인권영화 관람이 인권의식의 변화에 미치는 영향에 관한 연구 - O1-S-O2-R 모델의 적용

이정기,전범수 한국정치커뮤니케이션학회 2012 정치커뮤니케이션 연구 Vol.0 No.27

This study set out to identify individual characteristics to induce the watching of human rights films by applying the " O_1-S-O_2-R" a model explaining the generation process of media effects. The study also aimed to investigate the effects (changes to the perception of human rights and act of movie watching) of the determinants of movie watching and the information processing process (reflective integration) for messages emerging after movie watching on users. For those purposes, the investigator surveyed 260 college students (graduate students) in Seoul and Gyeonggi Province. Of them, 148 (56.9%) had experience watching human rights movies, while 112 (43.1%) had no such experience. As a result, those who watched a human rights movie tended to be more progressive, have a greater universalism value orientation, and show more interest in human rights in ordinary times than those who did not. Those who watched a human rights movie had six major motivations, namely "interest in human rights/self-reflection," "leisure," "interest in the director," "content/reflection," "social interaction," and "showing off/expression." The motivations of watching a human rights movie had differential effects on changes to the perception of human rights. The degree of reflective integration had positive impacts on changes to the perception of human rights. 이 연구는 미디어 효과가 발생하는 과정을 설명한 모델인 'O_1-S-O_2-R을 적용하여 인권영화 관람을 유도하는 개인적 특성을 규명하고, 영화 관람을 결정하는 요소와 관람이 이루어진 이후에 발생하는 메시지에 대한 정보처리 과정(숙고적 통합)이 수용자에게 미치는 효과(인권에 인식의 변화, 관람 행동)를 규명하고자 하였다. 이를 위해 서울, 경기 지역 대학생(대학원생) 260명을 대상으로 연구를 수행하였다. 이 중 인권영화를 관람한 경험이 있는 사람은 148명(56.9%), 미경험자는 112명(43.1%)으로 나타났다. 연구결과 인권영화를 관람한 사람은 비관람자에 비해 진보적이고, 보편주의적 가치성향이 높으며, 인권에 대한 평소 관심 정도가 높은 것으로 나타났다. 또한 인권영화 관람 경험자의 인권영화 관람 동기는 ‘인권 관심/자기 성찰’, ‘휴식’, ‘감독 관심’, ‘콘텐츠/성찰’, ‘사회적 상호작용’, ‘과시/표출’의 6개 동기로 밝혀졌다. 인권영화 관람 동기는 인권 인식의 변화와에 차별적인 영향을 미쳤고, 숙고적 통합정도는 인권 의식의 변화에 정적인 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다.

해방 이후 민권과 인권의 정치적 상상력

황병주 역사문제연구소 2024 역사비평 Vol.- No.146

Since the French Revolution’s Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen and the American Declaration of Independence, the idea of universal human rights has been a fundamental feature of modern history. The United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights was issued in 1948, and the post-liberation state formation process, including the Constitution, was based on this discursive foundation. The concepts of human and civil rights introduced since the opening of Korea were used in an undifferentiated form even during the colonial period, but the issue of prisoner repatriation during the Korean War is noted as the first example of political confrontation and practice based on the concept of human rights. In the 1950s, the concept of civil rights was used as an important basis for political confrontation, and the April 19 Revolution is often referred to as the civil rights revolution and the victory of civil rights. While civil rights remained an important political concept until the 1970s, especially for the conservative opposition, human rights began to emerge as a concept that secured the new orientation and values of the resistance movement after the establishment of the Yusin system. By the 1970s, the frequency of human rights and civil rights became significantly different, with human rights dominating civil rights. Since then, human rights have become overwhelmingly influential. The rise of state violence, such as torture, and the use of prisoners of conscience as a new term are indicative of this shift. In the 1970s, human rights became closely linked to liberal values and were transformed into a discursive resource for resistance movements. Ecumenical Christian forces played an important role in this process. In contrast to the human rights agenda of the resistance movements, the Park Chunghee regime sought to limit universal human rights to a specific form of civil rights. The Park regime also sought to subordinate human rights to developmentalism by reducing them to economic issues, such as the right to survival. In the end, the concept of civil rights was lost in the institutional practice of the nation-state, while human rights seemed to hold the promise of renewal and expansion. 프랑스 혁명의 인간과 시민의 권리 선언(인권선언)과 미국 독립선언 이래 보편적 인권에 대한 상상은 근대사회의 기본적 특징이 되었다. 1948년에는 유엔의 세계인권선언이 발표되었다.제헌헌법을 비롯해 해방 이후 국가 형성과정은 이러한 담론적 토대에 기반했다. 개항기 이래 유입된 인권과 민권 개념은 식민지 시기까지도 미분화된 형태로 사용되었으나 한국전쟁기 포로 송환문제는 인권 개념에 기반한 정치적 대립과 실천을 보여준 첫 사례로 주목된다. 헌정질서가 구축되던 1950년대는 민권 개념이 정치적 대립의 중요한 기준으로 활용되었으며 그 연장선상에서 4·19혁명 역시 민권혁명, 민권의 승리로 호명된다. 민권은 보수 야당을 중심으로 1970년대까지도 중요한 정치적 개념으로 활용되었지만, 유신체제 성립을 전후로 인권이 저항운동의 새로운 지향과 가치를 담보하는 개념으로 부각되기 시작했다. 1970년대 들어 인권과 민권의 빈도수는 현격한 차이를 노정해 인권이 민권을 압도하는 상황이었다. 이후 민권은 사실상 사회정치적으로 활성화된 개념으로 보기 힘들 정도로 약화되었으며 인권이 압도적 영향력을 발휘하게 된다. 고문과 같은 국가폭력에 대한 문제제기가 본격화되었고 양심수가 새로운 용어로 사용되기 시작한 것은 이러한 변화를 잘 보여준다. 1970년대 인권은 자유주의적 가치와 긴밀하게 연동되면서 저항 운동의 담론 자원으로 전환된 셈이었다. 이 과정에서 에큐메니칼 기독교 세력의 역할이 중요했다. 특히 이들은 기독교 신학 논리에 기반해 세속 국가를 상대화하고 보편적 인권의 가치를 강조하고자 했다. 저항운동의 인권 의제에 맞서 박정희 체제는 보편적 인권을 특수한 민권의 형태로 제한하고자 했다. 즉 인권을 국가의 특수한 조건에 긴박시킴으로써 저항의제화를 차단하고자 했다. 또한 박정희 체제는 인권을 생존권 등 경제적 문제로 환원하여 개발주의에 종속시키고자 했다. 결국 민권 개념은 국민국가의 제도적 실천으로 소실된 반면 인권은 새로운 갱신과 확장의 가능성을 안고 있다고 보인다.

인권에 대한 관계적 접근

이주영 법과사회이론학회 2020 법과 사회 Vol.0 No.65

The Covid-19 pandemic has revealed the inherent vulnerability of all human beings and the connectedness between people. It has also become clear that the burdens under the crisis are unequally distributed among people and reinforce the existing inequalities. What role can human rights play in addressing the vulnerability of human persons and the critical issues of social inequalities? Conceiving the issue of human rights in times of pandemic and other crisis as the clash between liberty rights on one hand and health and safety-related rights on the other hand forces us to choose one and give up the other between the equally important values, and also fails to capture the gaps in the enjoyment of either liberty rights or health and safety-related rights between people. While this problem presented by the traditional human rights approach seems magnified in times of pandemic, it is fundamentally linked with the limitations inherent to liberal individualism embedded in the traditional human rights thinking. This article alternatively examines a relational approach to human rights. A relational approach to human rights critically acknowledges both unique individuality of and social connectedness between human being. This approach considers that one’s enjoyment of human rights is influenced by social relationships, and the interpretation and practice of human rights also reversely shapes the relationship between people. A central question to a relational approach to human rights lies with what relationships can better facilitate the realization of values, such as, human dignity, autonomy, equality, safety, and well-being, embedded in human rights. 코로나19 감염병 사태는 사람들은 모두 취약성을 지니고 있고 서로 긴밀하게 연결되어 있다는 점을 확인시켜 주었다. 위기 상황에서의 피해는 불평등하게 분배되고 기존의 불평등을 강화한다는 점도 확연하게 드러내 주었다. 감염병 사태가 선명하게 보여 주는 인간의 취약성과 사회 불평등 문제에 대해 인권은 어떤 역할을 할 수 있을 것인가. 개인의 자유와 개인 및 공동체의 안전과 건강을 서로 대립항에 두고 감염병을 비롯한 위기 상황의 인권 문제에 접근하는 것은, 중요성을 갖는 양쪽의 가치 중 하나만 선택하거나 포기할 것을 요구하는 한편, 자유든 안전이든 그 향유에 사람들 사이에 격차가 존재한다는 점을 제대로 포착하지 못한다. 이러한 문제는 판데믹 시대에 더 극적으로 나타났지만, 근본적으로는 자유주의적 개인주의를 전제로 하는 권리에 대한 주류적인 시각에 내재되어 있는 한계라고 할 수 있다. 이 글은 대안으로서 인권에 대한 관계적 접근을 고찰한다. 인권에 대한 관계적 접근은, 사람은 고유하게 개별적이면서도 다른 사람들과 연결되어 있는 사회적 존재이며, 사회적 관계가 사람들의 인권의 향유에 영향을 미친다는 인식을 전제로 한다. 또한 인권을 어떻게 해석하고 실천하느냐에 따라 사람들 사이의 관계도 다르게 구성된다는 점을 강조한다. 인권에 대한 관계적 접근은 권리가 품고 있는 존엄, 자유, 안전, 안녕과 같은 기본적 가치를 관계성 속에서 이해하면서, 어떠한 관계가 그러한 가치들을 온전히 실현할 수 있는지를 인권 해석과 적용에서 중심적인 질문으로 삼는다.

지방정부의 인권보호에 관한 연구

김수정(Soo Jung Kim),양혜정(Hye Jeong Yang),오선영(Sun Young Oh),김대심(Dai Sim Kim) 사회복지법제학회 2022 사회복지법제연구 Vol.13 No.1

This study examines the status of human rights protection by local governments, by reviewing the Seoul Metropolitan Government’s means of human rights remedies. To this end, we examined three cases, related to labor at social welfare Organizations among human rights violation decisions of the city government from 2017 to 2019. Results show that, since social welfare organizations are targeted for human rights violation investigations, and effective measures can be taken by the mayor of Seoul, the significance of Seoul as a local government for social welfare organization can be found in being able to actively protect human rights. However, the following limitations were revealed through an analysis of the decision cases. First, the judgments were based on the violation of civil and political rights; second, the limitations of recommendations and follow-up measures were insufficient; third, the scope of the investigation was limited; and fourth, the facts of recognition and judgment standards were vague. Therefore, in this study, for the protection of human rights of local governments, the suggestions are presented that, along with the judgment of the violation of civil and political rights, it is necessary to examine the part of the violation of economic, social and culture rights as well, that a follow-up check-up system should be established to regularly monitor the implementation of recommendations and results, that it should be possible to transfer information to the relevant agency and conduct investigations even if that information does not fall under the reason for the application, if human rights violations are recognized, and that it is necessary to additionally present objective indicators or numerical data in making judgments. This study is meaningful in that it suggests a plan to improve human rights protection of local governments through the analysis of decision cases of human rights violations in Seoul in a situation where research on human rights protection by local governments is insufficient despite the important role of local governments as custodians of human rights. 본 연구는 지방정부의 인권보호를 서울시 인권침해 구제제도를 통해 알아보기 위해실시되었다. 이를 위해 서울시의 2017년~2019년 인권침해 사건 결정례 중 사회복지시설의 노동 관련 사건 3건을 분석하였다. 그 결과 사회복지시설을 인권침해 조사 대상 기관으로 하고 있고, 서울시장의 실효성 있는 조치가 가능하기에, 사회복지설에 대해 지방정부인 서울시는 적극적인 인권보호를 할 수 있다는 의의가 찾을 수 있었다. 그러나 결정례 분석을 통해서 다음과 같은 한계가 있음을 알 수 있었다. 첫째, 자유권 침해 위주의 판단이 이루어지고 있었고, 둘째, 권고의 한계와 사후 관리가 부족했으며, 셋째, 조사범위가 한정되었으며, 넷째, 인정사실과 판단 기준이 모호했다. 이에본 연구에서는 지방정부의 인권보호를 위하여, 자유권 침해 판단과 함께 사회권 침해부분도 같이 살펴보아야 하며, 정기적인 권고 이행여부와 결과를 모니터링하는 사후관리체계를 구축해야 하며, 신청사유에 해당되지 않더라도 인권침해가 인지되면 담당기관으로의 이관 및 확대 조사를 할 수 있어야 하며, 판단함에 있어 객관화된 지표나수치화된 자료를 추가적으로 제시해야 함을 제언으로 제시하였다. 본 연구는 인권 책무자로서 지방정부의 역할이 중요함에도 불구하고, 그동안 지방정부의 인권보호에 대한 연구가 부족한 상황에서 서울시의 인권침해 결정례 분석을통해 지방정부의 인권보호 개선방안을 제시하였다는 점에서 의의가 있다.

인권의 개념

조태훈 ( Tae Hoon Cho ) 한국민족연구원 2011 민족연구 Vol.0 No.45

This paper has a purpose to analyse the concept of Human Rights: history of the concept development, nature of human rights, source/ foundation of human rights. Human Rights are equal rights, inalienable rights, and universal rights. There is twofold claim at the heart of human rights. The one part of the claim is that each and every human being has inherent dignity[sacredness]. The other part is that inherent dignity of human being has a normative force for us in the sense of that we should respect the inherent dignity of every human being. The concept of human rights becomes relevant to ordinary people when the relative security of everyday life is absent or snatched away. Have human rights a foundation? Human Rights ultimately rest on a social decision to act as though such ``things`` existed. Human Rights operate within rather than across communities or traditions. Here I stress political implications of human rights being rights and their function as a standards of political legitimacy.

인권 논리의 아시아적 접근과 쟁점 : 인권의 보편성과 경제성장론의 충돌을 중심으로

정영선 성공회대학교 인권평화센터 2000 인권과 평화 Vol.1 No.1

The primary objective of this study is to elucidate the nature of the Asian concept of human rights and to examine the interrelation between the process of economic growth and contingent human rights policies. In the aftermath of the Cold War, several East Asian states in particular mounted a challenge to Western beliefs about human rights. Based on a successful economic growth and on the Confucian logic inherent in their tradition, East Asian states sought to redefine the concepts of human rights by questioning the applicability of universal human rights in different cultural, economic and socio-political settings. The logic of Asian style democracy has been used by Asian repressive states to support the trade-off proposition: that a certain degree of authoritarianism is necessary to make the hard political and economic decisions that produce a states spectacular growth, and that such growth will facilitate the promotion of human rights. However, in recent decades the history of human rights in East Asian countries offers no promise or proof that civil and political rights will be extended to citizens upon the realization of economic development goals. Authoritarian leaders have justified their development of their economic growth strategy, but also as essential for the maintenance of law and order. Basing itself on an understanding of Asian perspectives on human rights and on human rights practices characteristic of modern Korea history, this study concludes that if the economic growth of a country does not facilitate the realization of human rights after the country reaches a certain level of economic development, then various restrictions on human rights cannot be justified in the name of economic growth, and that human rights, a critical factor of desirable democracy, cannot be pushed aside until economic development is consolidated. In the same context, a country's economic policies should promote the rule of law and not the political interests of abusive governments.

국가인권위원회 각하 결정례 분석 : 국민의 사회권 보호를 중심으로

전하은,허세미,양옥경 사회복지법제학회 2022 사회복지법제연구 Vol.13 No.2

Twenty-one years have passed since the National Human Rights Commission was established in 2001 as the official national human rights organization of the Republic of Korea. The central role of the National Human Rights Commission is to investigate and remedy human rights violations and discrimination. Of the number of public complaints received, 61 percent have been rejected without actual investigation, and the high rejection rate of the National Human Rights Commission is still being pointed out. In the previous study, various alternatives were proposed, but in terms of human rights protection, there was not enough access to solve the real problem centered on social rights protection of the complainant. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to re-examine the causes and alternatives of the high rejection rate from the viewpoint of human rights social welfare, and to propose measures to protect the social rights of the people through the complaint system. Therefore, 138 cases of rejection disclosed by the National Human Rights Commission for 20 years were classified into complaint types and reasons for rejection. Each case evaluated the meaning of the complaint from the standpoint of the complainant and the position of the National Human Rights Commission to act as a human rights defender to the people. The analysis led to two arguments: a legal review to ensure the independence of the National Human Rights Commission and an improvement in public awareness of social rights. Based on the above discussions, five policies and practical recommendations were made, including a change in the direction of human rights education, transparent management of human rights cases, analysis of cases centered on society, publication of documents. This study is meaningful that the complaint system of the National Human Rights Commission can contribute to the independent fulfillment of the role of a true ombudsman integrated into the daily lives of the people. 대한민국의 공식적인 국가인권기구로써 국가인권위원회가 2001년에 설립된 이후 21년이 지났다. 국가인권위원회의 핵심 역할은 국민의 인권침해, 차별행위에 대한 조사와 구제라고 할 수 있다. 그간 접수된 국민의 진정 건수 중 실제 조사가 이루어지지 않고 종결되는 각하 건수는 61%에 달해 국가인권위원회의 높은 각하율이 꾸준히 지적되고 있다. 선행연구에서 다양한 대안을 제언하였지만, 인권 보장 측면에서 진정인의 사회권 보장 중심의 실질적인 문제해결 접근은 부족했다. 따라서 본 연구는 인권적 사회복지 관점에서 높은 각하율의 원인과 대안을 재조명함으로써 진정 제도를 통한 국민의 사회권 보장 방안을 제언하는 데 목적을 두었다. 이를 위해 국가인권위원회에서 20년간 공개한 사례 중 138건의 각하 사례를 진정 유형과 각하 사유로 구분하여 분석하였다. 사례별로 진정인의 관점에서 진정이라는 행위가 어떤 의미가 있으며, 국민에게 인권옹호자로서 국가인권위원회의 위치가 어떠해야 하는지 등을 평가하였다. 분석 결과 국가인권위원회의 독립성을 확보하기 위한 법률적 재검토와 국민의 사회권 인지도 향상이 필요하다는 두 가지 논의점이 도출되었다. 이상의 논의를 중심으로 인권교육의 방향 전환, 투명한 인권사례 관리, 사회권 중심의 사례분석, 국민의 눈높이에 맞춘 자료발간, 진정제도 개선을 위한 모니터링 등 다섯 가지의 정책과 실천적 제언을 하였다. 본 연구는 국가인권위원회의 진정 제도가 국민의 일상에 녹아든 진정한 옴부즈맨의 역할을 독립적으로 수행하는데 이바지할 수 있다는 의의를 갖는다.

Transformations and Challenges: A PRC Perspective on Human Rights and Koreans’ Human Rights in Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture

박선영 한국중국학회 2009 國際中國學硏究 Vol.0 No.12

This paper examines human rights as a theory that PRC claims to support and addresses how the PRC (People’s Republic of China) applies the theory to ethnic minority groups in reality. First, analyze what the PRC perspective on human rights is in theoretical terms and how the PRC defines the protection of the rights of minority ethnic populations. Second, examine how the PRC applies the theory to the Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture (YKAP). Although there are many ethnic groups living in the YKAP, this paper focuses on the human rights issues of Yanbian Koreans and North Korean refugees in that region. This paper will present a case that reviews the reality of the protection of minority ethnic groups’ human rights that the PRC stresses. I will also review the issue of ethnic self‐government that institutionally guarantees the human rights of minority ethnicities. By pointing out the issue of Koreans living in the YKAP (Yanbian Koreans and North Korean refugees) who are in socially and politically poor surroundings, I will describe myths and realities of the PRC perspective on human rights. The autonomous prefecture of an ethnic region sets up an agency for autonomy and allows each ethnic group in the respective region to supervise internal affairs of the region. Thus, in PRC, there are 159 ethnic autonomous areas that consist of 5 self‐governing regions, 30 autonomous prefectures, and 124 autonomous counties. In reality, however, the population of Koreans in the YKAP, for example, has decreased remarkably due to the artificial administrative modification and accelerating segregation against Yanbian Koreans. Moreover, ethnic autonomy policies and systems that should protect the rights of minor ethnicities socially and systematically have faded because of the reduced number of officials from the Korean group. The North Korean refugees are in the dead zone of human rights within the YKAP. Economically poor escapees must endure miserable livings in the northeast region of the PRC, and their survival, which was their main motivation for escape, is threatened once more. Men and women have to endure extremely low wages, labor exploitation, and unjust treatment. Women are especially under a condition of sexual exploitation and sex slave‐like treatment, and even under the threat of human trafficking. The PRC’s perspective and practices of human rights face challenges and need transformations. The PRC perspective on human rights is not confined only to human rights for Chinese but also includes human rights for ethnic minority groups in the PRC, including Yanbian Koreans and North Korean refugees.

인권과 여성권리의 딜레마 - 여성주의 관점에서 인권 변화에 대한 연구 -

이정은 한국철학사상연구회 2019 시대와 철학 Vol.30 No.1

Universal Human Rights and Equality are established by modern philosophers about the theory of social contract. The self-evidence or self-righteousness of human rights in 18th century was declared on the basis of natural rights and natural laws. People drew up the Declaration of Human Rights based upon them. Human rights made a systematic establishment of feminism possible. Feminism and gender equality ground social contract theory. United States announced UN Declaration of Human Rights and has pursued worldwide realization of human rights. However, lots of resistance to gender equality and to women autonomy continue even in the 21st century and then some people strive to restore the traditional view of women by spreading fear and hatred(disgust) toward women's independence. Susan Faludi names that as "backlash". That means the collective behaviors of the latter half of the 20th century. Human rights are self-evident. Nevertheless, Why does the overall response(assistance) happen toward feminism and feminists? This paper comes back to the ground of historical formation in human rights. And it focuses on Locke to seek a basis of human rights, and to trace foundations of self-evidence it self. But Locke presents not only the basis of human rights but also the objects of exception. So this paper examines how advocates of human rights have undermined women rights and equality, and links their weird positions with Burke's conservatism. Finally, it aims to analyze the reasons for resistance to women's self-reliance in the 21st century and to seek a way to overcome the bond of pseudo-conservatism and masculinity. 보편인권과 만민평등은 근대 사회계약론에 의해 정립된다. 자연권과자연법에 기초하여 인권의 자명성이 천명되고, 18세기에는 세계사적 인권선언문들이 발표된다. 여성인권과 남녀 평등을 주장하는 여성주의 이론도보편인권의 성립과 더불어 가능해졌고, 근대 사회계약론은 여성주의의 형성 기반이기도 하다. 그러나 유엔의 「세계인권선언문」에 기초하여 보편인권의 전 지구적실천을 추진하는 21세기에도 남녀 평등과 여성 주체성에 대한 저항은 계속되며, 여성의 자립에 대한 공포와 혐오를 유포하고 있다. 팔루디는 남녀평등에 저항하는 20세기 후반의 총체적 행태를 ʻ반격ʼ이라 부른다. 인권은 자명한 것인데, 왜 여성인권을 거부하는 반격이 반복될까? 이 글은 이런 문제의식에서 인권 개념의 형성 과정을 소개하고, 만민평등과 보편인권을 주장하는 근거인 ʻ자명성ʼ과 ʻ자명성에 대한 근거ʼ를 특히 로크를 중심으로 전개한다. 인권의 근거를 제시했음에도, 인권 침해와 불평등이 어떻게 가능했는지를 버크의 보수주의와 연결하여 살펴본다. 마지막으로, 21세기에도 여성의 자립에 대한 저항이 반복되는 이유와 반격을 뒷받침하는 토대를 분석하여 사이비 보수와 남성성의 유대를 극복하는 길을모색한다.

북한의 인권위기: 국제사회 동향과 정책적 제언

이원웅 平和問題硏究所 2003 統一問題硏究 Vol.15 No.2

Though the record of North Korea on human rights has appalling, it has long been hidden from sight due to the country``s extreme isolation. Since mid-90s, however, the economic crisis and the nuclear crisis have led to much greater awareness of the human rights violations taking place in the DPRK. International pressure is one of the distinctive factors in promoting human rights. The UN human rights bodies, NGOs, and diplomacy are major institutional instruments m the international human rights advocacy. Multilateral and multi-dimensional international pressure to cope with North Korean human rights has been increasing. The UN human rights commission has, for the first time ever, passed a resolution on North Korea. The international dimension of human rights politics on North Korea will show us possibility and promise of the international human rights regime. And it may also cast doubts on efficacy of the international intervention to motivate internal reform as well. The North Korean case will show us how the international community can contribute to the promotion of human rights. However increasing international censure itself does not mean automatic acceptance by the DPRK. North Korea has always rebuked international criticism. To insure its effectiveness, we need to use more than one method. The international community is now paying more attention to the violation of human rights in North Korea to protect innocent lives dying quietly in the darkness. It calls for more systematic and cooperative measures to make international pressure working on North Korean regime effectively. The crucial factor is to press and induce the North Korean regime to a compromise path. We need a comprehensive and multi-dimensional approach by various actors to deal with the North Korean regime consistently. The comprehensive approach in this context means that both hard and soft strategies can be applied at the same time.