간단한 인증키 동의 프로토콜인 Kim-Kim-Hwang 방법의 안전성 고찰

김윤정;김영신;황준 서울여자대학교 컴퓨터과학연구소 2004 정보기술논문지 Vol.2 No.-

The Diffie-Hellman Key Exchange scheme can produce a common session key between the two communicators, but its problem is that it makes a man-in-the middle attack possible. To solve problems like these, several protocols have been put forward, and the Simple Authenticated Key Agreement (SAKA) Protocol is among them. Seo-Sweeney suggested a SAKA protocol initially and the protocol has weakness that a malicious 3rd party can masquerade a valid user. Tseng suggested another protocol that advances this problem but this protocol can still be attacked when the messages in key verification phase are identical. Ku-Wang suggested a new protocol that advances this problem. Kim-Kim-Hwang also suggested a new SAKA protocol and confirmed that their protocol has same safeness and better performance compared to the other SAKA protocols. In this paper, we reanalyze the safeness of SAKA protocols and find out that Kim-Kim-Hwang protocol has not only better performance but also better safeness. Diffie-Hellman의 키 인증 기법에 대한 제 3자 공격 (man-in-the middle attack)에 강한 간단한 인증키 동의 프로토콜인 SAKA (Simple Authenticated Key Agreement Protocol)가 제안된 바 있다. SAKA는 초기에 Seo-Sweeney에 의해 제안되었으며 이 방법은 침입자가 중간에 메시지를 가로채서 정당한 사용자임을 가장할 수 있는 단점이 있다. Tseng은 이 단점을 개선한 방안을 제안하였는데 이것도 키 확인 메시지 두 개의 값이 같을 경우 공격을 받을 수 있음이 밝혀졌다. Ku-Wang은 Tseng 방법의 문제점을 개선한 알고리즘을 제안하였다 그리고 Kim-Kim-Hwang은 새로운 SAKA 알고리즘을 제안하고 이것이 기존 SAKA 프로토콜들과 안전성은 동일하면서도 성능이 개선된 것임을 밝힌바 있다. 본 논문에서는 안전성 분석의 재고찰을 통하여, Kim-Kim-Hwang의 방법이 기존 SAKA 프로토콜들보다 성능면에서뿐만 아니라, 안전성 면에서도 우수함을 밝힌다.

김옥균 암살의 재구성 - 청국·일본과 서구 외교문서로 바라본 김옥균 암살과 배후

김영수(Young-Soo Kim) 한국인간과자연학회 2025 인간과자연 Vol.6 No.1

김옥균 암살에 관련된 조선·청국·일본의 개입과 인물은 다음과 같다. 청국은 리징팡(李經方)과 위안스카이(袁世凱)의 계획을 통해, 일본은 오미와 쵸베(大三輪長兵衛)의 자금 지원으로, 조선은 고종의 지시에 따라 이세직(李世稙)과 홍종우(洪鍾宇)가 직접 실행했다. 이 과정의 배후에는 청국정부의 계획과 유인, 일본정부의 방조와 묵인, 조선정부의 지시와 실행이 있었다. 김옥균 암살에 대한 청국과 일본의 대응은 다음과 같다. 첫째 상해 주재 일본총영사대리 오코시 나리노리(大越成徳)는 김옥균이 상해에 오면 위험할 것이라 예상했음에도 암살 현장에 직접 나서지 않고 서기생을 파견하며 소극적으로 대처했다. 또한 그는 암살 현장에 있던 해군 대좌 시마자키 요시타다(島崎好忠)를 언급하지 않고 대신 청국과 조선정부의 역할을 강조했다. 둘째 상해 현령(上海知縣) 황청쉬엔(黄承暄)의 보고서는 개인적 의견보다는 사실 위주로 작성되었다. 그는 김옥균 암살의 주범으로 홍종우를 지목하고 그의 증언을 상세히 보고하며 조선정부와의 연관성을 자연스럽게 드러냈다. 셋째 북양대신 리홍장(李鴻章)은 김옥균을 “조선 반란의 주범”으로 간주하고, “홍종우를 조선으로 송환하라”고 지시하며 조선정부의 김옥균 시신 처리를 적극적으로 지원했다. 넷째 일본 외무대신 무쓰 무네미쓰(陸奥宗光)는 김옥균 암살 위험을 두 달 전부터 인지하고도 “언제나 청국이 주동자가 되도록 해야 한다”는 외교 방침에 따라 방조적 입장을 취했다. 서구 외교관들은 김옥균 암살과 관련해서 청국 또는 일본정부의 개입을 의심하면서 향후 청국과 일본 간 대립 가능성을 예상했다. 첫째 주청 러시아공사 까시닌(А.П. Кассинин)은 청국정부가 김옥균 암살을 주도했으며 조선정부가 암살자를 파견해 실행했다고 보았다. 그는 일본정부가 외교와 경제적 이익 때문에 암살 계획을 사전에 알았음에도 이를 묵인하고 방조했다고 판단했다. 특히 까시닌은 조선 쌀의 일본 수출 금지 조치가 해제되자 상해 여론에서 일본이 김옥균을 팔았다는 평가를 보고했다. 둘째 주한 프랑스공사 르페브르(G. Lefèvre)는 청국정부가 김옥균 암살을 사주했을 가능성을 제기하며 이 사건이 궁극적으로 청국과 일본 간 대립을 초래할 것으로 전망했다. 김옥균 암살과 관련해 조선, 청국, 일본 3국 정부는 모두 암살을 반대하지 않았다. 조선정부의 김옥균 능지처참 결정에 대해 주한 일본 공사를 제외한 서구 공사들은 직접적으로 반대하지 않았다. 특히 일본은 김옥균의 능지처참을 적극적으로 이용하여 전봉준의 1차 봉기와 김옥균 암살을 명분 삼아 조선 출병과 청일전쟁을 결정했다. 조선의 자주적 근대화, 정치 망명가 김옥균의 개혁과 인권 문제는 열강들에게 중요하지 않았다. 심지어 김옥균의 능지처참이라는 명백한 인권유린에도 주한 서구 공사관은 자국의 이익만을 우선시하며 미온적인 태도를 보였다. The involvement of Joseon, Qing, and Japan in Kim Ok-gyun’s assassination is as follows: Qing orchestrated the plan through Li Jingfang (李經方) and Yuan Shikai (袁世凱), Japan provided financial support through Omiwa Chobe (大三輪長兵衛), and Joseon carried out the execution under King Gojong’s orders through Lee Se-jik (李世稙) and Hong Jong-woo (洪鍾宇). Behind this process were Qing’s planning and inducement, Japan’s tacit support and connivance, and Joseon’s directives and execution. The responses of Qing and Japan to Kim Ok-gyun’s assassination are as follows: First, Okochi Narimori (大越成徳), acting Japanese consul general in Shanghai, anticipated the danger to Kim Ok-gyun in Shanghai but took a passive approach by sending a secretary instead of attending the assassination site himself. He also avoided mentioning Navy Captain Shimazaki Yoshitada (島崎好忠), who was present at the scene, and instead emphasized the roles of Qing and Joseon governments. Second, Shanghai magistrate Huang Chengxuan (黄承暄) wrote a report focused on facts rather than personal opinions. He identified Hong Jong-u as the primary culprit in Kim Ok-gyun’s assassination and detailed his testimony, naturally revealing the involvement of the Joseon government. Third, Li Hongzhang (李鴻章), the Beiyang Viceroy, regarded Kim Ok-gyun as “the main instigator of rebellion in Joseon” and ordered, “Send Hong Jong-u back to Joseon,” actively supporting the Joseon government’s handling of the assassination. Fourth, Japanese Foreign Minister Mutsu Munemitsu (陸奥宗光) was aware of the assassination risk two months prior but maintained a passive stance, following Japan’s diplomatic policy of ensuring “Qing always takes the lead.” Western diplomats suspected the involvement of Qing or Japan in Kim Ok-gyun’s assassination and anticipated potential conflict between the two powers. First, Russian Minister to China, A.P. Kassinin, believed the Qing government orchestrated the assassination, with the Joseon government dispatching assassins to carry it out. He also concluded that the Japanese government, despite knowing of the assassination plan in advance due to diplomatic and economic interests, tolerated and even abetted it. Kassinin reported that after the ban on rice exports from Joseon to Japan was lifted, public opinion in Shanghai accused Japan of using and betraying Kim Ok-gyun. Second, French Minister to Korea, G. Lefèvre, suggested the Qing government might have instigated Kim Ok-gyun’s assassination and predicted that the incident would ultimately lead to a conflict between Qing and Japan. Regarding Kim Ok-gyun’s assassination, the governments of Joseon, Qing, and Japan did not oppose it. Western diplomats in Korea, except for the Japanese minister, did not directly object to Joseon’s decision to execute Kim by dismemberment. Japan, in particular, actively leveraged Kim’s execution, using it and Jeon Bong-jun’s first uprising as justification for military intervention in Joseon and the start of the First Sino-Japanese War. The issues of Joseon’s independent modernization, Kim Ok-gyun’s reforms as a political exile, and human rights were of no concern to the great powers. Even in the face of Kim’s brutal execution, a clear violation of human rights, Western legations in Korea prioritized their national interests and showed a passive stance.

韓國 영유아의 蛋白칼로리 營養失調에 關한 硏究

姜英豪,金仁達 서울大學校 保健大學院 1968 公衆保健雜誌 Vol.5 No.2

A study was conducted by the author in September 1968 towards the infants and young children in some underprivileged rural villages of Korea by employing such methods as clinical assessment, nutritional biometry, and biochemical tests, in an attempt to evaluate their nutritional status with possible reference to protein calorie malnutrition (PCM). The infants and young children examined totaled 232 of whom 111 were boys and 121 were girls. The results are as follows: Ⅰ. Clinical Assessment The prevalence rates of the signs suggestive of PCM turned out to be as below : 1) Cases with dyspigmented hair were observed with 4.5% of the 45 infants examined. and 18.8% of the 187 young children examined. Cases with thin and sparse hair were seen with 22.8% of the infants, 14.0% of the young children, and l5.2% of both the infants and young children. 2) Prevalence of the pale conjunctiva rated 28.6% of the infants. 32.3% of the young children, and 30.4% of both the infants and young children. 3) Keratomalacia cases were found in 0.5% of the young children only and they corresponded, in turn, to 0.4% of the whole examined. 4) Cases with angulostomatitis rated 14.0% of the young children only, who constituted 10.0% of the total examined. 5) Those with moon-face were observed only with 2.3% of the infants, rating 0.4% of the total. 6) Cases with flaky-paint dermatosis were observed with 2.3% of the infants, 0.5% of the young children, and 0.9% of both the infants and young children. 7) Those who were found to have such skin lesions as fissure of the ear lobe, tender sores, or moist groin rash rated 15.9% of the infants, 20.4% of the young children, and 19.6% of both the infants and children. 8) Rate of those with muscles wasted was 11.4% of the infants, 25.8% of the young children, and 23.0% of both the infants and young children. 9) Those with edema were observed only with 0.5% of the young children. rating 0.4% of the total. 10) Psychomotor changes (apathetic, miserable, inert, withdrawn, or anorexic) rated 7.0% of the young children only, and 5.7% of the whole examined. 11) Prevalence rate of diarrhea precipitating dehydration and such other conditioning infections as thrush was found to be 20.5% of the infants, 7.5% of the young children, and 10.0% of both the infants and young children. 12) The results of clinical assessment led the author to the following findings: (1) Those corresponding to 29.1% of the whole examined had one or two combined signs suggestive of PCM. (2) Those with three or more signs combined rated 1.3% of the total children examined. (3) No clinically obvious kwashiorkor was found, but each of the component signs which, in constant combination, characterize it (edema, muscle-wasting, and psychomotor changes) was separately observed mainly with the young children as presented in table 2. (4) Those who impressed the author with clinically obvious nutritional marasmus were 6.7% of the infants, 3.2% of the young children, and 3.9% of both the infants and young children. Ⅱ. Nutritional Biometry 1) The mean heights. weights, chest circumference, and head circumference obtained were as shown in table 3. 2) The mean triceps skin-fold thickness, upper mid-arm-circumference. and upper-mid-arm-muscle circumference were as presented in table 4. 3) Distribution of the heights by four levels of 10% intervals indicated underweights in the light of Korean general standard, as shown in table 10. 4) Distribution of the weights contrasted likewise with the Korean general standard were as shown in table 11. 5) The underweights demonstrated by cases of mild-moderate PCM computed at four levels of 10% intervals as against the Korean general standard, rated 42.2% of the infants, 42.8% of the young children, and 42.7% of both the infants and young children. by the criteria Dr. Jelliffe suggested ??. The severe PCM cases were comprised 31.1% of the infants, 7.5% of the young children. and 12.1% of both groups of them. In the light of the above rates, more than a half of the children examined were found to be affected with PCM ascribable to deficiency of both the protein and calorie. 6) The cases with "Chest circumference/Head circumference Ratio being below 1 after the first 6 months of life" suggestive of the wasting of pectoral muscles which is attributable to PCM corresponded to 57.1% of the infants, 25.1% of the young children, and 29.3% of both the infants and young children as shown in table 13. Ⅲ. Biochemical Tests 1) Hemoglobin levels were found to be anemic (level less than 10.8gm%) with 13.8% of the 80 children examined as presented in table 5. 2) Serum total protein and serum albumin levels were as shown in tables 6 and 7, respectively. The serum albumin levels turned out to be normal with 75.9%, and "low"(2.80gm%∼3.51gm%) with 24.1% of the examined. No deficiency level (less than 2.80gm%) was found among the 29 children. 3) Serum iron content and total serum iron-bindin capacity (TIBC) were as shown in table 8. The deficiency levels of serum iron content less than 50 microgram % comprised 33.3% of the 21 children examined. Those corresponding to 25% and 75% of the 16 children examined had values of TIBC within normal range (300 microgram %∼400 microgram %) and values below the normal range (less than 300 microgram %), respectively, and no case exceeded over the range of normality inspite of the low serum iron content, suggesting the possible ascription to chronic protein deficiency ??. 4) "Urinary Urea-nitrogen / Creatinie-nitrogen excretion Ratios" regarded as an approximte index of dietary adequacy related to muscle storage of protein were obtained as presented in table 9. The cases with the ratios "30 or less" (an indication of malnutrition related to dietary adequacy of protein) rated 58.8% of the 34 children examined.

1910~1920년대 식민지 조선에서 미국으로 보내진 한글 편지: 김장연씨 일가의 편지를 중심으로

김양진 ( Kim Yang-jin ),이희영 ( Lee Hee-young ) 국제어문학회 2015 국제어문 Vol.0 No.65

이 논문에서는 초기 미주 지역 이주민인 김장연 씨에게 고국의 가족들이 1914년부터 1920년까지 보낸 일련의 한글 편지들을 판독하고 이를 통하여 20세기 초반 미주 지역 이민사의 편린과 고국에 남겨진 김장연 씨 일가의 사연을 알아보고자 하였다. 이 편지들은 한반도에서 미주 지역으로 보내진 초기 편지들로 이를 통해 김장연 씨 일가를 중심으로 한 미주 지역에서의 이주민의 생활의 편린을 확인할 수 있었고 문헌 자료를 확인하기 어려운 일제 초기 일반인의 삶과 언어 생활을 엿볼 수 있는 기초 자료를 구축할 수 있었다. 무엇보다 이 편지 자료들을 통해서 수원 지역 일대의 실제 지명과 다양한 언어 생활, 미주 지역 이민들과의 교류 내용 등을 알 수 있어서 20세기 초반의 이민사에서 중요한 한글 필사자료 및 언어 자료를 확보할 수 있었다. 이밖에 편지 속 등장인물들의 행적들을 <공립신보>, <신한민보> 등 관련 기록을 통해 확인할 수 있었고 감리교단 수원지역 순행 전도사의 활동 기록 등을 확인할 수 있었다. This paper aims to introduce Hangul letters which were written by Kim Chang Yeon`s family and emphasize their values as precious materials for Korean language research. Kim`s family in Korea sent letters to Kim Chang Yeon in America from 1914~1920, and these letters includes the life of the first Korean immigrants generations and fill the missing part of Korean language in this period of time of Korea. Based on these letters which were sent from Suwon area, place names of Suwon area and cultural and linguistic connections between Koreans and Korean immigrants can be studied. These letters will be provided to those who studies Korean language as important Hangul written materials that shows many aspects of Korean language. Besides, people`s past in letters such as Kim Byung Kwon, Kim Sun Kwon, Kim Sung Sik, Choi Sim Sun(Kim Chang Yeon`s wife), Kim Rose(Kim Chang Yeon`s elder daughter, Kim Eva(Kim Chang Yeon`s second daughter, Kim Young(Kim Chang Yeon`s elder son), Kim Edward(Kim Chang Yeon`s second son) was checked out in this paper. Finding out what Kim Byung Kwon`s had done as a methodist missionary of Suwon area is a collateral outcome of this study.

현존 김려·김선 형제 저작의 문헌학적 재검토

김영진 ( Kim Young-jin ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2023 민족문화연구 Vol.98 No.-

This paper reviewed the existing manuscripts of the Kim-Ryeo and Kim-Seon brother who left a clear mark in the literary history of the late Joseon Dynasty and introduced new materials of them. Between 1818 and 1821, Kim-Ryeo compiled of 『Damjeongchongseo』 by collecting himself and his acquaintances and relatives’ poetry and literature. Kim Gyeom-soo, Kim-Ryeo’s grandson, selected only Kim Ryeo’s poetry in this book and published wooden movable type 『Damjeongyugo』 in 1882 with the cooperation of second cousin Kim Ki-su. The complete works of 『Damjeongchongseo』 is the only manuscript, but the transcripts of 『Woohaeiobo』 and Kim Ryeo’s biographies exist. A “valuable copy” of 『Woohaeiobo』 owned by Yonsei University include poems written by Kim-Seon, Kim Sun-shin, and Cho Myeon-ho. Considering Cho Myeon-ho was Kim-Seon’s student, I think Cho Myeon-ho or the people around him would have written this book. Kim-Ryeo’s works are also included in 『Sokjehaeji』and『Hyangbangwanjangseo』. Sungkyunkwan University’s 『Damjeongyugo』 contains 8 piece of works such as 「Wolamkwongonghaengrok」, 「Mosunjaesangrangmoon」, 「Mosunjaegi」 written in a place of exile Jinhae. Only 「Mosunjaesangrangmoon」 and 「Mosunjaegi」 are shown in the wooden movable type 『Damjeongyugo』. Also Kim-Seon’s inscription in Kim Sun-min’s 『Gwanyeonrok』 and 『Chogwanmanpil』 written in the exile site Chosan were excavated. In the future, it is necessary to consider the influence of the relationship between Kim -Ryeo and Kim-Seon brother and Chusa Kim Jeong-hee.

幼兒文學敎育 實態에 관한 基礎硏究 : 慶南地域 幼兒敎育機關을 中心으로

姜仁彦,金英淑 진주여자전문대학 1988 論文集 Vol.10 No.-

The purpose of this study is to examine the actual condition of the literature education of young children in Gyeong Sang Nam Do, The specific problems of this study are as follows : 1. What is the goal of young childrens's literature education? 2. What is the criteria for the selection of young children's literature books? 3. What is trends of use and interest for media of young children's literature? 1) What is trends of use and interest for fairy tales and creative tales? 2) What is trends of use and interest for picture-tales? 3) What is trends of use and interest for kinds of puppets? 4) Have you ever taken a chance of a puppet-show? 5) Have you ever taken a chance of children's drama? 6) Have you ever used the children's verse in a classroom? 4. How many books of young children's literature do they stock in kindergarten and what is the teacher s viewpoint for these? 5. How is YES or NO of the teacher s experience for a creative activity of young children's literature? 6. For fairy tales : 1) What is the title of fairy tale most used in kindergarten? 2) What is the title of fairy tale which kindergarten-boys are most interested in? 3) What is the title of fairy tale which kindergarten-girls are most interested in? 4) What is the title of fairy tale which kindergarten-teachers are most interested in? 7. What do you want in the class allocated for young children's literature in college? 8. What is the problem in young cildren's literature education? For this study 27 nursery schools, 20 kindergarten attached to elementary schools and 78 private kindergarten in Kyeong Sang Nam Do were randomly sampled. The total subject of the study were 125 teachers. The instrument used for this study was a questionnaire. It was distributed to the teachers and filled out by them. Chi-square was used to analyze by the data obtained from the questionnaire. The results of this study are as follows : 1. For the goal of young children's literature education : 'to be helped creative and expressive activities to literature in various ways' was regarded to be the most important in general. 2. For the criteria for selection of young children's literature books ; 'the contents related a unit was regarded to be the most important in general. 3. For the trends of use interest fot the media of young children s literature ; 'picture-tale' and 'picture-books' are the descending order responded. 4. For books of young children's literature and teacher s viewpoint for those ; '100 books and below them' and 101-200 books' are the descending order responded and answered 'proper' for these. 5. For the YES or No of the teacher's experience for a creative activity of youg children's literature ; 'NO' was regarded to be the most in general. 6. For fairy tales and the title of fairy tale most used in kindergartens ; 'Heungbu-Jean', 'Hokburi-younggam' and 'Hae wa Dali Deun O-nui' are the descending order responded by boys. 'Kongzui and patzui' and 'Baek-seol Princess' are the descending order responded by girls. And 'Hae wa dali Deun O-nui' and 'Hokburi-younggam' are by teachers. 7. For the request to the class allocated for young children's literature in college ; 'the manufacture technique for media of young children's literature and communiate method 'and' the guidance of the creative education to the genre of young children's literature' are the descending order responded by teachers. 8. For the problem in young children's literature education ; 'the problem of manufacture technique for media', 'The difficulty of selection for a literary work and the poor of a subject matter' and 'the poor of teaching materials' are the descending order responded by teachers.

金鑢의 編書 활동과 交遊에 관한 몇 가지 신자료

김영진(Kim Young jin) 대동한문학회 2016 大東漢文學 Vol.47 No.-

본고는 담정총서 에 수록된 작가들의 인물정보와 그 자료 수집의 과정에 관한 자료들을 추가로 제시하고, 새로 발굴한 담정의 원고본과 필사본을 통해 담정유고 의 편집 과정을 논한 것이다. 담정총서 에 수록된 金愚淳 (1760~1835), 李友信(1762~1822), 金祖淳(1765~1832), 李濟魯(1789 ~1816), 金䥧(1772~1833), 惠藏(1772~1811), 李魯元(1756~1811),權常愼(1759~1824), 鄭彦學(1749~1818이후), 李鈺(1760~1815), 金善臣(1775~1846), 趙基復(1773~1839), 李安中(1752~1791), 李復鉉(1767~1853), 李濟殷(1784~1836)의 인적사항과 신발굴 자료를 보충하였다. 수록 문인들은 대체로 담정과 직접적으로나 혹은 간접적으로 교유관계가 있던 노론 시파(時派) 계열 인물들이 많고 김조순, 권상신, 김우순을 제외한 대부분은 관직에서 소외된 몰락하고 불우한 인물들이었다. 이들의 창작활동 공간은 주로 서울 주변이었음을 알 수 있다(예외적 인물은 아암 혜장). 전체 16명 중에서 9명이 부자나 형제 혹은 숙질의 관계로 연결되어있다. 즉 이옥, 김조순, 권상신, 김선신, 조기복, 정언학, 혜장 7명을 제외한 나머지 문인들은 인척관계를 형성하고 있어 담정총서 수록 작가와 그 작품이 同志的 결속보다는 혈연적 요소가 다소 강하게 작용하고 있음을 보여준다. 담정총서 는 ‘동시대(幷世)’ 의식의 일환으로 편찬되었다는 것, 그리고 이옥과 김조순, 그리고 김려 본인의 작품이 대변하고 있듯이 산문에서는 ‘패사소품’적 참신한 작품들이 대거 뽑혔다는 점과 한시에서는 옥대향렴체 등의 이 시기 또 이들 그룹의 경향을 대표하는 시풍이 선택된 점 등을 특징으로 들 수 있다. This paper shows writers in ｢A Series of DamJeung｣ and how these writers’ information is gathered. Also, it shows the editing process of ｢A Series of DamJeung｣ by referring newly discovered manuscript and original text. Here, I added these people’s personal data and other newly discovered materials: Kim Woo-soon(1760~1835), Lee Woo-sin(1762~1822), Kim Jo-soon(1765~1832), Lee Jae-noh(1789~1816), Kim-Rye(1772~1833), Hye-Jang(1772~1811), Lee Noh-won(1756~1811), Kwon Sang-sin(1759 ~1824), Jeong Uhn-hak(1749~after 1818), Lee Oak(1760~1815), Kim Seon-sin(1775~right after 1846), Jo Ki-bok(1773~ ), Lee An-joong(1752 ~1791), Lee Bok-hyun(1767~1853), Lee Jae-eun(1784~1836). These people are directly or indirectly related to the group of Noron Si-pa (時派) and almost all of them were unfortunate ones who did not get important positions except Kim Jo-soon, Kwon Sang-sin, and Kim Woo-soon. Of 16 people, 9 of them are family members. That is, the others excepting those people (Lee Oak, Kim Jo-soon, Kwon Sang-sin, Kim Seon-sin, Jo Ki-bok, Jeong Uhn-hak and Hye-Jang) have blood relationship, so it has much influence than mere friendship. The book ｢A Series of DamJeung｣ is written in the spirit of Byeongse(幷世) and there are some of points worth watching: As their works show, (Lee Oak, Kim Jo-soon, Kim-Rye) in prose, novel works are included, which shows a kind of ‘Pesasopum’ trait (a name of genre). As such, some of traits showing the trend of this era reveal in poems.

영화감독의 장르적응력에 대한 자기진단의 문제-극영화 <불새>의 경우-

김영빈 ( Kim Young-bin ) 한국문학치료학회 2012 문학치료연구 Vol.22 No.-

인간의 본성과 관계에 대한 탐색, 그들이 처해 있는 시대와 세계상의 형상화를 주된 내용으로 하는 영화만들기에서 그 중심역할을 하는 영화감독은 조물주의 전지전능적 존재성에 무의식의 동일시를 취할 수 있는 개연성을 내포함으로써 연출작의 장르선택에 필요한 엄격성과 균형의 유지에서 문제를 야기할 수 있는 소지를 안고 있다고 볼 수 있다. 1992년에 < 김의 전쟁, Kim`s War >으로 데뷔한 이래 6년의 경과기간 동안에 5작품의 극영화를 연출한 이후 후속 작품을 내놓지 못하고 있는 김영빈의 영화이력은 영화감독의 장르적응력에 대한 자기진단의 문제에서 시사하는 바 적지 않다. 이 연구는 그가 영화감독으로서의 존재효용성을 증명했던 시기의 4작품과 그의 패착으로 운위되는 < 불새, A Phoenix >의 장르성격 사이에 어떤 상이점이 있는가를 규명하고자 하는 것이다. 연구결과 <김의 전쟁>, < 비상구가없다, No Exit >, < 테러리스트, Terrorist >, < 나에게오라, Come to Me > 등 김영빈의 앞선 4작품들은 시대성의 굴레 안에서 부당한 힘 또는 세력에 저항하다가 비극적 최후를 맞게 되는 자유의지의 인간을 주인공으로 내세워 공리적 가치를 반추하게 하는 넓은 의미에서의 사실주의 장르성격을 보이는 데 반해 <불새>는 개인의 욕망을 우선하는 인물들의 상열지사를 다루는 멜로드라마라는 상이점이 존재 한다. 이러한 장르의 상이점은 작가주의 신봉자로서 김영빈의 연출작 선택에서 자기진단에 요구되는 엄격성과 균형감을 유지하지 못한 데서 연유한 것이며, 결과적으로 주류영화계에서 스스로 퇴진을 자초한 조건이 된 것으로 분석되었다. Exploring human relations and natures and configuring zeitgeist in cinematic representations, a director stands on the central position that can be unconsciously identified with God`s omnipotent empowerment. It can cause problem to director`s judgment in maintaining balance and appropriateness of film making, expecially a matter of genre adoption and adaptability. In the matter of director`s genre adaptability, Kim Young-bin`s filmography can be suggestive of further discussion. Kim made 4 more films in 6 years since his debut feature film < Kim`s War > in 1992. This self-diagnostic research focuses on differences in genre aesthetics between Kim`s previous 4 films that enabled him to be one of leading directors in 1990`s Korean cinema and < A Pheonix >, his fifth film, allegedly addressed as failure that caused multi-year quietness in his career. Kim`s 4 films - < Kim`s War >, < No Exit >, < Terrorists > and < Come to Me > - give critical speculations on common values in story of free-willed protagonist who fights against power and oppression in the social structure, only faces tragic end. While these films show Kim`s genre aesthetics of realist cinema, < A Phoenix > can be regarded as a melodrama of human sentiments and desires. The research is an effort to reveal that Kim`s disability of maintaining balanced, objective perspective in self diagnosis as an auteurist cineaste caused incoherence in trajectory of his genre aesthetics, which brought his retreat in the mainstream cinema.

Comparison of trophic factors changes in the hippocampal CA1 region between the young and adult gerbil induced by transient cerebral ischemia.

Yan, Bing Chun,Park, Joon Ha,Kim, Sung Koo,Choi, Jung Hoon,Lee, Choong Hyun,Yoo, Ki-Yeon,Kwon, Young-Geun,Kim, Young-Myeong,Kim, Jong-Dai,Won, Moo-Ho Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers 2012 Cellular and molecular neurobiology Vol.32 No.8

<P>In the present study, we investigated neuronal death/damage in the gerbil hippocampal CA1 region (CA1) and compared changes in some trophic factors, such as brain-derived neurotrophic factor (BDNF), glial cell line-derived neurotrophic factor (GDNF) and vascular endothelial growth factor (VEGF), in the CA1 between the adult and young gerbils after 5 min of transient cerebral ischemia. Most of pyramidal neurons (89%) were damaged 4 days after ischemia-reperfusion (I-R) in the adult; however, in the young, about 59% of pyramidal neurons were damaged 7 days after I-R. The immunoreactivity and levels of BDNF and VEGF, not GDNF, in the CA1 of the normal young were lower than those in the normal adult. Four days after I-R in the adult group, the immunoreactivity and levels of BDNF and VEGF were distinctively decreased, and the immunoreactivity and level of GDNF were increased. However, in the young group, all of their immunoreactivities and levels were much higher than those in the normal young group. From 7 days after I-R, all the immunoreactivities and levels were apparently decreased compared to those of the normal adult and young. In brief, we confirmed our recent finding: more delayed and less neuronal death occurred in the young following I-R, and we newly found that the immunoreactivities of trophic factors, such as BDNF, GDNF, and VEGF, in the stratum pyramidale of the CA1 in the young gerbil were much higher than those in the adult gerbil 4 days after transient cerebral ischemia.</P>

여백의 역설적 발언 -김종삼 시의 근저

김영미 ( Kim Young-mee ) 국제어문학회 2013 국제어문 Vol.57 No.-

Kim, Jong-sam`s poems are placed within the scars and memories of war. Kim, however, could not directly express this because he could not escape the war laden streets. Kim, in the context of outrages of war, expresses poetry as if to stutter or to experience language loss, or express his feelings with incongruent words. For such reasons, the academic and literary circles` predominant consensus is that Kim is a moderate, a classicist, or an aestheticist. I would like to begin my paper by raising skepticism towards such overwhelming consensus. Kim`s poems overflow with the desire to express what is unexpressable. Such inner chaos is rooted in the fear of the world which is generated by war. He was an un-prolific poet in that he did not produce many works and of the few most were short. He wandered in the land of silence. In his poetry, the silence is expressed as empty space. The poet was overly frugal with words. Words were replaced with empty spaces. They filled the places where words did not. The emptiness manifests as a desolate space. His is unlike that of Lao-tzu and Zhuangzi or Dhyana. He is not concerned with the transcendent. It seems that a psychological mutism towards fear and violence played a major part in Kim`s manifesting reality in his work. The poet was imprisoned in a world of not-speaking(or rather unable to speak), in other words in a world of speaking in silence. Nevertheless, the afflictions of an unfortunate era pours out from the depths of his soul in the language of poetry. The things he could not express directly comes alive from the hidden side of his work. The rejection of objects or the world created fear. His poems are apprehensive attempts at starting a conversation with the world he rejected. In this regard, readers are able to share the historic scars with the poet, providing solace for the broken past. On the other hand, however, his confined language is a barrier to his work. The short length and convoluted content of his poetry causes obstruction to communication.