝鮮人にとって社会福祉は外傷的に存在したと見える。歴史的に見ると、国家と資料を統制しなければ、破局の道を歩んでしまった記録が多く存在する。とりわけ軍国主義日本がこれを示す代表的存在と思う。生は死を前に提議するときに本源的意味があるといえる。こんな人間は構造の中の日常を生きてゆく。在日朝鮮人にとってその世界は単純構造ではなく、集團的統制の中で共同体構成員として生きていったのである。彼らにとって日常は罪の悪に思えるかもしれない。渡港した在日朝鮮人は、都市の下位社会に編入された。彼らは部落民と同等な水尊であるか、これを下回る困難層として存在した。彼ら在日本人の暮らしは始まりからトラウマだった。日常で彼らが安全な居住空間を確認保するのは絶代容易ではなかった。すると、在日朝鮮人は社会福祉の対象で在らなければならなかった。 しかし、方面委員会を通して大阪府の社会福祉事業は、朝鮮の人々を構造的かつ本質的に差別し、社会福祉の名前は無実であった。結局、在日朝鮮人は、社会福祉と医療の死角地に存在しなければならいた。このように、日帝は帝國の構造の中で、植民主義を被壓迫狀態の植民地民に制して日本社会の中在日朝鮮人を福祉以外の空間に位置づけていった。どうやら、大阪府の方面委員会は、その実とすることができる。在日朝鮮人は対象化されている中で、統制の対象として存在した。この研究は、日常の医療と福祉の植民地的限界と、統制構造の反人道と危險性を指摘するための小さな試みです。 Currently, the Earth is in the midst of a crisis of covid-19. We must recognize that such a crisis can never be overcome by a partial, temporary, or external remedy for the phenomenon aspects of our lives in nature. The phenomenon that leads to pollution, contamination, destruction of nature, and the creation of infectious diseases are another pattern of intrinsic limitations that our society is deviating from. Such a problem is not at the individual level, but at the social and even global level, and historical and especially philosophical discussions are urgently needed. In history, infectious diseases and social welfare do not result only in problems of state and capital. In particular, social welfare seems to have been traumatic for Koreans in Japan. Historically, if the state and capital are not controlled, there are many records that have led to a catastrophe. In particular, I think militaristic Japan is a representative of this. Life can be said to strengthen its original meaning when it presupposes death. Such a human being lives his daily life in a structure. For Koreans living in Japan, the world was not just a structure but a member of a community under collective control. For them, daily life may have been considered a sin. Korean residents in Japan were incorporated into lower-class urban communities. They existed as poor people who were equal to or below the level of the villagers. The lives of these Koreans in Japan have been traumatized from the beginning. It was never easy for them to secure a stable living space in their daily lives. Then, Koreans in Japan should have existed as an object of social welfare. However, the Osaka government’s social welfare project through a welfare committee has structured and essentially discriminated against Koreans from Japan. The name of social welfare was a nameless one. In the end, Koreans in Japan had to exist in blind spots of social welfare and medical care. As above, Japan forced colonialism to the oppressed colonists in the structure of the empire and established itself in a space other than welfare for Korean residents in Japanese society. In a way, the Osaka Prefecturel welfare Committee is the very essence. Korean residents in Japan were subject to control while being targeted. This study is a small attempt to point out the colonial limitations of everyday health care and well-being and the anti-humanity and risks of the control structure.

정주와 이주사이의 동아시아; 일제강점기 오사카 조선촌의 식문화

김인덕 ( In Duck Kim ) 연세대학교 국학연구원 2013 동방학지 Vol.163 No.-

전후 암시장과 조선촌에서 출발한 재일조선인의 일상적인 가정요리가 지금은 일본 사회의 식생활에 자리매김되면서 외식산업, 유망 업종으로 성장해 가고 있는 것도 부정할 수 없는 사실이다. 오사카 조선촌은 일제강점기 이후 재일조선인 문화 속 식문화의 중심적 역할을 하고 있다. 그것은 역사성과 현재성에서 확인된다고 할 수 있다. 재일조선인의 다문화공생적 요소를 식문화는 공간에서 식민지성을 유지하면서도 표출하고 있다. 그 중심이 조선촌이다. 식민주의적 관점에서 볼 때, 오사카 조선촌 중심의 조선 문화가 일정하게 일본 내에서 형성되는 것을 존중해야 한다. 그리고 일본 정부가 이를 정책적으로 지원하여 이른바 조선시장을 공설시장으로 만들 것을 주장하기도 했다. 오늘날에도 재일조선인의 삶은 조선촌으로 대변할 수 있다. 역사적으로는 재일조선인이 조성한 조선촌은 조선의 ‘해방구’였다. 일본어도 제대로 모르는 채 낮 동안의 노동에 시달린 조선인이 밤이 되어 돌아왔을 때 아무 거리낌 없이 쉴 수 있는 곳이 바로 조선촌이었다. 고추가루, 김치, 조선말이 있어 그 가운데만 있어도 위안이 되는 장소였다. 조선촌에서는 지연과 혈연적 상호부조가 잘 이루어졌으므로 취직 등 생활상의 편의를 쉽게 얻을 수도 있었다. 최근의 식문화를 놓고 볼 때 한국문화의 발신지의 역할을 하고 있다. 역사성과 함께 오사카 조선촌은 한국 음식의 본거지가 되고 있다. 다양한 한국 음식과 문화가 이곳의 이미지를 형성하고 그 속에서 재일조선인 문화는 일본 사람을 모아내고 있는 것이다. 전전의 일본 정부가 파악하듯이, 재일조선인은 일본에 와 있는 동안에는 무엇보다 돈(金)이 중요했다. 때문에 먹을 것이나 위생, 생활의 즐거움에 대해서는 부차저인 것으로 생각하기도 했다. 따라서 식사는 주로 밥과 소금, 야채로 해결하고, 부식은 장, 츠케모노, 생선 말린 것 등이 전부인 생활도 했다. 주요한 것은 식문화는 사실 생활의 필요에서 삶을 유지하는 방편이었기 때문에 유지되기도 했다는 점이다. 필자는 한민족의 고유한 식문화의 장점을 살리려는 노력이 다양한 지점에서 전개되지 않으면 재일조선인의 독특한 식문화의 유지, 발전은 어려다고 생각한다. 그것은 일본 사회가 갖고 있는 본질에 기인한다고 생각한다. Since the broken of war, some of typical food from Chosun villages in Japan now became normal home meal for Japanese. It is inevitable that these foods being food service industry with good prospects. Osaka Chosun village has been having a main role of food culture since Japanese colonial era. It is clearly shown by history and nowness. Commensal multi-culture fact of Korean residents in Japan would be shown by food culture and Chosun village is in the center. From a colonial point of view, Osaka Chosun village should be acknowledged that chosun culture were partially rooted by Chosun village. Also, Japanese government supported in policy and they urged made this town as a public market. Still, the life of Korean residents in Japan would be symbolized by Chosun village. Historically, a town where Korean residents in Japan made was their own area under rebel control. A foreigner who was not able to speak Japanese had a rough day and he or she were getting their own rest at Chosun village. Red pepper powder, Kimchi, and Korean was there so that they were being comforting. Not only psycological comfort, but regionalism, kinship were made their life in actual ways. When we see the current food culture, this was the place of dispatch for Korean culture. With the historic facts, Osaka Chosun Village(Korean Village) is now base of Korean food. Various foods and culture made brand new image of Korea and Korean culture by Japanese. As previous Japanese government known, Korean residents in Japan thought money was their key problem. Therefore food, hygeine, life, interests were all secondary thoughts. They normally had meal with rice, salt, vegetable and additionally they had certain sauces, tsukemono, and a bit of fishes. Bottom line is that food culture could have been sustained because they had to eat in certain ways. I myself strong believe that an effort which Korean residents in Japan made to retain Korean own food culture eventually developed Korean residents in Japan`s unique food culture. Without this, we could not imagine current Korean food culture. This clearly arose from essence of Japanese society.

공간 이동과 재일코리안의 정주와 건강 -『大阪と半島人』와 『민중시보(民衆時報)』를 통한 오사카(쓰루하시(鶴橋))의 1930년대를 중심으로-

김인덕 ( Kim In-duck ) 성균관대학교 인문학연구원(성균관대학교 인문과학연구소) 2019 人文科學 Vol.0 No.73

본 연구는 1930년대 오사카의 쓰루하시라는 공간에서 도항 이후 재일코리안의 건강이 어떻게 일상 속에서 형성되었는지를 『大阪と半島人』, 『民衆時報』를 중심으로 확인해 보았다. 주요한 내용을 정리해 보면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 재일코리안은 제국의 통제 아래 도항했고, 그들은 개별적으로 정착하다가 집단화되었고 정주의 공간을 마련, 대도시를 중심으로 주변부에 조선촌을 형성해 갔다. 대표적인 정주 공간 오사카 쓰루하시는 이가이노와 함께 정주 재일코리안의 조선촌이 되었고, 일상의 건강이 유지되는 공간이었다. 둘째, 재일코리안의 건강은 일본 사회 속에서 존재한 일상의 반영이었다. 동시에 재일코리안의 건강은 일본에서의 건강, 건강정책과 유관하다. 문제는 차별의 대상으로 재일코리안은 공간적 제한의 존재로 그 모습은 소수자로 귀결되어 절대다수가 질병에 노출되었다. 셋째, 『大阪と半島人』, 『民衆時報』를 중심으로 본 재일코리안의 1930년대 일상의 모습 속에는 건강의 다양한 요소가 존재했다. 사상의 문제가 아니라 일상을 통해 존재한 모습이었다. 그 가운데 인간의 모습, 재일코리안은 현재를 사는 우리에게 역사적 규정력이 작용하고 있는 것을 보여준다. 넷째, 의학적인 수치를 통한 재일코리안의 1930년대 모습은 ‘양호’라고 했다. 그러나 문제는 일본제국의 통치 아래 도항했던 조선인의 일본 내 존재는 왜곡과 좌절의 틀에 존재했던 것이 사실이다. 쓰루하시라는 공간 속 정주하고 삶을 영위한 재일코리안에게 건강은 부차적이었는지도 모른다. 생존이 우선이었기 때문에 그렇다고 할 수 있다. 다섯째, 1930년대 쓰루하시 재일코리안의 정주와 건강은 현실의 구조가 작용하는 지점이었다. 일제의 통치와 조선인 사회의 구조가 중층적인 요소였음은 물론이다. 그 가운데 재일코리안의 건강은 일상 속에서 유지 되었다. 실제로 재일코리안은 병원과 약국 등을 통해 적극적으로 질병 치료를 시도했다. 본고는 건강을 유지한 재일코리안의 모습을 일상의 평범한 삶에서 확인했다. 재일코리안은 고향 사람이 함께 하는 삶의 안정감, 조선식 먹거리를 통한 즐거움, 막걸리를 통한 행복함, 적극적인 질병 치료하기, 정신적 스트레스의 대중적 치료 등 여러 형태로 건강을 유지하고 일본 속에서 살았던 것이다. The paper has examined how the health of the ethnic Korean residents in Japan had been preserved and maintained in Tsuruhashi in Osaka in the 1930s, based on the reports by the two papers: “大阪と半島人 (Osaka and Peninsula)” and “民衆時報 (The Bulletin of the People).” First of all, the ethnic Korean residents in Japan sailed over to Japan under the domination of imperialism. They settled individually and built the town of the Joseon people centering around the major cities. Tsuruhashi - being the most typical area of domiciliation - functioned as the town of the Joseon people along with the city of Igaino and these were the places where the health of the Koreans were maintained. Second, their health was the reflection of the people’s life in Japanese society. The health of the Korean residents in Japan was clearly linked with the health policy and care. I do believe that this issue should be discussed in earnest. However, the majority of the Korean people as the minority were exposed to diseases in the area. Third, based on the reports of the two papers - “Osaka and Peninsula” and “The Bulletin of the People” - there existed a variety of factors that guaranteed the health of the Koreans in the 1930s not from the viewpoint of ideologies but from that of the daily life. On top of that, the human quality of the Koreans at that time show us living in the present times the historical defining power. Fourth, the medical value of the Korean residents in Japan during the 1930s were favorable but the presence of the Koreans in Japan was embroiled in a controversy with regard to distortion and frustration. It was because the top priority concern for those Korean residents in Tsuruhashi was always their survival. Fifth, the period of the 1930s for the Koreans in Tsuruhashi was the point of realistic structure. The rule of the imperial Japan and the structure of Joseon were surely the multi-level factors. With that, the health condition of the Korean residents in Japan could have been sustained. In fact, Korean could have received the treatment of diseases by hospitals and drugstores. In this sense, the diseases of the Korean residents in Japan should be newly discussed and is required to find the cure. Actually, curing diseases is similar to the reform of the daily life. The paper confirmed the maintenance of health among the Koreans in Japan in their ordinary life. Friendship among the neighboring people, enjoying Korean food and traditional Korean wine, the active treatment of the illness, and the general cure of mental problems were all the reasons for their conditions. Recently, many of the diaspora and the migrated Koreans have been studied but most of them were static, drawing no public interests. Various regions and a variety of views are expected for the Korean residents in foreign countries.