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      • 철학과 비판적 사회이론 : 포스트모더니즘과 비판이론을 중심으로

        이상화 이화여자대학교 한국문화연구원 1994 韓國文化硏究院 論叢 Vol.65 No.1-2

        This article, in agreement with Adornos philosophical motivation invoked by his question "Why still [do we need] philosophy?" ("Wozu noch philosophie?") and with his answer to it that "we still need philosophy as criticism", starts from the awareness that we are living in a historicla situation in which philosophy as criticism in more desperately needed than ever. The horizon of questions about changing situations can never be restricted to the realms outside philosophy. In particular, as postmodernism appears as a new movement of thoughts and becomes a profound challenge to the traditional paradigm of doing philosophy today, this question is seriously raised even in the horizon of the situations within philosophy. Adorno claims that, lest it be a cliche or a deterioatd word-view-like speculation, or a specialized theoretical research of positive science or other specific studies, philosophy should be criticism. Current situation has not become improved for philosophy, compared to that of 1962 when he raised that question. Rather, it becomes much worse. Facing with the crisis emerged from the fluctuant fin de siecle situation of contemporary philosophy, and sensing the crisis that the ground of philosophy itself is shaken from the root, we confront the question "why still [do we need] philosophy?" In this article, I argue that criticism is the junction of theoretical philosophy and practical philosophy, and that the point where philosophy converges with critical theory is the criticism of the present era. Critical social theory has two important tasks. One is its explanatory function to analyze the basic social structure. Critical theory diagnoses and criticizes the crisis that arises on account of the contradiction between extant social relations. Also, the criticism has the function of protesting to the crisis and to the social contradictions that brought about the crisis, and interpreting the possibility and potentiality of a new social order. This interpretative dimension can be called the predictive criticism. Critical social theory, analyzing the contemporary society and predicting the more rational future in its vision of the changeability of the basic structure of the contemporary society, interprets the crisis and the struggles we experience in reality. In other words, critical social theory is not merely a neutral description of how a society goes but also a normative theory that raises and strives to answer questions like "What a society should be like?" and "For what purpose, what is needed?" With the conceptual framework of the critical theory glimpsed above, this article deals with Foucault, Lyotard, and Harbermas as contemporary models of philosophy as criticism. I think that their theories can be the exemplary model of philosophy as criticism in that they reveal social factors which determine our existence through the empirical analyses of the socio-cultural processes in current situations and the diagnoses of our age as well as offer their own normative vision and practical strategies in their description, evaluation, and the interpretation of such development. From Foucaults, Lyotards, and Habermas theory of contemporary society, we can confirm one common anser, i.e., that philosophy is the criticism of ones own era, to the question "why still philosophy?" Each of them felt, diagnosed, and prescribed in their own way the crisis of our age. And, they showed the reason why the paradigam of philosophy should be changed from the paradigm of the philosophy of consciousness to the linguistic paradigm. On facing the question "why still philosophy?", we have to realize, as Adorno said, that lest it be a specialized theoretical research of positive science or other specific studies philosophy should be the criticism. In order for it to be a criticism, there ought to be criteria of criticism. Such criteria of criticism must be internal to a given society, and ultimately the internal criticism is bound to have an a priori foundation. In that sense, however, I think that at a certain point we have to choose the dogmatic way of deciding the basis of criticism rather than to succumb to relativism. For me it seems impossible to establish a critical social theory for Korean society by simply juxtaposing the postmodern social theory and critical theory. But I believe that each of the two theories has its own merits for the analyses and diagnoses of the substantial parts of our social reality. Also, I think that they can provide us with the remarkable stimulus and challenge for the critical self-examination of the narrow and dogmatic attitude of doing philosophy, traditionally adopted by academic philosophers.

      • KCI우수등재
      • 에드워드 벨라미의『뒤돌아 보기』 : 미국의 국가 사회주의 유토피아 Utopia of American socialism

        이상화 中央大學校 人文科學硏究所 1998 人文學硏究 Vol.27 No.-

        AbstractEdward Bellamy's Looking Backward, 2000-1887 is the first and the most important Utopian novel produced in the United States. It has had a great inspiration on the minds not only of the intellectuals but of the ordinary people who have been concerned about a better society and continued to look for an alternative society. Looking Backward, in many ways, give hints to the American frame of mind in its construction of the ideal society. We also see the American simplicity and directness in coping with the problems of society.The focus of this study is on the American socialism as expressed in Looking Backward. It is one of the main American characteristics of the novel, which is called 'Nationalism' by Edward Bellamy. Edward Bellamy submitted American Nationalism as an ideology to solve the complex economic and social riddle of the nineteenth century industrial society where capitalism and individualism prevailed. The Nationalism derived its idea from the communitarian and religious society which is a predominant trait of early America.This thesis also attempts to consider the 'industrial army' as a basic supporting system of Nationalism It is an effectual system, administrating the production and distribution of the whole nation, to make America an egalitarian society. Whole 'Nationalism' is a spiritual ideology, 'industrial army' is a practical way of implementing this ideology in American socialism.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        중국의 가부장제와 공·사 영역에 관한 고찰

        이상화 이화여자대학교 한국여성연구원 1998 여성학논집 Vol.14-15 No.-

        <Abstract> The division of the public and private spheres has been a major focus for feminist debates in explaining women's exploitation. According to many Western feminists, it is this division, fully established in the Nineteenth Century in Western society, that justifies the norms of gender hierarchy. The question posed is whether the conceptual division of the public and private is applicable to other Asian societies, which have long cherished patriarchal traditions. By taking Chinese society as an example, this paper aims at analyzing how the pubic/private dichotomy is interpreted in traditional Confucian Chinese society. It also seeks to examine the attempts made at promoting women's participation in the public sphere in modern China. The concepts of the private and public in Confucian traditions trove, more likely, intertwined compared to the Ancient Greek and modern Western societies that been developed very discrete ideas of the private as opposed to the public. This is well demonstrates in the Chinese political system, which has been based on the ideal of "kaguktonggu(家國同構)", which literally means that the family and the state have the same structure. According to this definition, there was a clear division between the public and the private, but the rules governing the two spheres were identical, It is here that we should add another theoretical framework, in order to fully understand the ways in which Chinese patriarchy operated. The principle of "Nae(內) -Oe(外) [inside/outside] ," which rigorously classifies activities, roles and living space according to sex, governed everyday lives in Chinese society. This "inside-outside" dichotomy appears to be analogous to the pubic-private opposition in western feminist thought. In fact, the marriage system and the rules of inheritance, which are some of the central traits of the patriarchal system, have been based on the 'inside-outside' dichotomy and have undergone little change for two thousand years since these were established during the Chu Dynasty. The exclusion of women from the public sphere in China was as consistently maintained as it was for women in Western societies. After the communist revolution, however, the Chinese state has made remarkable breakthroughs, owing to its modernizing project with respect to women's lives, and by eliminating barriers that hinder women's participation in the public sphere. This revolutionary shift however, had its own limitations insofar as the new democratic patriarchal system that emerged was a mixture of socialist ideas and the traditional patriarchal system. In other words, the revolutionary reforms for gender equity, which aimed to eliminate the 'inside-outside' sexual opposition, were not able to get rid of deep-rooted patriarchal traditions. However, it is also true that this was the first time in Chinese history that women became active participants in the public and political arenas, since the Cultural Revolution, and should be evaluated as a big step forward for the Chinese women's movement. From a feminist perspective, any consideration of the question of Chinese women's liberation must also recognize that it was the political interests of the Chinese state, not merely the women's movement, that led to women's political participation on a mass scale. As repeatedly shown in the case of China, the state-led women's movement has a weak foundation. There is evidence that in the recent social discourse of "Punyohoega(婦女回家) (women must go back home)", emerging after the reform eras of the 1980s, the state has sought to bring women back into the domestic sphere, so as to adjust its restructuring of Chinese society according to the principles of a socialist market economy.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        철학에서의 페미니즘 수용과 그에 따른 철학 체계의 변화

        이상화 이화여자대학교 한국여성연구원 2000 여성학논집 Vol.17 No.-

        The reception of feminisms in philosophy is theorizing feminism philosophically, and this entails the process of reflecting and changing philosophy itself according to the position in relation to the feminist practice. Feminisms reveal that logocentrism within traditional philosophy is nothing but another name of male centrism. By emphasizing the superiority of male, reason, spirit, and mind, the hierarchical dualism of philosophy reflects and normalizes the patriarchal gender hierarchy with the result of devaluing women. Despite the strong criticism of traditional philosophy, however, feminisms have essential connections with philosophy, because feminist theorization cannot but be based on the questions of human nature, identity, knowledge, and ethical values which are fundamental questions of philosophy. Feminist theories, therefore, attempt to transform philosophical paradigms through formulation of feminist philosophy by overcoming gender blindness of traditional philosophy. The reception of feminism in philosophy in Korea has proceeded from reading, debating works of Western feminist philosophers and reflecting the realities of Korean philosophy and women. Having been introduced to the debates of feminist epistemology and ethics women philosophers have discussed the possibilities of feminist epistemology and questioned whether the deconstructionist strategy is valid in feminism or not. One of the most significant characteristics revealed in this process is that most Korean women philosophers are deeply interested in the practical implications of theories. The common interest in feminist epistemology is the search for "a wider practical base in which epistemology is combined with politics" which could change the oppressive realities Korean women are faced with. Such practical interests explain the special interest among Korean women philosopher's in feminist ethics among various fields of feminist philosophy. It is in the field of ethics where the most research papers are published. In this field the double standard of norms embedded in traditional ethics has been critiqued and attempts are made for new ethics. Here, the primary controversy is related to the question whether it is sufficient to add feminine values to existing ethics or it is necessary to build a completely new paradigm. Most feminist philosophers share the thought that a new paradigm in ethics, beyond adding on to the existing ethics. Toward this goal various interdisciplinary research have been conducted. We welcome recent attempts to connect feminism and Confucian philosophy as an effort to establish Korean feminist philosophy. Confucian ideas have served as the theoretical base of women's oppression in East Asia. The feminist interest in Confucian ideas lies in the recognition that Confucianism has intervened in the formation of our identity and it still exerts some regulating power over our realities. Starting with the interest in the relational ethics of Confucianism, some western feminists attempt to fond some resemblance of care ethics and ethics of in (wisdom) in Confucianism. However, Korean feminist philosophers launched the criticism and reinterpretation of Confucianism emphasizing that the critical investigation on practical application of Confucian theories is indispensable.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재후보

        초등학교 재량 활동을 위한 WBI 설계 방안 연구

        이미화,문성원 부산대학교 초등교육연구소 2005 초등교육연구 Vol.20 No.-

        The seventh curriculum emphasizes the development of information literacy in preparation for information society. The guidelines for information and communications technology (ICT) education has been incorporated into the elementary curriculum. According to the guidelines, elementary students are recommended to have an hour of ICT education a week. The present study designed a differentiated web-based learning program for ICT education based on the analysis of the contents of the guidelines for elementary information and communications technology education. The program consists of diagnostic evaluation, guide to the learning contents, the learning activities, formative evaluation, and game. The web-based program can provide students with a learner-centered learning environment where they can engage in self-directed differentiated learning activities for ICT education based on their background knowledge and skills, interests, and pace.

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