연구논문 : 지구온난화를 고려한 지리산 국립공원 내 사찰림의 식생구조 연구

이성제 ( Sung Je Lee ),안영희 ( Young Hee Ahn ) 한국환경과학회 2014 한국환경과학회지 Vol.23 No.11

This study aims at classifying and interpreting on the shrine forest vegetation located in Jirisan national park affiliated to an ecotone in southern part of Korea, foreseeing a vegetation change based on composition species and dominant species on canopy, and proposing the direction of vegetation management. The shrine forests were classified into the 7 community units as Chamaecyparis obtusa-Cryptomeria japonica afforestation, Pinus densiflora community, Pinus rigida afforestation, Quercus variabilis-Quercus serrata community, Zelkova serrata-Kerria japonica for. japonica community, Phyllostachys bambusoides forest, Camellia japonica community. This research is also expatiated on the analogous results of ordination analysis with phytosociological analysis. The constituents of deciduous broad-leaved forest in the warm temperate zone were appeared in the most vegetations. It emerged less that the constituents of evergreen broad-leaved forest in the warm-temperate zone and deciduous broad-leaved forest in the cold-temperature zone. The life form analyses were made use with the two ways: appearance species in total communities and each community. The species diversity of shrine forests is declined because the high dominances of Sasa borealis and Pseudosasa japonica emerged in the shrub and herb layers. These shrine forests will be succession to Q. variabilis-Q. serrata community as the representative vegetation of deciduous broad-leaved forest in the warm-temperate zone, owing to the temperature rise by global warming, and an evergreen broad-leaved forest will be able to be also formed if a temperate rise will be continued. The one of the artificial management of shrine forests is to consider the introduction of the constituents of evergreen broad-leaved forest in the warm-temperate zone.

高句麗와 北朝의 경계

李成制(Lee Seongje) 고구려발해학회 2016 고구려발해연구 Vol.54 No.-

525~528년 무렵 고구려는 遼西로의 진출을 단행하였다. 이때의 군사행동은 요서 지역에 대한 北魏의 지배가 붕괴된 상황을 틈타 이루어진 전격적인 것이었다. 그러므로 이때의 요서 진출은 갑작스러운 것이며 이로써 고구려가 그간 유지해온 북위 위주의 대외전략을 폐기한 것처럼 보이기도 한다. 하지만 고구려의 요서 진출은 북위의 內政은 물론이고 북위를 둘러싼 국제정세까지 파악해가면서 단행된 것이었다. 상대가 되는 북위와의 향후 관계 뿐만 아니라 突厥 등 북방세력과의 조우도 충분히 예견할 수 있는 문제들이었기 때문이다. 이런 점들을 고려하지 않은 채 고구려가 요서로의 진출에 나섰다고는 여길 수 없는 것이다. 요서 일대를 석권하여 營州 일대까지 차지할 기회가 있었음에도 고구려가 大凌河 하류 이서로의 세력확대는 자제했다는 점에서 그러하다. 이때의 진출로 고구려는 요서의 동부지역을 차지하였고, 현재의 朝陽에 중심을 둔 북중국 왕조와 요서를 분점하게 되었다. 특히 고구려가 차지한 지역은 대릉하 하류와 북쪽에서 내려온 醫巫閭山이라는 자연경계로 그 서부지역과 구분된다는 지리적 특징을 갖고 있었다. 과거 漢이 이 지역과 요하 이동을 묶어 遼東郡으로 편성했던 것도 이러한 조건을 고려한 것이었다. 또한 여기에는 요서 서부와 요동을 잇는 고대로 부터의 幹線이 마련되어 있었다. 이러한 지리적 조건과 그 전략적 가치에 대해 고구려는 전대로부터의 경험-後燕과의 공방전, 더 거슬러 올라가면前 燕과의 대결-을 통해 익히 알고 있었다고 여겨진다. 이렇게 볼 때 고구려사에서 요서 동부지역의 확보가 갖는 의미는 요하 이서의 수 백리 영토를 얻었다는 것에 그치지 않는다. 요서의 분점을 통해 고구려는 요동의 안전을 담보할 수 있는 보다 견실한 대외 전략을 수립할 수 있게 되었다. 확보한 지역 공간을 통해 북방 유목세계의 중심세력과 교섭을 가질 수 있게 되었다는 점도 이러한 추정을 뒷받침해준다. Koguryeo advanced into the west of the Liao River(遼西) in 525-528. The military action was taken suddenly under favor of the collapse of dominance on the west of the Liao River by the Northern Wei Dynasty(北魏). Therefore, the expansion to the west of the Liao River occurred all of a sudden and Koguryeo seemed to discard its foreign policies focusing on the Northern Dynasties of China that it had maintained. However, the expansion of Koguryeo into the west of the Liao River was taken by figuring out not only the domestic affairs of the Northern Wei Dynasty but also the international situations around the dynasties. This was because it was able to expect the future relationship with the Northern Wei Dynasty and encountering with the northern powers including the Turkic Khaganate(突厥). It cannot be regarded that Koguryeo advanced into the west of the Liao River without considering these problems. Koguryeo would have considered these as it refrained from expanding into the west of the downstream of the Daling River(大凌河), although it had an opportunity to occupy the west of the Liao River and Yingzhou營( 州) area. From the expansion, Koguryeo occupied the eastern area of the west of the Liao River, sharing the west of the Liao River with the Northern Dynasties of China located in Chao Yang(朝陽). In particular, the area dominated by Koguryeo had a geographical attribute to be separated from the west area with the natural boundary of the downstream of the Daling River and Yimuryo Mountain(醫巫閭山) from the North. The Han Dynasty(漢) made Yodonggun(遼東郡) by combining this area and the east of the Liao River by considering the geographical condition. It also had the main line(幹線) from the ancient times connecting the west and the east of the Liao River. It is told that Koguryeo was well aware of such a geographical condition and its strategical value through the experiences from the previous generations – the battle with HouYan(後燕) and the battle with Qian Yan(前燕). Given the facts, the meaning of expansion of the east of the west of the Liao River in the history of Koguryeo is nothing more than it secured hundreds of Li(0.24 mile) of area in the west of the Liao River. By sharing the west of the Liao River, Koguryeo was able to establish more sound foreign policies to secure the safety of the east of the Liao River. The fact that Koguryeo was able to negotiate with the central forces in the nomadic community in the North through the secured area supports the assumption.

공동 브라우징을 지원하는 웹 기반의 동기적 원격 학습 시스템

이성제(Sung Je Lee),신근재(Shin Keun Jae),김엄준(Eom Jun Kim),김문석(Moon Suk Kim),성미영(Mee Young Sung) 한국멀티미디어학회 2001 멀티미디어학회논문지 Vol.4 No.5

<忠州高句麗碑>의 건립 목적과 배경

李成制(Lee Seongje) 한국고대사학회 2020 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.0 No.98

그동안의 연구에서 비문의 ‘5月中’ 이하의 기록은 양국 군주의 會盟에 관한 내용이라 보아 왔다. 그러나 그렇게 판단할 수 있는, 회동의 구체적 장면이나 논의 내용은 보이질 않는다. 대신 이 회합에 후속한 부대행사였을 衣服 賜與의 장면들만이 자세히 기재되고 있다. 의복 사여의 행사가 특기되었던 것은 그 대상자에 12월 23일 于伐城에 모였던 양국 관계자들이 포함되어 있었다는 점에 있다고 보인다. 新羅土內幢主를 비롯한 양국 관계자들은 우벌성에 모여 300명의 신라인을 募人하였다. 당주의 주둔지를 위한 이같은 力役徵發은 그간 당주가 일방적으로 해오던 관행이었으나, 이때에 이르러 신라 측의 협조 아래 시행된다는 점에서 특기해야 할 의미를 가졌다. 그리고 그 의미하는 바로 보아, 이같은 관행은 양국이 대면하고 있던 공간 어디에서나 벌어지고 있었던 문제였다고 여겨진다. 같은 맥락에서 何瑟羅城主의 高句麗 邊將 살해는 이러한 문제에서 빚어진 사건이었고, 고구려의 군사행동을 불러왔던 것으로 보인다. 訥祗王은 ‘卑辭謝之’를 통해 위기에서 벗어날 수 있었다. 여기에서 449년 5월 신라 寐錦이 고구려 영내인 충주까지 와야 하였고, 고구려왕이 주재한 의복 사여 행사에 참여해야 했던 연유를 짐작할 수 있다. 하슬라성주의 고구려 변장 살해로 일어난 일련의 사건을 전하는 史書의 기록은 양국 군주가 충주에서 만나게 되었던 배경과 경위였던 것이다. 그러던 고구려 우위의 양국 관계는 좌면에 古鄒加 등의 군사행동이 보이는 것으로 보아, 얼마 지나지 않아 파탄에 이르렀다. 고구려의 군사적 우위가 절대적이지 못하며, 신라의 저항이 만만치 않았다는 것을 보여준다. 이러한 정세 변화에 충주 지역은 직접적으로 관계되었다. 고구려로 보아서 신라에 대한 대응과 함께 당장 시급한 일은 현지의 불안감을 잠재우는 것이었다. 비문에 양국의 차등적 관계를 거듭 부각하고, 모인 활동이 5월중의 합의에 따른 것임을 기술한 까닭도 여기에 있었다. 양국의 우열관계는 분명하며 현재의 상황에 이른 것은 신라가 합의를 저버린 때문임을 강조하려 했던 것이다. 이렇게 볼 때 이 비는 일종의 布告文에 해당한다. 건립 시기는 눌지왕의 ‘비사사지’로 보아 450년 7월 이후가 될 것이다. 입비의 목적과 전달 내용은 後面과 右面에 기재되었을 것으로 추정된다. 아마도 거기에는 불안해 하는 현지민들을 달래기 위한 按撫의 내용과 함께, 남방 경영이 중단없이 진행될 것임을 천명하는 기술이 들어갔을 가능성이 높다고 본다. 돌에 刊刻되었다는 점에서 미래까지도 포고의 대상으로 삼았음을 알 수 있기 때문이다. Previous researches indicated that the inscriptions below “5月中” are about the league(會盟) of the sovereigns of the two kingdoms(Koguryeo and Silla). However, the specific scenes or the content of discussions of the meeting, which is the basis for such judgement, cannot be found. Instead, only the scenes of bestowal of garment, which was an additional ceremony following this meeting, are described in detail. The reason why the garment bestowal ceremony was specially mentioned is that the recipients included the officials from two kingdoms who gathered at Ubeolseong(于伐城) on December 23. Officials from the two kingdoms, including Dangju(幢主, the commander of Koguryeo) within the Silla territory, gathered in Ubeolseong and brought 300 Silla people. This requisition of compulsory labor for the post of Dangju was a practice that the Dangju had been doing unilaterally, but it is noteworthy record in that it was implemented under the cooperation of Silla from that time on. It suggests that this practice was a problem taking place wherever the two kingdoms faced each other. The murder of the Koguryeo Byeonjang(邊將, general guarding the border) by the lord of the Haseulla Castle(何瑟羅城主) was a case caused by that problem, and is thought to be brought the military operation of Koguryeo. Nuljiwang(訥祗王) was able to get through a crisis by “apologizing with humble words(卑辭謝之).” Through this, it is possible to show the reason why Silla Maegeum(寐錦) had to come to Chungju, the territory of Koguryeo, in May 449, and to participate in the garment bestowal ceremony hosted by the king of Koguryeo. The historical records which tells a series of incidents resulted from the murder of the Koguryeo Byeonjang by the lord of the Haseulla Castle shows the background and process of the meeting of two sovereigns in Chungju. Judging from the fact that the military operation by Gochuga(古鄒加) is seen on the left side, it can be assumed that the relationship between the two kingdoms that Koguryeo holds superiority was soon over. It shows that Koguryeo’s military superiority was not absolute, and that Silla strongly resisted. The Chungju region was directly related to this change of situation. The immediate task for Koguryeo was to respond to Silla and calm the unrest of that region. It is the reason why the inscriptions repeatedly emphasized the dominance relationship between the two kingdoms and described that the bringing people was in accordance with the agreement of ”5月中.” It was to emphasize that the dominance relationship is clear, and that the current situation is due to Silla’s abandonment of the agreement. In view of the examination so far, the stele corresponds to a kind of proclamation. This article estimates the timing of the erection to be after July 450, considering the “卑辭謝之” of Nuljiwang. It is assumed that the purpose and contents of the stele were written on the back and right sides. There is a high possibility that these sides included a statement to appease the anxious locals, as well as a description proclaiming that the southern management will continue without interruption. This is because the target of proclamation includes even the future, considering that contents were carved on the stone.

〈集安 高句麗碑〉로 본 守墓制

李成制(Lee Seong Je) 한국고대사학회 2013 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.0 No.70

새로 발견된 〈집안고구려비〉는 廣開土王이 王陵 修復과 立碑 등의 정비를 통해 본격적인 왕릉 守墓制가 시행된다는 사실을 선포한 비라고 판단된다. 비문을 구성하고 있는 주요 내용은 宗廟 등 국가적 제례의 정비에 후속하여 수묘제를 시행한다는 것을 알리는 것으로 특정 왕의 무덤을 지키기 위해 세운 비에 기재될 내용이 아니다. 비문에는 여러 왕의 왕호가 보이는데, 그 중 美川王?故國原王?廣開土王의 세 사람 왕호가 연칭되고 있는 부분은 이 비의 독자적 측면을 가장 잘 보여준다. 이는 수묘제와 관련된 일련의 사업이 이들 3명의 왕 시대를 통해 추진되었음을 강조하는 筆法으로 여겨진다. 세 명의 왕이 시행한 일련의 조치는 그동안 방만하게 운영되고 있었던 종묘 등 국가적 제례를 정비한 것으로 여겨진다. 시조 鄒牟王을 비문 서두에 내세우고 수묘인의 역할로 祭祀를 언급했던 연유가 여기에 있었던 것이다. 광개토왕이 정비한 수묘제의 내용은 왕릉을 修復하고 立碑한 것으로 喪葬祭禮에서 가장 마지막 단계인 수묘 의례에 걸맞는 것이었다. ‘烟戶頭’ 20명의 이름을 일괄하여 밝히고 있는 기술 방식은 이들에게 책임을 묻고자 하는 의도를 보여준다. 각 왕릉에 배정되어 책임을 지는 연호두가 누구인가를 밝혀 수묘제 운영에 대한 책임을 지우려 한 것으로, 역대 왕릉의 확정에 뒤따른 관리체계의 일환으로 여겨진다. 이 비가 본격적인 수묘제가 시행된다는 것을 선포하기 위해 광개토왕이 세운 비라는 이해를 이를 통해서도 확인할 수 있다. The newly discovered “Koguryo Stele in Ji’an” is assessed to be a stele that represents King Gwanggaeto’s proclamation of the fact that the system for tending royal tombs would be taken place on a full-scale after a series of maintenance, such as restoration of royal tombs and erecting tombstones. As the epitaph was mainly focused on that the system for tending tomb would be carried out as a follow-up of the reorganization of national ritual process such as Jongmyo, royal shrine, such subject is not what it is to be put on a stele to guard the tomb of King. There are several titles of Kings in the epitaph. The part that calls the titles of three Kings in a row, King Micheon(美川王), King Gogukwon(故國原王), and King Gwanggaeto(廣開土王), particularly demonstrates the independent aspect of the stele the best. That is regarded as the writing style that emphasized that a series of projects in association with the system for tending tomb were promoted by the dynasties of the three Kings. It is also considered that such actions by the three Kings were reorganization of national ritual process including Jongmyo which had been managed too loose. This was why King Chumo(鄒牟王) was referred at the beginning of the epitaph and ancestral rites were mentioned as a role of the tomb’s caretakers. The reformed system for tending tomb by King Ganggaeto was to restore royal tombs and erect tombstones, befitting the ceremony of tending tomb that is at the final stage of the Funeral Rites and Ancestral Rites process (Sanjang-Jere, 喪葬祭禮) The way to describe that mentioned the names of 20 leaders of the house of the tomb’s caretaker (Yonhodu, 烟戶頭) at once indicates an intention to hold them responsible. It is regarded to be aimed at identifying those who were assigned as leaders of the house of the tomb’s caretaker for each royal tomb and making them take responsibility for operating the system for tending tomb, as a part of management system following the confirmation of Kings’ tombs in generations. This gives us the understanding of that the stele was built to declare the implementation of the reformed system for tending tomb by King Gwanggaeto on a full-scale.

울릉도 큰졸방제비꽃 자생지의 생태학적 특성 및 식물상

이성제 ( Sung Je Lee ),안영희 ( Young Hee Ahn ),김규식 ( Kyu Sick Kim ),이철호 ( Cheul Ho Lee ),신창호 ( Chang Ho Shin ) 한국녹지환경디자인학회 2006 녹지환경학회지 Vol.2 No.1

Viola kusanoana Makino, called `kun-jol-bang-je-bi-kkot` is the perennial plant of Violaceae, it`s one of the plants only growing up in Ulleung-do Island in Korea. Viola kusanoana is very useful as ornamental plant or ground cover plant beside road. it is also able to be valuable plant that the ingredient of medical use can be used. This thesis is about that the most fundamental ecological characteristics and environmental condition of habitats for V. kusanoana and the flora were researched. This investigation was carried out in Ulleung-do Island. V. kusanoana has a tendency to live from lower part to upper part in the mountain. Especially, in the condition under altitude 200m, V. kusanoana community was developed with Duchesnea chrysantha (Z. et M.) Miq., Circaea s.p on northern slope and Western, west-southern slope over altitude 400m was also the place the community was developed with Adiatum pedatum L., Schizophragma hydrangeoides S. et Z.. V. kusanoana community was developed on the semi-shade. Species diversity index was very high as 0.9467 in Simpson index and 1.3433 in Shannon-wiener index. In the case of flora, The vascular bundle plants were 29 families 41 genera 41 species 2 varity species. Liliaceae was 11.6% in whole vascular bundle plants. Umbelliferae was 9.3%. Especially, perenial ocupied 93.02% and biennial ocupied 6.98% in the whole vascular bundle plants.

어느 고구려 무장의 가계와 일대기

李成制(Lee Seongje) 중국고중세사학회 2015 중국고중세사연구 Vol.38 No.-

This epitaph contains the concrete life stories of a new person, who cannot be found in any extant literature and historical material, and his family. All epitaphs of Koguryeo‘s displaced persons discovered until now are about the people who surrendered voluntarily to the Tang Dynasty or their descendants. In light of this tendency, Go Eul-deok was a displaced person quite different from other displaced persons in that he fought against the Tang Dynasty, was taken to the Tang Dynasty as prisoner, entered civil service and had the extraordinary career of a foreign-born general(蕃將). This epitaph confirms that there existed a Koguryeo’s displaced person who became a civil servant of Tang dynasty as a prisoner of war. Further, different types of Koguryeo people are expected to be found in the light of Tang dynasty‘s policy of using a displaced person for military strength and the fact of Koguryeo restoration army’s strenuous resistances after the collapse of Koguryeo. The rise and fall of a powerful family represented in the epitaph suggests Yeon Gaesomun(淵蓋蘇文) family-monopolized politics and concrete realities that drove Koguryeo into collapse. Go Eul-deok family was the most prestigious aristocratic family equivalent to the royal family. His family, which was a second generation member of the council that discussed critical national issues, was at the very center of power since his grandfather, Go Gwa(高夸). He had a close relationship with Koguryeo‘s king since he worked as ‘Sanngsa(垧事)’ in charge of personal economic base of Koguryeo’s king. So, Go Eul-deok‘s future might have been assured. However, he served as no more than the lord of walled town. Yeon Gaesomun concentrated on strengthening his own power base over the years after his coup d’état. This phenomenon of power concentration may have naturally sidelined his political allies from power, whose good example can be confirmed in this epitaph. This epitaph demonstrates the existence of ‘Sanggsa’ and ‘Sabudaebu(司府大夫)’ as the governmental agencies that controlled king‘s personal economic base and the royal treasury that supported the power of Koguryeo’s king. Koguryeo supported the regal power using institutional devices such as the framework of dual treasury and the operation of a governmental agency like ‘small government(少府)’, which will serve as an important clue to understanding Koguryeo‘s regal power. Dodok(都督) mentioned in this epitaph, or Yoksal (褥薩, provincial governor of Koguryeo) of Koguryeo was a supreme prefectural governor and military commander. Newly discovered materials undermine the basis of the existing controversial argument that Koguryeo‘s territory was divided into five provinces for governance. Therefore, it is necessary to review Koguryeo’s regional organization and military organization.

北韓의 高句麗史 硏究와 歷史認識

李成制(LEE Seong-je),鄭雲龍(토론자) 고구려발해학회 2004 고구려발해연구 Vol.18 No.-

North Korea has studied the history of Koguryo to meet their political goal of establishing the historical inevitability of their system, which in return has played a Significant part in successfully emphasizing the legitimacy and the superiority of their system. However, the history of Koguryo that the North Korea used to defend and justify their system has been raised up as an issue that might jeopardize their system, as China began to study the history of Koguryo from the perspective of the nationalism. Regarding the history of Koguryo as part of China means shaking the legitimacy of the North Korea to the root in the context of the history of the nation. Although the scholars of the North Korea have greatly emphasized the struggle against the foreign forces and the self reliance of the nation, they have not effectively addressed the issue on the distortion of the history by China, that should be recognized as the matter of a historic consciousness. From that, the abuse is very obvious that the study of Koguryo in the North Korea has attempted to draw unreasonable and framed interpretations and subjugated the description of the history to the political purposes. This has a very special meaning now that both Koreas on the Peninsular have to urgently work hand in hand to stand up to the distortion of the history by China. Obviously it is the catastrophic result from the attempt to hold the 'consciousness of the history' to the hostage of a framed history. Not only the North Korea but also we need to seriously reflect on the limit of our current historic perspective. Moreover, we need to seriously weigh on a new viewpoint and the method of the study that can overcome the limit to the historic consciousness of the North Korea, not just being content with the premise that the consciousness of the born Koreas is far from each other.

高句麗 遺民의 遼西지역 世居와 존재양상

李成制(Lee, Seongje) 중국고중세사학회 2017 중국고중세사연구 Vol.46 No.-

高句麗의 西方政策과 對北魏關係의 定立

李成制(Lee Seong-Je) 역사실학회 2004 역사와실학 Vol.26 No.-

Entering to the latter period of his reign, King Changsu(長壽王) resumed a diplomatic relation with Northern Wei(北魏) because Northen Wei pressed Koguryo(高句麗) with revealing that it would provide a military support for Paekche(百濟), Wu-chi(勿吉), etc., opposed to Koguryo. Koguryo made an effort to break Northen Wei's threat by keeping a friendly relationship with it. This effort was also to prevent counteractions of another surrounding powers which could take advantage of Northern Wei's eastern policy. Along with Koguryo's effort to improve the relation between the two countries, Northen Wei's strategy against Koguryo developed in different ways. Northern Wei attempted to control Koguryo in their diplomatic relations and this attempt resulted in conflicts between the two countries focusing on diplomatic rituals, or marriages. Koguryo's western policy also changed from diplomatic one to military one. King Changsu gave a huge blow to Paekche by collapsing its capital and his subsequent military action shook the east area of Northern Wei. With these actions, Koguryo made Northern Wei recognize that Koguryo was very powerful and Northern Wei should coexist friendly with Koguryo. It was in this period that the approval that the East region to the east of Liao-hsi(遼西) would be under Koguryo's control was accepted. With this approval, Koguryo and Northern Wei came into the relation of coexistence which excluded the unilateral lead of any party, and this relation was defined institutionally.