성주(星州)의 유학(儒學)과 양강(兩岡)

이세동 ( Se Dong Lee ) 경북대학교 영남문화연구원 2015 嶺南學 Vol.0 No.28

가야의 고토였던 성주는 역사가 유구한 고장이다. 그러나 역사의 전면에서 활약한 인물들이 보이기 시작하는 것은 羅末麗初부터이며, 고려말에는 인물들이 쏟아져 나온다. 고려말부터 조선 전기까지 성주의 인물들을 분석한 결과, 전국적인 지명도를 가진 文人들이 많았으며, 그 가운데는 지금 성주에서 잊혀진 인물들도 있었다. 아직도 성주사람들이 기억하는 인물로는 李承休, 李兆年, 李崇仁, 李堅幹 등이 있으며, 잊혀진 인물로는 宋天逢과 都元興이 있었다. 본고는 비교적 덜 알려진 이견간과 잊혀진 송천봉, 도원흥의 자취를 추적하였다. 조선으로 들어오면서도 이런 문학적 기풍은 계승되어, 조선전기부터 중기까지 성주에는 문인들이 많았다. 그들 가운데 관인문학을 대표하는 李稷, 사림문학을 대표하는 金孟性, 방외문학을 대표하는 權應仁을 일별함으로써, 고려말부터 조선중기까지 성주가 文鄕이었음을 살펴보았다. 文鄕이었던 성주는 東岡 金宇옹과 寒岡 鄭逑가 출현하면서 분위기가 바뀐다. 조선의 성리학 수준을 최정상으로 끌어올린 퇴계와 선비적 실천을 보여준 남명의 공동제자였던 이 두 사람은 성주에 성리학의 물결을 初創하면서 성주를 학문의 고장으로 만들어갔다. 이후 이들의 제자들과 제자의 후손들이 성주의 문화적 분위기를 주도하면서 文鄕 성주가 儒鄕이 되었다. 이러한 상황을 두고 사람들은 성주를 동강과 한강의 고장, 兩岡之地라고 하고 있다. 본고는 이 ‘양강지지’의 실상이 무엇인지를 살펴보았다. 당대에 서로의 오른팔이었던 兩岡, 급문록의 초기 규모가 50여 명으로 비슷하였던 양강이 시대가 내려올수록 위상의 차이를 보이고 있는 까닭을 추적하였다. 한강의 문인은 최종적으로 342명으로 확정되었고 동강은 56명의 급문록이 초라하게 남아있는 상황을 살펴봄으로써, 한강 문인들의 활약으로 양강의 위상이 달라졌음을 짐작하게 하였다. 아울러 한강의 제자들이 스승을 위해 노력하는 모습들과 그 제자의 후손들이 그들의 조상과 한강을 높이는 정황을 한개의 성산이씨 가문을 들어 예시하였다. 결론적으로, 문향이었던 성주가 양강을 기점으로 문화적 분위기가 바뀌면서 유향으로 변모하여 양강지지가 되었지만, 그 이면에는 한강의 제자들과 淵源家의 활약으로 한강이 동강을 압도하는 실상이 있었다. Seongju, old region of Gaya Dynasty, has a long history. But not until the end of Shila Dynasty and the early Goryeo Dynasty did Seongju turn out the great figures in the history. At the end of Goryeo Dynasty many great men poured out. Analyzing the figures of Seongju in the end of Goryeo Dynasty and early Joseon Dynasty, there were many nationwide literary people. People of Seongju still remember Lee-Seunghue(李承休), Lee-Jonyeon(李兆年), Lee Sungin(李崇仁), Lee-Gyeongan(李堅幹). On the other hand, Song-Chenbong(宋天逢) and Do-Wonheong(都元興) were forgotten. This article traced less familiar Lee-Gyeongan, and forgotten Song-Chenbong and Do-Wonheong. This literary ethos succeeded in the Joseon Dynasty, many literary people appeared in Seongju from the early days to the middle of Joseon. Among them, this article covers Seongju was the town of literature by glancing at Lee-Jik(李稷), representing Literature of officials, Kim-Maengsung(金孟性) representing Literature of confucian scholar and Kwon-Ungin(權應仁) representing Literature of the under-privileged. Seongju, the town of literature changed its atmosphere by the appearance of Han-gang(寒岡), Jeong-Gu(鄭逑) and Dong-gang(東岡) Kim-Wuong(金宇옹). These two men, both of who were the joint pupils of two great scholars, Toe-gye(退溪) raising the level of Joseon Confucianism to the highest point and Nam-myeong(南冥) showing the scholastic practice made Seongju the town of learning, creating waves of Confucianism in Seongju. After that, the pupils and their descendants leading the cultural atmosphere, the town of literature turned to the town of confucianism. This situation made Seongju the Land of Two Gangs(兩岡), meaning Dong-gang and Han-gang. This article examines what the real aspect of the Land of Two Gangs was. The Two Gangs, the counterparts of those days having 50 persons as early scale of Pupil list, showed the difference of status descending the periods. The pupil of Han-gang was finally 342 persons and Dong-gang humbly had only 56 persons. Examination of this situation assumes the pupil of Han-gang boosted the status of the Two Gangs. Also by illustrating the Lee family at Hangye village(한개마을), this article explains the fact that the pupils of Han-gang made endeavors for their master and their descendants respected them and Han-gang. In conclusion, Seongju, the town of literature turned into the townof Confucianism by the cooperative efforts of Han-gang and Dong-gang. But the status of Han-gang became higher than that of Dong-gang with the activities of pupils of Han-gang and their descendants.

16세기 조선 사상계의 동향과 노수신(盧守愼)

이동환 ( Lee Dong Hwan ) 한국사상사학회 2015 韓國思想史學 Vol.0 No.51

17세기 주자학 교조주의의 억압체제가 16세기 조광조의 도학 근본주의, 이황의 주자학 절대주의의 추동으로 사상의 일원화, 단일화가 진행된 결과라는 가설을 가지고, 이러한 대국(大局)의 전개에 사상의 일정한다원성을 추구하여 특히 이황에 저항한 노수신의 사상사적인 위상을 드러내고자 하였다. 조광조의 소격서 혁파는 이단사상에 대한 숙정(肅正)을 실질적으로 한 것이지만, 그래도 그는 정주학(程朱學)을 중심으로 그 외곽의 기학(氣學), 상산학을 도학으로 포괄하여 그 범위 안에서는 사상적 자유 재량(裁量)이 가능했다. 그러나 이황의 주자학 절대주의에 이르면 주자 이외의 여타 사상에 대한 통제는 한층 가열(苛烈)하였다. 그는 위정척사적인 위도의식(衛道意識)으로 주자학 이외에는 모두 좌도(左道) 이단시하여 노장은 말할 것도 없고, 조광조 시대에 허용되었던 기학상산학, 그리고 새로이 전파되는 나정암(羅整庵) 왕양명 등의 학설을 전방위적으로 비판 통제하였다. 이것은 주자학을 위시한 도학 일반에 대한 그 누구도 추종을 불허하는 역량과, ‘위도’라는, 유교국가에서 누구도 거역하지 못할 명분을 떠매고 있었기에 가능하였다. 사대부 사회는 그의 이러한 도학에 대한 역량과 위도의 명분 앞에 거개가 순복(順服)하였다. 그런데 노수신은 이황의 권위에 저항해 사상의 일정한 다원화를 추구하였다. 그는 정주학(程朱學)을 거점으로 상산학, 나정암의 학설, 그리고 양명학을 수용하여 이황의 집요한 비판 통제에도 굽히지 않았다. 결과적으로 그는 이황의 다음으로 우리나라의 도통을 계승할 기대마저 거부한셈이 되었다. 그는 정주학에서 출발해, 한 때 그 스스로 비판한 상산학을 겸수(兼修)하다가 을사사화로 조정에서 쫓겨나자 그 충격으로 그 동안 독실히 믿었던 주자의 격물궁리의 도문학을 부정하고 상산의 존덕성으로 기울어졌으나 특히 정주계열의 경(敬) 수련에는 독실하였다. 이를 바탕으로 귀양지에서 .숙흥야매잠해.를 찬술하여 이황 김인후와 토론을 벌리기도 하여 호평을 받았다. 그러나 뒤이어 인심도심변 을 지어 주자의설에 반하자 사방에서 공격이 들어왔다. 특히 이황은 15 6년간에 걸쳐비판의 자세를 거두지 않았다. 확실하지는 않으나 그는 양명학도 30대전후에 접한 듯, 노년으로 올수록 더욱 기울어져 마침내 확신에 차기에 이르렀다. 노수신의 이러한 다양성, 비록 도학 성리학에 한정되기는 했지만 이러한 사상적 다양성의 추구는 그 시대 여건으로는 일종의 사상적자유주의자라고 할 수 있다. 그리고 이황의 주자학 절대주주의 추동에 대한 하나의 안티테제로서의 의의를 부여할 수 있다. This paper is to examine the place of Noh Susin in the history of thought who pursued ideological diversity and opposed to a prominent Neo-Confucianism scholar Lee Hwang. In this dicourse I premised that the repressive authoritarian regime of Neo-Confucianism in the 17^th century was the result of the unification of thought driven by Confucian fundamentalism introduced by Jo Gwangjo in the 16^th century and absolutism of the study of Zhu Xi proclaimed by Lee Hwang. Jo Gwangjo, though he rejected heresy rigorously, regarded the study of Qi and the study of Lu Jiuyuan as a part of Neo-Confucianism. It was rigorous Confucianism of Lee Hwang in the 16^th century by which censorship over ideas except Confucianism was strengthened. He treated every idea except the study of Zhu Xi as heresy and criticized them severely including the study of Qi and the study of Lu Jiuyuan that had been allowed in former period, and the theory of Luo Qinshun and Wang Yangming as well that introduced newly from Ming dynasty. It was possible as he had great capabilities as a Confucianism scholar and at the same time he was responsible for what is called defending Tao, the first principle of Confucianism nation. Almost all of gentry society obeyed his academic capability and his moral justification. However, Noh Susin opposed to the authority of Lee Hwang and pursued ideological diversity. Based on the study Zhengzhu, he accepted the theory of Lu Jiuyuan, Luo Qinshun and Wang Yangming to stuck firmly to his contention despite of Lee Hwang’s criticism. As a result he was contrary to Lee’s expectation of succeeding the orthodox line of transmission of the Way, so-called Tao-tung, after him. He started his learning from the study of Zhengzhu and expended it to the study of Lu Jiuyuan. But as he was expelled from the Court after Eulsa Sahwa, the 1545 literati purge, he denied the theory of ‘maintaining constant inquiry and study’ emphasized by Zhu Xi and inclined toward the theory of ‘honoring virtuous nature’ emphasized by Lu Jiuyuan. Expecially he devoted himself to training ‘attentiveness’, a translation of the Chinese word ching emphasized by the school of Zhengzhu. Based on this view, he compiled Sukheung yamaejamhae(the Annotation to Admonition on Rising Early and Retiring Late) with which he had a discussion with Lee Hwang and Kim Inhu. But it was after his writing of Arguments against the ‘human mind’ and the ‘Tao mind’ that he was criticized severly by other scholars. Among them Lee Hwang didn’t cease to criticize him for over fifteen years. It seems that Noh first encountered the study of Yangming in his early thirties and at last convinced of it in his old age. He should be called a ideological liberalist in respect that he pursued ideological diversity though it was restricted to Neo-Confucianism. We can say that his ideological endeavor has great historical significance as the antithesis of the absolute Neo-Confucianism of Lee Hwang.

冬壽의 出自로 본 高句麗의 낙랑군지배

이동훈(Lee, Dong-Hoon) 백산학회 2010 白山學報 Vol.- No.88

Main character of the Anak Tomb No.3, Dong-su is from unknown family in China, but he was charged with a top position where only elite worked as in Murong(慕容) regime. That was unusual, so this researcher called his background in question. As the result of analyzing various family names-related data, Dong-su was not from China but from Nakranggun. At that time, Chinese immigrants and original settlers who are Goguryeo’s descendants lived in Nakranggun, and Dong-su was also one of original settlers. Meanwhile, the history book reveals Dong-su’s birthplace as Yodong. When King Micheon of Goguryeo ruled Nakranggun(樂浪郡) in 313, among residents of Nakranggun, there were immigrants who moved to Yoseo in China and they settled themselves in Nakranggun that was newly established near to Geuksung(棘城). Besides, they were immgrated in Changryeogun(昌黎郡) and Yodonggun(遼東郡). As the result, Nakrang Han family received a new domicile of Changryeo Han family, and Nakrang Dong family was changed to Yodong Dong family, which was the reason that Dong-su was expressed as Yodong. For Goguryeo that subjected Nakranggun, controlling powerful families(豪族) who were main power of Nakranggun was the main point. Goguryeo carried through the Nakranggun governance by using the graded powerful family Dong(冬) to restrain Nakranggun large family Wang(王). They received administrative rights from the Goguryeo regime, but military rights were totally under Goguryeo. Han(韓) and Wang(王) families that were ruled like this became the sacrificial lamb of the reinforcement policy of kingship and received a blow after King Jangsu(長壽王) moved the capital from Kuknaesung to Pyeongyang. The fact was turned out in inscription remaining in China through the analysis of the study. As the result, they left Nakrang for China. After that, these two families weakened as much as their trace was not found in the history of the late Goguryeo. However, some people from Nakranggun who just followed Goguryeo’s rule played a important role after the late Goguryeo.

일본 소설작법과 이광수의 초기 문예론

이원동(Lee, Won-Dong) 한국어문학회 2018 語文學 Vol.0 No.141

Japanese sentence academies(日本文章学院)‘s Novel writing was published in 1906, and Tayama-katai (田山花袋)’s Novel writing was published in 1909. At the time of the publication of these two books, the concept of modern novels in Japan was undergoing a great change. Tsubouchi-shoyo(坪内逍遥)‘s Shousetsu shinzui (小説神髄) published from 1885 to 1886 defines novels as being ‘mainly about emotion’. This is the first definition of modern fiction in Japan. In 1907, however, this concept began to change since the publication of the blanket (布団) by Tayama-katai(田山花袋). In short, the concept of modern novels was greatly changed in Japan in 1906 ∼ 1909, when the two books were published. This is a case in contrast to the process of changing the concept of modern novels. Tsubouchi-shoyo(坪内逍遥) said emotion was important in the novel. Taking this viewpoint, novelists at Japanese sentence academies(日本文章学院) said that they should find a change of emotions on the social level. Tayama-katai(田山花袋) wrote that the scientific attitude should dissect emotions. On the other hand, Lee Kwang-soo(李光洙) was studying in Japan at the time of the publishing of the two novels. In 1916, Lee Kang-soo(李光洙) wrote What is Literature . In this article, Lee Kwang Su(李光洙) expressed his views on modern novels. Like Tsubouchi-shoyo(坪内逍遥) and novelists at Japanese sentence academies(日本文章学院’s novel theory, Lee Kwang-soo(李光洙) also wrote novels focusing on emotion. However, Lee Kwang Soo(李光洙) regarded the exchange of emotions in reading and writing novels as important. Lee Kwang-soo(李光洙) felt that emotions were a way for people to understand and sympathize with each other. Lee Kwang Soo (李光洙) thought that the novel was a kind of social communication.

한중록의 국어학적 고찰

李氣銅(Lee Ki-dong) 고려대학교 한국학연구소 2009 한국학연구 Vol.30 No.-

본 연구의 목적은 『한중록』이라 불리는 작품의 이본인 李氣銅本과 一?本을 국어학적으로 비교하여 李氣銅本의 간행 연대를 추정하는 것이다. 『한중록』은 『한중만록』, 『읍혈록』 등의 명칭으로 불리며 지금까지 21종의 이본을 확인할 수 있다. 그러나 현재까지 원본으로 확정된 것은 없다. 본고에서는 여기에 새로운 1종을 추가하여 李氣銅本이라고 하고 이를 一?本과 비교하여 李氣銅本의 간행 연대를 추정한다. 이를 위해 두 이본 사이에서 관찰되는 연철ㆍ중철ㆍ분철, 합용병서, ‘ㅎ’종성체언, 높임법의 주격 표지, 음운변화 등의 표기 경향을 살폈다. 李氣銅本의 표기는 근대국어의 일반적 표기 경향에 가까우면서도 궁중에서 만들어진 작품이라는 성격 때문에 근대국어 이전의 표기 경향도 반영하는 보수성을 보여주고 있다. 이에 비해 一?本은 근대국어의 표기경향을 따르면서도 근대국어 후기의 성격도 반영하고 있다. 그러므로 두 이본의 비교를 통해 李氣銅本이 적어도 一?本보다 앞선 시기의 작품으로 판단할 수 있다. The purpose of this study is to compare the Lee Ki Dong-version Hanjungrok with the IlSa-version linguistically and to estimate the age of publication. The Hanjungrok has 21 versions and various names such as Hanjungmanrok, Uephyoelrok. But, up to now, there is no version identified as the original. In this paper one version called Lee Ki Dong-version is added to the versions of Hanjungrok and then compared with IlSa-version to estimate age of publication. For that, this paper investigated the notational tendency of both versions. On the one hand the notation of the Lee Ki Dong-version resembles Modem Korean notational tendency, but on the other shows the conservativeness that reflects the notational tendency of Middle Korean because of the particularity as Court literature. In comparison, the IlSa-version reflects the notational tendency of not only Modem Korean but also Late Modem Korean. As a result, the comparison between the Lee Ki Dong-version and the IlSa-version suggests that the former is earlier at least than the latter.

노무현 정부와 이명박 정부의 대북 접근방식 비교

이기동 ( Gee Dong Lee ) 북한연구학회 2008 北韓硏究學會報 Vol.12 No.2

Roh Moo-hyun and Lee Myung-bak government`s North Korea approach is Path-dependence and Path-shaping, retrospectively. Roh government was close to deontology based on the right and process, then again Lee government seems to be teleology stressed on the good and result. For the driving ways toward North Korea, Lee government pose to the politico-economic connection, whereas Roh government was the politico-economic separation. In the view of reciprocity, Lee government is going to the direction toward condition, Roh government was flexible. and Lee government shows the position of putting the priority on Internationl Cooperation, Roh government took a serious view of South-North Korean interested party. Lee government`s North Korean approach has to be changed to the Path-revision. Lee government ought to enlarge the Philosophy of North Korean policy to the Pragmatism based on the mixture of deontology and teleology. Also by persisting the politico-economic separation, it needs to keep the momentum of Inter-Korean relationship.

Bi-factor MIRT True-Score Equating for Testlet-Based Tests

이규민(Gue min Lee),Won Chan Lee,Michael J Kolen,박인용(In Yong Park),Dong In Kim,Ji Seung Yang 한국교육평가학회 2015 교육평가연구 Vol.28 No.2

Lee and Lee (2014) proposed bi-factor multidimensional item response theory model (BFM) "observed-score" equating procedures. The main purposes of this study were to develop BFM "true-score" equating procedures, and to investigate applicability of the proposed procedures with actual data. Eight equating methods (including both true- and observed-score) based on dichotomous IRT (2-parameter logistic model: 2PL), polytomous IRT (graded response model: GRM), testlet response model (TRM), and BFM were compared with target equipercentile equating. Data for this study were from the Reading Comprehension test for a large-scale state assessment program, which consisted of several passages and corresponding groups of items. True- and observed-score equating methods based upon 2PL and BFM produced similar equating results. The GRM true- and observed-score equating methods provided equating results somewhat different from others, and more similar to the target equipercentile equating. Lee와 Lee(2014) 연구는 혼합형 검사에서의 bi-factor 다차원 문항반응모형을 적용한 IRT "관찰점수" 동등화 절차를 제안하였다. 이 연구는 Lee와 Lee(2014) 연구의 추수연구로 단위검사를 대상으로 bi-factor 다차원 문항반응모형을 적용한 IRT "진점수" 동등화 절차를 제안하고, 그 적용 가능성을 실제 자료를 이용하여 탐색하고자 하였다. 이를 위해 단위검사로 구성된 대규모 독해 검사 자료를 이용하여, 2모수 로지스틱 모형(2-parameter logistic model: 2PL), 등급반응모형(graded response model: GRM), 단위검사모형(testlet response model: TRM), bi-factor 모형(bi-factor model: BFM)을 적용하였으며, 관찰점수 및 진점수 동등화를 시행하여 총 8개의 동등화 방법을 적용하고, 산출된 결과를 동백분위 동등화 결과와 비교하였다. 연구 결과, 2PL과 BFM을 적용한 관찰점수 및 진점수 동등화는 유사한 결과를 산출하였으며, GRM을 적용한 관찰점수 및 진점수 동등화 방법은 다른 방법들과 다소 차이를 보이는 결과를 산출하였고, 비교 기준이 된 동백분위 동등화 결과와 보다 유사한 결과를 보였다.

「민족개조론」 비판논쟁 -최원순의 「이춘원에게 문하노라」를 중심으로-

이동순(Lee, Dong-Soon) 우리문학회 2020 우리文學硏究 Vol.0 No.65

본 논문은 2·8독립선언’과 ‘3·1만세운동’으로 민족의식이 고양되어 있던 젊은 학생/ 지식인들이 이광수의 「민족개조론」에 분노한 이유와 원인을 최원순의 글 「이춘원에게 문하노라」를 통해서 밝혀보고자 하였다. 최원순은 이광수가 「민족개조론」에서 개조의 근거와 이유로 제시한 내용을 5가지로 압축하여 문제를 제기하였다. 최원순은 이광수의 주장에 대하여 열악하다는 조선민족성의 의미, 민족성 개조의 윤리적 근거, 민족성을 판단하는 표준, 조선인을 무지몽매한 야만인종으로 규정한 이유, 3.1만세운동을 자각 없는 변화일 뿐이라고 주장한 근거, 민족개조가 도덕적이어야 하는 이유를 따진 다음 이론적인 근거를 제시하는 방식으로 문제점을 비판하였고, 개념적인 오류와 이론의 오류를 짚었다. 그것을 통해 「민족개조론」의 허점과 문제점을 드러냈다. 이 지점에서 젊은 학생/지식인들이 분노했던 이유와 원인을 확인할 수 있었다. 최원순의 글을 게재한 〈동아일보〉 기자는 이광수의 「민족개조론」에 대해서 인식공격과 감정적인 비판이 보다는 ‘이론은 이론으로 대응’해야 한다는 전제를 드러냈는데 이것을 통해서 대중들이 거세게 비판했다는 사실, 인식 공격과 감정적인 비판이 심각했다는 사실을 알 수 있다. 그런 상황에서 최원순은 문제를 제기하고 오류를 짚어서 논리적인 증명으로 비판하였다는 점에서 의미 있는 비판이었다. Lee Gwang Soo"s 「Theory of national reform」, which was published in 「Dawn of Civilization」, was criticized by the public. It faced strong criticism from young students and young intellectuals who had a heightened sense of national consciousness due to the 2.8 Declaration of Independence and March First Independence Movement. This study reviewed the issue that criticized the 「theory of national reform」, focusing on the abovementioned public criticism. It studied the causes of controversy and criticism, focusing on 「I hereby ask Lee Chun-won.」 in which Choi Won Soon criticized and questioned the theory publicly in the press. Choi Won Soon highlighted five problems in the theory. First, why was Chosun ethnicity evaluated as inferior? Second, what is the moral ground of the theory of national reform? Third, what is the criteria used to judge a race as superior or inferior? Fourth, why did Lee Gwang Soo consider our history as unconscious changes in the ignorant barbarians by ignoring the past transition? Fifth, why did he insist that the national reform would be moral? These five problems differ in their point of view from young students and intellectuals, in that Choi Won Soon criticized Lee Gwang Soo"s claims of the 「Theory of national reform」 and clarified that they have no ground. This was revealed when Dong-A Ilbo"s reporter published a series titled 「I hereby ask Lee Chun-won」 on the premise that theories should be discussed rather than personal attacks and emotional criticism. While emotions cannot always be completely excluded, producing a healthy discourse is meaningful in that it enables critical questioning and suggests different theories and frameworks from other criticisms. As shown above, Choi Won-soon and other young students and intellectuals took the lead in criticism. However, the fact that other intellectuals at the time were silent revealed that they accepted the reality rather than attempting to overcome the colonial rule.

족과관절염좌 환자에 대한 동씨침법과 일반침법의 효과에 대한 비교 연구

안호진,정동화,황규선,윤기붕,김태우,문장혁,백종엽,이상무,Ahn, Ho-jin,Jeong, Dong-hwa,Hwang, Kyu-seon,Yoon, Ki-bung,Kim, Tae-woo,Moon, Jang-huyk,Baek, Jong-yeob,Lee, Sang-moo 대한침구의학회 2003 대한침구의학회지 Vol.20 No.1

Objective: The purpose of this study is to compare the effects of Dong-si acupuncture therapy and General acupuncture therapy for the patients with acute ankle sprain. Methods : This study has been carried out for 60 cases of ankle sprain patients who have visited Dong-Seo Oriental medical Hospital from May 1, 2002 to September 30, 2002. We have treated 30 cases of them by Dong-si acupuncture therapy and the other 30 cases by General acupuncture therapy. And we have compared those two group. Results : 1. There was no significant difference at the treatment period and the number of treatment times in comparing two groups. 2. The number of treatment times for good effect is that : Dong-si took $1.57{\pm}0.85$ times and General acupuncture therapy took $2.15{\pm}0.96$ times. And we have found that the effect of Dong-si acupuncture therapy is faster than the other.

족저압력분포 측정장비를 이용한 골프 스윙시 족저압 분석

이동기,이중숙,이범진,이훈식,김용재,박승범,주종필 한국운동역학회 2005 한국운동역학회지 Vol.15 No.1

D. K. LEE, J. S. LEE, B. J. LEE, H. S. LEE, Y. J. KIM, S. B. PARK, J. P. JOO. PIantar foot pressure analysis during golf swing motion using plantar foot pressure measurement system. Korean Journal of Sport Biomechanics, Vol. 15, No. 1, pp. 75-89, 2005. In this study, weight carrying pattern analysis and comparison method of four foot region were suggested. We used three types of club(driver, iron7, pitching wedge). This analysis method can compare between top class golfer and beginner. And the comparison data can be used to correct the swing pose of trainee. If motion analysis system, which can measure the swing speed and instantaneous acceleration at the point of hitting a ball, is combined with this plantar foot force analysis method, new design development of golf shoes to increase comfort and ball flight distance will be available. 1. Address acting, forces concentrated in rare foot regions and lateral foot of right foot. Back swing top acting, relatively high force occurred in medial forefoot region of left foot and forefoot region of right foot. Impact acting, high force value observed in the lateral rarefoot region of left foot and medial forefoot region of right foot. Finish acting, force concentration observed on the lateral region and rarefoot region of left foot. 2. Forces were increased in address of right foot with clubs length increased. All clubs, back swing top acting, high force value observed in the lateral forefoot region of right foot. All clubs, in impact, high force value observed in the lateral rarefoot region of left foot and medial forefoot region of right foot. Finish acting, force concentration observed on the rarefoot region in driver and lateral foot region in iron on left foot. 3. Right foot forces distribution were increased in address, back swing top and left foot force distribution were increased in impact, finnish