무선센서네트워크에서 LEACH 라우팅 프로토콜을 적용한 파티클 센서의 에너지 효율적인 알고리즘

홍성화,김훈기,Hong, Sung-Hwa,Kim, Hoon-Ki 한국시뮬레이션학회 2009 한국시뮬레이션학회 논문지 Vol.18 No.3

The sensor nodes that form a wireless sensor network must perform both routing and sensing roles, since each sensor node always has a regular energy drain. The majority of sensors being used in wireless sensor networks are either unmanned or operated in environments that make them difficult for humans to approach. Furthermore, since many wireless sensor networks contain large numbers of sensors, thus requiring the sensor nodes to be small in size and cheap in price, the amount of power that can be supplied to the nodes and their data processing capacity are both limited. In this paper, we proposes the WSN(Wireless Sensor Network) algorithm which is applied sensor node that has low power consumption and efficiency measurement. Moreover, the efficiency routing protocol is proposed in this paper. The proposed algorithm reduces power consumption of sensor node data communication. It has not researched in LEACH(Low-Energy Adaptive Clustering Hierarchy) routing protocol. As controlling the active/sleep mode based on the measured data by sensor node, the energy consumption is able to be managed. In the event, the data is transferred to the local cluster head already set. The other side, this algorithm send the data as dependent on the information such as initial and present energy, and the number of rounds that are transformed into cluster header and then transferred. In this situation, the assignment of each node to cluster head evenly is very important. We selected cluster head efficiently and uniformly distributed the energy to each cluster node through the proposed algorithm. Consequently, this caused the extension of the WSN life time.

英國·美國·日本船舶保險約款에 있어서 未修理損害의 補償處理에 관한 考察

홍성화(Sung-Hwa Hong) 한국해사법학회 2000 해사법연구 Vol.12 No.1

청말(淸末) 관잠서(官箴書) 속에서의 재판행정과 지역사회

홍성화 ( Hong Sung Hwa ) 명청사학회 2016 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.46

Generally speaking, major tasks of the public offices in local society were the denominations of penalties and money and grain(錢穀). Likewise, the lawsuits and the collection of a tax were the primary tasks for local officials. These two tasks were actually related closely but have been studied separately in the field of a history of laws and the local finance in the previous studies. At worsening local finances in the late Qing Dynasty, the procedure of civil lawsuits was also influenced seriously in the context. The public offices in local areas had no choice but to have a number of officials such as clerks and polices(捕快) to do the judgment works. As local finances got worsened, they intervened actively in the civil lawsuits to fill the gaps and their pockets not supported by the local finances. This vicious cycle made impartiality on the tasks and the practical ability of the officials such as clerks polices even on the official staffs poor. This caused the social discontent in a large scale inevitably. While the previous studies in a history of laws inquired into how trials had been treated by cases, it is much more required to search for whether the procedure was swift or delayed from a local official and a community. With the relaxation of the local finance, loosened supervision by the upper administration on the level of states and districts made local officials think carelessly to give a judgment in the civil lawsuits. As the credibility on clerks in the public offices and even on the official staffs in the late Qing Dynasty, local officials seemed to judge in a way of their own principles, not depending on advices and judgment of the official staffs. In this regard, it is safe to say that the authority of local officials got higher actually in the civil lawsuits.

칠지도의 제작연대와 제작배경에 대한 재조명

홍성화 ( Hong Sung Hwa ) 동아시아비교문화연구회 2017 東硏(동연) Vol.1 No.-

본고는 최근 漢, 三國, 西晉시대의 紀年鏡을 포괄적으로 釋讀하였던 「漢三國西晉紀年鏡銘集釋」를 분석하여 칠지도 명문의 ‘泰□四年十一月十六日丙午’가 날짜와 관련 없는 吉祥句가 아님을 재확인하였다. 특히 주목해서 고찰해야 하는 부분은 칠지도 명문과 같이 일자가 모두 표시되어있는 사례인데, 그중에서 干支와 날짜가 전혀 일치하지 않는 사례는 ‘建寧元年九月九日丙午(168년),’ ‘建安卄二年十月丁酉朔十日丙午(217년),’ ‘建安卄四年五月丁巳朔?日丙午(219년),’ ‘赤烏元年五月丙午卄日甲子(238년)’이다. 여기에서 9월9일은 陽氣가 강한 重陽節, 10은 완전한 수, 5의 배수인 20, 30을 吉日로 선택하여 丙午와 결부시킨 것으로 보인다. 한편, 丙午의 干支와 날짜가 일치하는 사례는 ‘熹平七年正月卄五日丙午(178년),’ ‘光和四年正月十三日丙午(181년),’ ‘今年丙午(黃武五年)五月七日丙午(226년),’ ‘嘉禾五年五月壬寅朔五日丙午(236년),’‘建寧二年正月卄七日丙午(168년)’인데, 5월 5일이나 5의 배수 또는 7일과 같이 吉數와 연결시키기도 하였지만, 13일이나 27일과 같이 吉日에 해당한다기보다 실제 曆에 합당한 숫자가 목격된다. 또한 칠지도에 쓰인 11월이나 16일의 경우에서처럼 11이나 16이 丙午와 같이 사용된 사례를 발견할 수 없었다. 더욱이 ‘建安卄二年十月丁酉朔十日丙午’의 경우는 217년 10월 辛卯朔 16일이 丙午日임에도 불구하고 ‘十月’ ‘十日丙午’로 명기하고 있어 실제역법과 맞지 않는 日干支를 사용하고 있다. 이는 16일을 吉日로 간주하지 않았다는 것을 의미하는 것으로서 따라서 칠지도의 ‘十一月十六日丙午’가 吉祥句로 쓰이지 않았다는 것을 단적으로 보여주고 있다. 따라서 七支刀의 제작연도는 11월16일이 丙午의 干支에 해당되는 연도를 맞추어보면, 이들 연대 중에 銘文의 재위연수와 일치하는 것이 ?支王 4년(408년)임을 재확인하였다. In this article, I reaffirmed that “November 16 Byung-o(丙午)" on the seven-branched sword(七支刀) is not one of (吉祥句) that is irrelevant to a date, from an analysis of (漢三國西晉紀年鏡銘集釋) which interprets comprehensively the collection of mirrors(紀年鏡) in Han, Samkuk, and Seojin period. Especially we should pay attention to cases such that all dates are displayed on the seven-branched sword. Among them, the cases the Kanji(干支) and the date do not match were as follows : '"First year of Gyungnyung September 9 Byung-o(丙午)", "22nd year of Gyunan October 10 Byung-o(丙午)", "24th year of Gyunan May 30 Byung-o(丙 午)", "First year of Juko May 20 Gap-ja(甲子)." It seems that Byung-o (丙午) is connected to an auspicious day such that September 9th implies the date the sunlight is the most strong, 10 is the perfect number, and 20 and 30 which are a multiply of 5. On the other hand, among the cases the Kanji(干支) of Byung-o(丙午) and the date match were as follows : "7th Year of Hipyung January 25 Byung-o(丙午)", "4th Year of Gwanghwa January 13 Byung-o(丙午)", "5th year of Hwangmu May 7 Byung-o(丙午)", "5th year of Gahwa May 5 Byung-o(丙午)", "Second year of Gyungnyung January 27 Byung-o(丙午)." Although a multiply of 5 or 7 which implies a lucky number is uses as May 5th, we can observe that 13th or 27th corresponds to the actual calendar rather than meanig the lucky number. Also there is no case that 11 or 16 is used as Byung-o(丙午) such as 'November' or 'the 16th day'. Furthermore, in the case of "22nd year of Gyunan October 10th Byung-o(丙午)", it used 'October 10th Byung-o(丙午)' even though ‘October 16th in 217’ was correspond to the Kanji(干支) of Byung-o (丙午). It means that the 16th was not regarded as the good day, so it is 日干支different from the actual calendar. Thus, the case of the “November 16th Byung-o(丙午)" on the seven-branched sword(七支刀) was not used as 吉祥句. In this context, the year of production of the seven-branched sword (七支刀) was confirmed on the 16th of November, 4th year of Junji(?支), 408 corresponding to the regime of 銘文checking whether November 16th is related to the period of the Kanji(干支) of Byung-o (丙午).

官箴書를 통해서 본 淸代 幕友와 法律運用

洪成和(Hong Sung Hwa) 동양사학회 2011 東洋史學硏究 Vol.115 No.-

Wang Huizu(汪輝祖) was a eminent private adviser(幕友) in Qing dynasty and, as a prolific writer, left various documents including ‘guidebooks for governance(官箴書)’ based on his rich experience. In those guidebooks for governance, he emphasized the role of private adviser to monitor and cure the ills of local administration. As a matter of fact, the importance of private adviser was becoming bigger and bigger throughout Qing dynasty because of the local clerks(胥吏)’s mischief. The local administration in Qing dynasty worked by local officers(地方官) on the one hand, and by various irregular positions of local clerks on the other hand. A response of Qing dynasty to the ills of local adminstration, mainly stemming from the local clerks’ mischieves, was to increase informal private advisers. Those private advisers and local clerks were turned into formal official assistants in late Qing dynasty. In Guidebooks for Governance, Wang Huizu often emphasized the importance of acquaintance of law by local officers and private advisers. He did not insisted on the priority of law, however, over the aspects and logics of actual cases. In other words, he did not ignore the importance of counting on the aspects of actual, individual cases, denying the absolute priority of laws. This was because of the variety of customs in many parts of the empire which was not confined to daily life’s custome but also included many different rules of trade, tax collection, buying and selling of lands, and so forth. The variety of those customs made it difficult to homogenizing the empire’s local rules under the one unified principle of laws, and Wang insisted on the application of state law to be in harmony with various local customs.

충주 지역 역사 컨텐츠의 스토리텔링화 방안

홍성화(Hong, Sung-hwa) 건국대학교 스토리앤이미지텔링연구소 2014 스토리&이미지텔링 Vol.8 No.-

본 연구는 충주 지역의 역사 컨텐츠 현황을 검토하고 스토리텔링의 대상으로 주목되는 것을 체계적으로 선별, 정리하여 재구성하고자 하였다. 특히 충주 지역 역사 컨텐츠를 크게 고대문화유산, 불교유산, 성곽유산 등으로 나누고 이를 중심으로 하여 전설, 설화, 문집 등에 나타나는 이야기를 함께 고찰하였다. 우선 중앙탑면 일대의 고대문화유산으로는 충주 高句麗碑, 장미산성, 봉황리 마애불상군, 탑평리 유적, 탑평리7층석탑, 탄금대 등을 들 수 있다. 이들 문화유산을 통해 고대 충주 일대는 초기에 백제의 영역이었다가 이후 고구려, 신라의 영토로 편입되는 등 삼국의 문화가 함께 나타나는 지역이면서 가야의 역사 컨텐츠까지 아우르는 명실 공히 고대문화의 산실임을 알 수 있다. 또한 불교 유적 일대의 역사문화로는 신니면 崇善寺址, 금가면 金生寺址, 소태면 靑龍寺址 일대, 彌勒里寺址 일대 및 철불 관련 유적 등이 주목된다. 이들 문화유산의 경우 문집 및 전설, 설화 등을 통해 다양한 스토리텔링의 대상으로서 풍부한 소재가 될 수 있음을 확인할 수 있다. 또한 불교 유적 일대의 역사문화로는 신니면 崇善寺址, 금가면 金生寺址, 소태면 靑龍寺址 일대, 彌勒里寺址 일대 및 철불 관련 유적 등이 주목된다. 이들 문화유산의 경우 문집 및 전설, 설화 등을 통해 다양한 스토리텔링의 대상으로서 풍부한 소재가 될 수 있음을 확인할 수 있다. 그리고 성곽 유적 일대의 역사문화로서는 탄금대, 충주산성과 안림동 일대, 대림산성과 단월동 일대 등을 들 수 있다. 이들 현황을 지역적으로 보면 대체적으로 안림동 일대, 신니면 일대, 중앙탑면 일대, 단월동 일대, 칠금동 일대, 수안보면 일대 등으로 나눌 수 있다. 그중에서도 충주 지역의 전설, 설화 유산과 관련해서는 탄금대와 관련이 있는 신립의 전승과 단월의 임경업 전승 그리고 안림동 관련 전승들이 주를 차지하고 있다. 본 연구를 통해서 그동안 충주 지역에서 상대적으로 주목받지 않았던 단월동 일대와 관련해서도 임경업 장군의 전승, 단호사, 유주막, 영곡사, 대몽항전지 등 다양한 관점에서 새로운 스토리텔링의 대상으로 주목받고 있음을 확인할 수 있었다. The objective of this article is to analyze various history contents of Chungju District and reestablish its subjects to restructure storytelling from the standpoint of history contents. Especially, this study consists of three parts as follows: the history content of Chungju by ancient culture, Buddhist cultural heritage, remains of fortresses and investigates the story expressed in the literary works such as legends, folktales, etc. There are ancient cultures of Chungju: Chungju Goguryeo Stele, Jangmisanseong Fortress, Bonghwangni Rockcarved Buddhas, remains of Tappyeongni, Tappyeongni Seven-story Stone Pagoda and Tangeumdae Terrace, etc. Also Buddhist cultural heritages in Chungju are found in Sungseonsa Temple Site, Kimsaengsa Temple Site, Cheongnyongsa Temple Site, Mireukrisaji temple site and remains of Iron Buddha, etc. And remains of fortress in Chungju are recognized as Tangeumdae Terrace, Chunjusanseong Fortress and Anrimdong area, Daerimsanseong Fortress and Danwol dong area, etc. Furthermore, we could understand that the legends and folktales in Chungju are diverse stories and elements of storytelling connected with General Shin Rip in Tangeumdae Terrace, General Im Gyeongeop in Danwoldong area and Anrimdong area. Consequently, this study shows that Buddhist cultural heritages could become a wide variety of subjects for storytelling to illuminate historical aspects of Chungju District, especially through the literary works, legends and folktales. On the other hand, we could observe that Danwoldong area has been the focus of the academic topics for storytelling from various viewpoints. Therefore, what is most noteworthy is that we should pay more attention to collect stories constantly about those historic sites mentioned above.

百濟와 倭 왕실의 관계

洪性和(Hong, Sung-hwa) 한일관계사학회 2011 한일관계사연구 Vol.39 No.-

本考는 사료상에 나타난 百濟와 倭 왕실의 왕족 간 인적 교류를 통한 화친 및 혼인 관계에 주목하여 백제와 왜의 관계에 대해 재조명해보고자 하였다. 백제와 왜 왕실 간에 이루어졌던 왕족의 교류는 397년 아신왕대의 전지의 파견 이래 백제의 멸망에 이르기까지 지속되고 있다. 즉, 백제와 왜가 軋轢을 보였던 毗有王과 三斤王의 치세 및 倭가 외교적 다변화 양상을 보였던 6세기 후반 이후 잠시 교류의 단절을 보이고 있지만, 豊璋의 파견까지 이루어지면서 결과적으로는 백제의 멸망에 이르기까지 지속적으로 나타내고 있다. 일반적으로 백제와 왜 간에 있었던 왕족 외교에 대한 일본학계의 통설은 약소국이 강대국에 보내는 인질로 이해되어 정치적, 군사적인 지배와 복속의 관계를 나타내는 표시로 이해하고 있다. 하지만 백제와 왜 왕실 간에 이루어졌던 왕족 교류를 분석한 결과, 대체적으로 혼인을 통한 화친이 있었던 정황을 파악할 수 있다. 따라서 本考의 분석 결과, 백제와 왜 간에 있었던 왕실 간의 교류를 야마토 왕실에 의한 지배, 복속 및 책봉관계로 보고 있는 기존 일본학계의 견해가 타당하지 않다는 것을 알 수 있다. 이처럼 百濟와 倭는 아신왕대 이후 혼인을 통한 왕실 교류를 기본으로 한 인적 교류가 원인이 되어 양국의 관계가 유지되었던 것으로 판단되며, 이러한 인적 교류를 통해 정치적 혹은 군사적 화친관계를 맺어온 것으로 보인다. 그럼으로써 왜에 친백제 세력을 확립하고 역으로 백제에 친왜국 세력을 도모하여 양국 화친의 기반을 이루었다. 이러한 화친을 기반으로 해서 백제에서 왜로 선진문물이 전해지고 한반도의 전쟁에 있어서 백재의 요청시 왜의 구원병이 파병될 수 있었던 것이다. 결국 백제와 왜 왕실의 관계는 당시 동아시아에서 벌어졌던 혼인을 매개로 한 화친 외교의 연장선상에서 파악해야 할 것이다. The objective of this article is to re-establish the relationship of political marriage for peace treaty between Baekje and Yamato Wa. Political exchanges of royal family between Baekje and Japan had persisted until the fall of Baekje since the year 397 of the King of Asin. According to the analysis, for a while Baekje and Japan had broken off diplomatic relation during the reign of King of Biyu, King of Samgeon, and period of the late sixth century. But still, their mutual exchanges between the two countries kept appear until the fall of Baekje, indeed sending Pungjang. The analysis about the royals said, their exchanges from these two countries was usually found through marital relationship. Generally, conventional wisdom from Japanese academic circles maintained that the hostage diplomacy between Baekje and Yamato Wa is just political and military subordinate to Japan as like a dominant-subordinate relationship. However, this article show that Japanese academia"s opinion doesn"t hold water when it comes to a situation like this Baekje and Yamato Wa seem to keep their culture and mare exchanges based on this marital relationship after the age of Ashin king. In addition, they can keep their political or military relationship as friendly through this personal exchange. Therefore, Baekje accomplished extending pro-Baekje influence in Japan furthermore, expanding pro-Japan power in Baekje as well. We could observe that the relationship between Baekje and Yamato Wa was their cultural exchanges by marriage between the two royal families and that the transmission of advanced civilization from Baekje to Yamato Wa corresponds to support of Japanese military power to Baekje. Therefore, relationship of Baekje and Wa has to be figured out as keeping eyes on diplomatic relations according to the marriage in East Asia at that moment.

웅진시대(熊津時代) 백제(百濟)와 왜(倭)의 관계

홍성화 ( Hong Sung-hwa ) 고려대학교 역사연구소 2018 사총 Vol.94 No.-

The objective of this article is to study relationships between Baekje (百濟) and Wa (倭) in Woongjin (熊津) period. As we analyzed relationships between Baekje (百濟) and Wa (倭) in Woongjin (熊津) period, we could understand that the royal family and nobles were dispatched continuously to Japan and that during Japanese military aids professional intellectuals including doctors and Buddhist monks etc. were dispatched from Baekje since Hansung (漢城) period. We could only gauge the trend of estrangement between Baekje (百濟) and Wa (倭) during Gonji(昆支)'s killing and King Dongsung (東城) period briefly. As we observed Imna (任那) 4 prefectures (縣) and Kimun (己汶), Daesa (帶沙) written in Ilbonseogi (日本書紀), we could understand that Baekje (百濟) occupied Nakdong-river (洛東江) area of Kaya (加耶) in the early 6th century. Furthermore, we could find that Yamato Wa (倭) sticked to its position supporting Baekje (百濟) during the war between Baekje (百濟) and Silla (新羅) because of the competitive landscape for the southern Korean peninsula in the early 6th century.

한국호텔기업에 있어서 변혁적 리더십과 거래적 리더십간의 비교

홍성화(Sung Hwa Hong),손대현(Dae Hyun Sohn) 한국호텔외식관광경영학회 2000 호텔경영학연구 Vol.9 No.2

Hotel companies have studied on the effective leadership applying the major leadership theories. In recent years, the Bass`s transformational leadership theory has been applied to hotel industry. In this study, transformational leadership was more deeply analyzed and the empirical analysis was conducted to apply into the hotel companies. The objectives of this study are to find the two co-relationships. One is between the independent variables - transformational leadership and the dependent variables and the other is between the independent variables - transactional leadership and the dependent variables. The findings of this study are summarized as follows : First, the result of empirical study revealed that an extracted 10 factors from the basic statistical analysis process are reliable altogether. The hotel employees` demographical characteristics were drawn out via the average difference analysis of leadership variables through Anova analysis Duncan`s post examination. Second, hypothesis examination indicates that the 4 fctors of transformational leadership and `Contingent reward` of transactional leadership shows the positive co-relationship though, `Management of exception` does not. Also, the analyzed result on which factors of transformational leadership and transactional leadership are more related with leadership effectiveness shows the variables of transformational leadership are generally more related with it. but `intellectuals stimulation` of transformational leadership is less persuasive than contingent reward variables. This is very opposite result against pre-studied one. As of additional analysis, I tried to find each group`s effectiveness difference sub-classified by their position, age, educational background, belonging department and came to know that if they were the young in low position of the sales department and hadn`t get a good education, they are closely related with transactional leadership. In conclusion, as the Bass and Avolio insisted, there is no leadership type which could be applied in every type and the type of leadership should be applied by each groups characteristics.

멀티홉 무선 센서 네트워크 환경에서 성능 향상을 위한 플러딩 레벨 클러스터 기반 계층적 라우팅 알고리즘

홍성화(Sung-Hwa Hong),김병국(Byoung-Kug Kim),엄두섭(Doo-Seop Eom) 한국통신학회 2008 한국통신학회논문지 Vol.33 No.3B