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In this study, I have observed the political change and the character in the era of King Sunduk, Shills. King Sunduk(Kim Yang-sang) led military forces with Kim Kyung-sin and murdered King Hyegong(惠恭王) and then acceded to the throne. However, description of 『Sindnagseo』(新唐書) Shillajeon(新羅傳) are focused related with the accession to the throne background of King Sunduk. This description have divided the nobility of Shills into the first Gol(第1骨) and the second Gol(第2骨). The first Gol is the best nobility who married with royalty, and the second Gol could be regarded as Jin-gol(眞骨) because Jaesang(宰相) or Shijung(侍中) were inaugurated as the first Gol. I want to try to inspect the positions of King Sunduk(Kim Yang-sang), Kim Joo-won(金周元), King Wonsung(Kim Kyung-shin) following the division of the first Gol and the second Gol of 『Sindnagseo』 Shinlajeon. King Sunduk(Kim Yang-sang) was a grandson of King Sungduk(聖德王) and a nephew of King Kyungduk(景德王), so he could be regarded as the first Gol. And Kim Joo-won was the 6th scion of King Taejong mooyeol(太宗武烈王), so he could be regarded as the first Gol. And family of King Wonsung(Kim Kyung-shin) was Naemul's line, and inaugurated as Ichan,(伊滄) Jabghan (市干) in the middle period of the Shills, but they were not related to royalty directly after the era of King Moonmu(文武王). Therefore King Wonsung(王聖王)(Kim Kyung-shin) could be regarded as the second Gol. However, King Sunduk(Kim Yang-sang) and King Wonsung(Kim Kyung-shin) had participated in a rebellion repression of Jeejung(志貞) and murder of king Hyegong in conjunction with military forces. We can know the reason that the throne factorial was operated to Kim Yang-sang(金良相). Kim Yang-sang had led military forces but he stood on advantageous situation as throne factorial comparing with Kim Kyung-shin,(金敬信) the second Gol. While, let's take a look at relation between Kim Yang-sang and Kim Joo-won. In the Micklle middle period of the Shilla, Mooyeol's line have only kingship. As the Mooyeol's line, Kim Joo-won might be advantageous to acceded to the throne. But military contribution of Kim Yang-sang was operated advantageously to acceded to the throne at Emergency situation that rebellion repression of Jeejung and muder of King Hyegong comparing with Kim Joo-won. After enthronement of King Sunduk(Kim Yang-sang), management of the political situation was formed focus on King Sunduk(Kim Yang-sang) and Kim Kyung-shin and I think there was participation of Kim Joo-won. It seems like Kim Kyung-shin led military forces with Kim Yang-sang in the era of King Hyegong as Byunburyung(兵部令), and then repressed rebellion force. And he successively filled Byunburyung as sandaedung(上大等) after enthronement of King Sunduk(Kim Yang-sang) in my opinion. However, in process of the name recovery of all the governmemt officials at King Hyegong 12th years, Byunburyung had recovered a situation as military commander. Being due to this, power of effect of Kim Kyung-shin to military was rather strong, in my opinion. I think inspection of troops by King Sunduk(Kim Yang-sang) was operated to restrain the Kim Kyung-shin force and to hold military command by king finally. But Kim Kyung-shin force stood as Sangdaedung already based on original forces. Therefore, intention king holds military command and restrain Kim Kyung-shin force through inspection of troops had big symbol function was not effective. However, Kim Kyung-shin had acceded to the throne as the second Gol repressing Kim Joo-won as the first Gol, so there was need of reasonability of throne factorial. King Wonsung (元聖王) (Kim Kyung-shin) tried to show the legitimacy of king force showing he received a revelation of God through dream so could be a king. Also, King Wonsung(Kim Kyung-shin) had tried to find justness of accede to the throne relating heavy rain with a revelation of God through the heavy rain tale.
This thesis examines the life and artistic world of Aechun, Shin Myeongyeon(1809~1886), a literati painter of the Late Joseon Dynasty. He was born as the second son of Jaha, Shin Wi(1769~1847). He produced many paintings with such subject matters as flowers and birds, landscapes, the Four Gentlemen, and human figures, enriching the art circles of the Late Joseon Dynasty by introducing new styles of painting. Though he is not only estimated to have shown exceptional artistic talent in the painting of flowers and birds and also left many works with other subject matters, Shin Myeongyeon has not been the subject of specialized research as yet. In this context, this thesis will focus on his life and art as a whole. I think this will help to illuminate the art circles of the 19th century from various points of view, by clarifying his position in the art history of the Late Joseon Dynasty. Shin Myeongyeon was the son of Shin Wi, a representative scholar-gentleman painter and poet of those times, and remained in government service through his life after passing the military service examination; he was even promoted to the title of Dangsanggwan. Together with his brother, Shin Myeongjun(1803~1842), he cultivated the arts of poetry, calligraphy and painting with his own father. He was also related with Yoon Jeong(1809~?) and Lee Geonpil(1830~?), scholar-gentleman painters of the period. Following his father's view of painting, Shin Myeongyeon pursued the literati painting of the xieyi(寫意) style based on Su Shi(1036~1101)'s theory on art, which held that poetry and painting are one and the same thing. In addition, he had access to the various Chinese paintings that his father collected and appreciated. In particular, he accepted the new styles of painting of the Qing Dynasty created by the painters of Beijing with whom his father was acquainted. Most of his paintings plainly reveal the influence of this style and his positive introduction of Yun Shouping(1633~1690)'s style, which prevailed in the Qing Dynasty and made the circles of the painting of flowers and birds of the 19th century Joseon more prosperous. His paintings of flowers and birds are characterized by splendid, delicate colors and elaborate descriptions that drew on Yun Shouping's style. Shin Myeongyeon's style is identical to that of Nam Gyewoo(1811~1890) of the same period; the latter also produced flower and butterfly paintings. Through his new and varied paintings of flowers and birds, including elegant, light-colored paintings of refined brushwork, Shin Myeongyeon exemplified the aesthetic sense of the scholar-gentleman of 19th century Joseon. On the other hand, many of his landscape paintings are fangzuo(倣作) works. When producing such works, he recorded the original artists'names and the titles of their paint-ings on them, providing clear evidence of his profound knowledge of Chinese painting. The imitations as well as the regular landscape paintings of Shin Myeongyeon revealed both the style of the Orthodox School of the Qing Dynasty, which demonstrates that he had been affected by the style of landscape painting prevalent in Beijing at that time. As for his paintings of the Four Gentleman, it was Luo Pin(1733~1799) of the Yangzhou School of painting who exerted an influence upon his plum blossom paintings. Besides the paintings of the Four Gentleman, in which he sought the xieyi and the beauty of calligraphic brushwork, he also created paintings of oddly shaped stones. By choosing red and white plum blossoms for his paintings of plum blossoms, and a single standing rock for his paintings of oddly shaped stones, he exhibited all the new trends of painting of the Late Joseon Dynasty. Furthermore, he had frequently drawn portrait paintings since his childhood, particularly those of the Chinese style. His paintings of beautiful women were influenced by works popular in the Qing Dynasty. To summarize what has been mentioned above, most
In this article, I reviewed the aspect of the General Shin Chung-hee's career and activities in the late Joseon dynasty. General Shin Chung-hee(申正熙) was born in the distinguished family. His father Shin Heun(申櫶) and great-grandfather Shin Hong-ju(申鴻周) were well knowned in the military field as well. They were famous genarals in the late Joseon dynasty. Shin Chung-hee joined as a senior officier at young age. The King Heunjong get count on him as one of the most-expected in the next generation. Unfortunately the King met an untimely death at the young age. The king after next, Gojong, opened up the way of promotion to Shin Chung-hee. As a high-ranking officer, he served in a unit of the king's bodyguards that was in the royal palace. Shin Chung-hee served in various high-ranking government posts such as a commanding officer, a deputy mayor of Seoul, and et cetera. In 1877, he was nominated as the chief of the national police agency which was called Pododaejang(捕盜大將) in Joseon dynasty. As the Pododaejang, Shin Chung-hee announced a new policy and stuck to his guns to continue the war on a state of disorder among the people. "Whoever breaks the law shall be punished." Even the servants of the predominant power holder were executed. Shin Chung-hee, the Pododaejang became the minion of the public. General Shin Chung-hee resisted against for the Japanese invasion. He refused to cooperate with the Japanese in every parts. On the other hand, as a commander in Chief of Sunmuyoung(巡撫營), general Shin Chung-hee suppressed the uprising of the Donghak Peasant Army. Right before the end of the uprising, however, General Shin Chung-hee had to resigned the commandership of Sunmuyoung because the Japanese opposited to him.
이 논문에서는 한국과 독일 설화에 등장하는 원조자의 양상과 거기 얽힌 세계관적 의미를 비교 고찰하였다. 양국 설화에서 신령과 난쟁이는 서사적 위치와 기능이 대응되는 주요 원조자로서 수많은 설화에 등장해서 주인공의 문제 해결에 결정적 역할을 한다. 신령과 난쟁이는 현실세계의 권역 밖에 있는 비일상적 존재로서 그들과 만나는 일은 ‘다른 세계와의 만남'으로서 의의를 지니며, 그들의 도움을 받는 일은 ‘다른 세계에 깃든 큰 힘'과 접속되는 일을 표상한다. 이는 양국 설화에 공통되는 기본적인 서사적 화두가 된다. 이때 ‘다른 세계'는 흔히 ‘자연'으로 의미화되거니와, 신령과 난쟁이의 원조에 얽힌 서사는 ‘자연'으로 표상된 ‘세계'에 대한 대응의 문제를 원형적으로 함축한다고 할 수 있다.자아와 세계의 관계에 얽힌 서사는 한독 설화에서 구체적 양상이 꽤 다르다. 한국 설화가 세계/자연의 힘을 본원적이고 집중화된 형태로 문제삼는다면 독일 설화는 좀더 실제적이며 다양화된 차원에서 다루는 쪽이다. 한국 설화의 신령이 순일하고 절대적인 존재로서 접속 자체가 문제시되는 것과 달리 독일 설화 속의 난쟁이는 중립적이고 양향적이어서 접속보다 ‘대처'가 문제시된다는 사실도 큰 차이가 된다. 전체적으로 한국 설화에 비해 독일 설화가 더 현실적이고 상대주의적인 관점을 나타내 보이는 형국이다.원조자에 얽힌 세계관적 편차를 살핌에 있어 심리적 맥락에 유의할 필요가 있다. 한국 설화에서 신령은 ‘지극정성'으로 표현되는 내면적 신념과 의지의 표상으로서 성격을 지닌다. 신령과의 접속이 이루어진 상황은 그러한 내면의 힘과 외부세계의 힘이 접속되어 합치된 상황으로서 의의를 지닌다. 이는 독일 설화의 난쟁이에 얽힌 서사에서 보기 힘든 특징이다. 독일 설화 속의 난쟁이는 자아와 분리된 외부적 존재로서 ‘대상'의 성격이 뚜렷하다. 전체적으로 한국 설화가 정신적이고 본원적인 측면을 중시하는 데 비해 독일 설화가 물리적이고 현실적인 측면을 중시한다는 사실은 동서양의 세계관적 편차로까지 해석될 만한 흥미로운 차이라고 할 만하다. In diesem Aufsatz wird eine vergleichende Analyse der Tendenzen der Helferfigur in Koreanischer und Deutscher Marchenliteratur und die damit verwobenen kulturspezifischen Grunduberzeugungen durchgefuhrt. Den Mittelpunkt dieser Auseinandersetzung bilden die reprasentativen Helferfiguren aus der Literatur der beiden Lander, namlich "der Shin-Lyung“(신령; der heilige Geist) und "der Zwerg“. Diese sind Helferfiguren mit großer Kraft und spielen eine konstitutive Rolle in der Losung der Konflikte des Protagonisten. Was bei dieser Analyse zu erst ins Auge gefasst wird, ist die Analogie der Bedeutungsdimensionen der zwei Figuren. Sie unterscheiden sich zwar erheblich in ihrer außeren Erscheinung, weisen aber ein par wesentliche Gemeinsamkeiten auf. Beide befinden sich jenseits unserer alltaglichen Welt. Folglich ist der Kontakt des Protagonisten mit diesen Figuren, ein Kontakt mit einer fremden Welt. Die große Kraft des Shin-Lyungs und des Zwergs symbolisiert die Kraft, die der anderen Welt innewohnt. Es ist wahrlich nicht einfach Kontakt mit dieser Welt herzustellen. Der Shin-Lyung zeigt sich nur selten in unserer Welt und der Zwerg ist wegen seiner Erscheinungsform leicht zu ubersehen. Die Verbindung mit der Kraft der Helferfiguren, setzt eine besondere Konzentration und ein außergewohnliches Interesse des Protagonisten voraus. Das Wesen der Kraft, welche durch die Helferfiguren verkorpert wird, ist die Natur. Wie der Shin-Lyung kann auch der Zwerg, der oft als Inhaber vom Wald, Boden oder Brunnen beschrieben wird, als eine Art Reprasentant der Natur gesehen werden. Allerdings ist die symbolische Bedeutungsdimension des Berges oder des Waldes nicht auf Elemente der Natur zu beschranken. Diese Orte konnen stets auch als "die Gesellschaft“ oder "die Anderen“ interpretiert werden. Dies lasst folgern, dass der Shin-Lyung und der Zwerg Figuren sind, deren Bedeutung auf "die große Macht, die der Welt innewohnt“ erweitert werden kann. Die Geschichte, die mit den Helferfiguren verwoben ist, ist eine Geschichte uber die Relation zwischen dem Subjekt und seiner Umgebung. Die konkreten Tendenzen dieser Relation weisen in der Koreanischen und Deutschen Marchenliteratur erhebliche Unterschiede auf, die auf die Unterschiede in den kulturspezifischen Grunduberzeugungen zuruckzufuhren sind. Der Shin-Lyung aus den Koreanischen Marchen erscheint oft alleine und die Konfrontation mit ihm ist außerst selten. Der Zwerg aus Deutschen Marchen hingegen erscheint oft als Gruppe und die Konfrontation mit ihnen ist leichter und variabler. Wenn koreanische Marchen die Kraft der Welt in einer konzentrierten und fundamentalen Form darzustellen versuchen, wird dasselbe in deutschen Marchen in variablerer und handfesterer Form verbildlicht. Interessanterweise ist die Kraft des Shin-Lyungs aus den Koreanischen Marchen absolut, so dass die Verbindung mit ihm meistens zu der automatischen Losung aller Probleme und Konflikte fuhrt. Der Zwerg aus den Deutschen Marchen hingegen ist in dieser Hinsicht neutraler, vielfaltiger und polarisierender. Dies macht die individuelle Entscheidung des Protagonisten zum Katalysator der Konfliktlosung. Die archetypische Form der Reaktion des Protagonisten gegenuber den Helferfiguren in Koreanischen Marchen ist die einseitige Unterwerfung und Akzeptanz. Im Deutschen Marchen hingegen wird die Interaktion selbst, die vom Handschlag bis zur Bandigung reicht, umfassender und in variabler Form thematisiert, was auf eine realistische, subjektive und individuelle Ansicht hindeutet. Was bei der Betrachtung der Unterschiede in den kulturspezifischen Grunduberzeugungen besonders beachte werden muss, ist die psychologische Symbolik der Helferfiguren. In Koreanischen Marchen ist der Shin-Lyung die Verkorperung des inneren Glaubens und Willens, die oft als "große Sorgfalt“ ausgedruckt wird. Der Moment der Verbindung mit dem Shin-Lyung bedeutet die Verschmelzung der inneren und außeren Krafte. Dies ist eine Eigentumlichkeit von Koreanischen Marchen, die in Deutschen Marchen nicht leicht zu finden ist. Der Zwerg aus den Deutschen Marchen ist eine externe Instanz, die als Objekt betrachtet wird und angewendet werden muss. Dies deutet auf die Ansicht der Deutschen Marchen hin, die im Vergleich zu Koreanischen Marchen, welche sich auf die internen und psychologischen Momente konzentrieren, tendenziell realistisch und materialistisch ausgerichtet ist. Es ist ein interessanter Unterschied, der als unmittelbare Konsequenz der Unterschiede in den kulturspezifischen Weltanschauungen interpretiert werden kann.
이 글은 단재(丹齋) 신채호(申采浩: 1880-1936)를 통하여 식민지 시대의 이 땅에 파종된 무정부주의의 모습을 천착(穿鑿)하고자 한다. 그가 기초한 『조선혁명선언』과 그 주체인 조선의열단의 노선, 그리고 1927년을 전후하여 그가 마지막 의지처로 생각했던 동방아나키스트연맹에서의 언행과 저작을 통하여 일제 치하에서의 한국 무정부주의의 현실과 이상을 살펴보고자 하는 것이 이 글의 의도이다. 신채호의 무정부주의에는 당시 식민지지배 아래서의 지식인들이 공유하고 있는 사상적 습합(習合)의 양상이 나타나고 있다. 이를테면 그의 사상은 당시 한국에 유입된 양계초(梁啓超)의 영웅주의, 크로포트킨(Count Kropotkin)의 민중주의적 연민과 상호부조론, 고도쿠 슈스이(幸德秋水)의 폭력혁명론, 이석증(李石曾)의 생물학적 진화론 등을 융합한 것이었다. 그런 점에서 볼 때 식민지 시대의 무정부주의가 매우 정치(精緻)하고 논리적으로 완성된 것이라고 보기는 어렵다. 학통으로 보면 고토쿠 슈스이를 잇는 것으로 볼 수 있는 신채호의 폭력혁명론은 그의 사상을 평가하는 과정에서 업장(業障)처럼 따라 다니고 있다. 식민지 시대에 독립을 쟁취할 수 있는 여러 가지 방법이 좌절된 후 최후의 방법으로 폭력 또는 테러리즘의 길을 걷게 된 것은 잘못된 일도 아니고 비난 받을 것도 아니다. 그럼에도 불구하고 폭력 투쟁에 대하여는 곱지 않은 시선을 보내는 것이 한국인의 보편적 정서이다. 신채호의 무정부주의가 사회주의 또는 공산주의와 어떻게 연계되어 있고 어떻게 다른가에 대하여는 당사자인 신채호도 혼동하고 있고 후세의 평가도 각기 다르다. 신채호도 계급 투쟁이나 평등과 같은 사회주의적 입장을 밝힌 바 있고, 당시 무정부주의자들은 사유 재산을 부정하고 계급 철폐를 주창하는 등 사회주의적 요소를 표방하는 일이 흔히 있었다. 이러한 현상은 당시의 무정부주의가 사회주의와 혼재ㆍ혼용되고 있음을 의미한다. 위와 같은 여러 가지 상황을 고려할 때 식민지시대의 한국의 무정부주의는 일본제국주의에 대한 거부와 혐오감이 그 본질을 이루고 있는 것이지 정확히 권력이나 또는 정치(정부ㆍ국가)에 대한 거부나 혐오가 아니다. 그런 점에서 신채호를 비롯한 한국의 무정부주의는 정통 논리로부터 다소 빗겨 서 있었다. This paper was written to depict the reality and idea of Korean anarchism under the Japanese rule through Shin Chae-ho's writings such as the Declaration of Korean Revolution, his political line presented at the Korean Gallant Party(Chosun Uiyuldan), and his dialogues and activities at the East Anarchist Union. Shin Chae-ho's anarchism shows the ideological fusion as a means of independence movement. So as to say, he accepted and reconstructed the heroism of Liang Chi-chao, populist sympathy and mutual assistance theory of Count Kropotkin, theory of violent revolution of Kotoku Shushui and biological evolutionism of Lee si-zheng. In this respect, anarchism under the colonial rule, especially in case of Shin Chae-ho, was neither accurate nor logical. While evaluating Shin Chae-ho's theory of violent revolution, which was connected with Kotoku Shusui, it was a karma given to him. When all kinds of ways to win their independence under the colonial rule were frustrated, violence or terrorism as a last resort was not immoral. In spite of that, Korean historiography was not favorable to his theory of violent struggle. How was Shin Chae-ho's anarchism connected with socialism or communism? Not only Shin himself but also scholars of his ideology were confused in understanding them. Shin had urged such a socialist concept as class struggle and equality, and anarchists at that time often refused private property system and class discrimination. It means that anarchism of the time was mingled with and misused as socialism. Considering the above facts, Korean anarchism under the Japanese colonial seizure was essentially not composed of reluctance to the power such as government or state but to the Japanese imperialism. In this respect, anarchism of Shin Chae-ho was slightly deviated from the orthodox anarchism.
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본고는 紫霞 申緯(1769~1847)의 ‘자하체' 형성 과정과 그 특징을 밝혔다. 또한 신위의 서예 작품을 알아봄으로써 당시 신위의 서예 활동과 위상을 가늠해 보았다. 신위의 서예 연원은 조선후기 소론 명필의 계보를 잇고 있다. 白下 尹淳은 米芾과 董其昌의 서예를 수용하여 圓嶠 李匡師를 비롯하여 豹菴 姜世晃과 松下 曺允亨에게 영향을 미쳤다. 신위는 스승 강세황과 장인 조윤형의 衣鉢을 계승하여 조선후기 미불･동기창 서풍 유행의 전성기를 주도했다. 또 신위는 서예 학습에서 연행 이전은 왕희지를 근간으로 하여 미불･동기창･황정견･조맹부･소식･윤순의 서체로 쓰인 帖學 중심이었고, 연행 이후는 옹방강의 영향으로 碑學도 아울러 병행하였으며, 특히 한나라 예서 비첩을 임서하였다. 따라서 신위는 첩학에 비학을 더해 ‘虛和神韻'이 특징인 자신만의 독자적 ‘자하체'를 완성하였다. 신위의 글씨는 당시에 조선뿐만 아니라 중국과 일본까지 널리 알려졌다. 또한 신위가 임금을 대신하여 자주 글을 썼고, 대궐의 편액을 썼으며, 정조･순조･익종(효명세자)･헌종 4조정에 걸쳐 임금으로부터 글씨로 인정받았음이 확인되었다. This paper identified the creation process and characteristics of ‘Jaha calligraphy style' of Jaha Shin Wi (1769~1847) and examined his calligraphy activity and social status at that time by reviewing his calligraphy works. In calligraphy, Shin Wi joins a long line of master calligraphers of the Soron Faction in the late Joseon Dynasty. Baekha Yoon Sun accepted the calligraphy styles of Mi Fu and Dong Qichang and influenced Wongyo Lee Gwang-sa, Pyoam Kang Se-hwang and Songha Jo Yoon-hyeong. Shin Wi inherited the traditions of his mentor, Kang Se-hwang and his father-in-law, Jo Yoon-hyeong, and led the golden age of the calligraphy styles of Mi Fu and Dong Qichang. In learning calligraphy, Shin Wi concentrated on the Te School (or the manuscript school) calligraphy written in the calligraphy styles of Mi Fu, Dong Qichang, Huang Ting Jian, Zhao Mengfu, Su Shi and Yoon Sun centered on Wang Xi Zhi, in the period before his journey to Beijing, and learned it together with the Bei School (or the monument school) calligraphy under the influence of Weng Fanggang in the period after the journey. Shin Wi wrote after the inscriptions and copybooks in the clerical script style (Li Shu calligraphic style) in the Han Dynasty in particular. So, Shin Wi added the Bei School calligraphy to the Te School calligraphy and completed his unique ‘Jaha calligraphy style' characterized by ‘simple sublimity'. Shin Wi's calligraphy was widely known to not only Joseon but also China and Japan at that time. He frequently wrote in place of the king and on the tablets in the royal palace. It is confirmed that Shin Wi was credited for calligraphy by four kings such as King Jeongjo, Sunjo, Ikjong (Prince Hyomyeong) and Heonjong.
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본고는 紫霞 申緯(1769-1847)의 자하산장 屛居의 원인이 된 정치적 배경을 알아보고 그에 기반하여 자하산장 屛居期 신위 시의 몇 가지 특징을 살펴보는 것을 목적으로 하였다. 신위는 풍고 김조순을 통해 효명세자의 총애를 받았으나 안동김씨와 풍양 조씨의 외척싸움으로 인해 풍양 조씨의 미움을 사다가 효명세자의 갑작 스런 죽음이후 尹尙度 · 金魯敬 일파의 무고상소로 인해 강화유수 벼슬을 그만두고 자하산장에 병거하지만 끝내 평신진에 좌천되고 다시 평산에 유배를 가게 되는 宦路에 큰 좌절을 겪게 된다. 신위의 시 상당부분은 그러한 정치적 배경으로 인한 심회를 드러내고 있다. 자하산장 병거기 신위 시의 특징에는 효명세자에 대한 그리움, 환로에의 울분과 탄식, 慰安의 居處로서 자연에 대한 希求가 드러난다. This paper intends to identify the political background of Shin Wi's living at a mountain cottage named Jaha-sanjang in retirement from public service and, based on the findings, to review some characteristics of poems that Shin Wi wrote during the period of his living there. Shin Wi was loved by Hyo-myung Prince thanks to Poonggo Kim Josoon, but hated by Poongyang Cho clan because of a feud between Andong Kim clan and Poongyang Cho clan as kings' maternal relatives. After a sudden death of Hyo-myung Prince, Shin Wi resigned as Ganghwa Mayor because of a false accusation by Yoon Sangdo and Kim Nohgyung faction and then lived at Jaha-sanjang. After all, Shin Wi suffered major frustrations when he was demoted to serving on Pyungsinjin county and exiled to Pyungsan. Many of Shin Wi's poems reveal his feeling arising from such political background. The poems that Shin Wi wrote during the period of his living at Jaha-sanjang reveal his longings for Hyo-myung Prince, wraths and lamentations for the way to become a public servant, and aspirations for nature as a resting place.
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申緯는 전통적인 유교의 가문에서 성장했으나 그의 작품에는 불교적 성향의 詩들이 많다. 지금까지 신위에게 불교는 王維와 蘇軾으로부터 영향을 받아 지식축적과 학문적 확장을 위하여 받아들인 것이라고 연구되어 왔다. 그러나 본고는 신위의 불교적 성향의 시가 많은 시기가 유독 자하산장 은거, 평신진첨사 좌천, 평산유배의 기간으로 실제 신위의 불교적 성향의 시들은 대부분 1830년에서 1834년 사이의 작품들임에 주목하여 당시 신위가 안과 밖으로 처한 개인사적 憤恨과 99개의 암자가 있었다는 자하산장이라는 은거 장소의 주위 환경과 승려들과의 교유 등의 원인으로 신위가 불교적 성향의 시를 짓게 되었다는 것을 밝히고자 하였다. 또한 신위의 불교 시에 보이는 특징으로 선취시의 특징, 불교사상의 문학적 수용을 살펴보았다. 신위의 불교시에는 禪的인 자연관조를 통한 우주적 자각이 바탕이 되어 있고, 자연사물을 노래하면서도 자연흥취만을 노래한 것이 아니라 禪悟, 禪理, 禪趣가 있다. 또 신위는 불교의 空사상을 문학에 수용하여 詩化했으며, 不立文字사상은 그의 시에서 言外之味를 가져와 시밖의 뜻을 남게 하였다. 이처럼 신위의 시에서 불교사상은 한 차원 높은 시적 깊이를 담아내어 그의 시가 더욱 완숙한 경지에 이르게 되는 바탕이 되었다. Shin Wui(申緯) grew up under the influence of traditional Confucianism but he wrote many Buddhist poems. Until now, it has been known that Shin Wui accepted Buddhism for knowledge accumulation and academic expansion influenced by Wang Wei(王維) and Su Shi(蘇軾). However, this study was intended to reveal that Shin Wui wrote Buddhist poems due to his personal historic angers, the surrounding environment of his hermitage at the Jaha mountain cottage with total 99 hermitages and exchange with Buddhist monks by focusing the fact that most of Shin Wui's Buddhist poems were actually written between 1830 and 1834 during his retirement at the Jaha mountain cottage, his relegation to Cheomsa, the position of local minor officer at Pyeongsinjin and banishment at Pyeongsan. And also, the characteristics of zentic poetry and literary acception of Buddhist thought were examined as the characteristics shown in Shin Wui's Buddhist poems. Shin Wui's Buddhist poems were based on universal awareness through zentic natural contemplation and this poems not only talk about natural objects and pleasure but also Zen enlightenment, Zen – li and Zen-fondness. And, Shin Wui adopted and poetized the Sunya idea of Buddhism into the literature, and the Buddhist revelation, intuitive discernment brought hidden feeling between the lines in his poems, showing the meanings beyond the poems. Like this, the Buddhist thought in Shin Wui's poems provided higher poetic depth, becoming the basis for his poems to reach more higher stage of poetry.
본고는 근대 초 한국인이 위인전을 통해 한국인(조선인)의 정체성을 만들어 간 방법을 고찰하는 데 목적이 있다. 분석 대상은 1908년『대한매일신보』에 연재된 신채호의 「水軍第一偉人 李舜臣」과 1931년『동아일보』에 연재된 이광수의 「李舜臣」이다. 이들 작품은 애국계몽기와 일제강점기에 전통을 중심으로 조선과 조선인의 정체성을 생산했던 지식인담론의 연장선에서 논의될 수 있다는 점에서 주목을 요한다. 신채호는 역사전기소설을 통해 구한말 근대적 국성과 애국주의를 고양시키고자 전통의 근대적 전환을 통한 ‘국가정신=민족정신'을 고취하였다. 반면에, 이광수는 1920년대 문화적 민족주의사상을 그의 작품에 반영하였다. 따라서 본고는 문학사적 계보에 따라 작품을 분류하며 분석해 간 기존의 연구 방식에 거리를 두고 문화사적 맥락에 따라 두 작품을 분석하였다. 신채호와 이광수가 작품에서 전통을 전유하는 방식에 천착하였으며, 임진왜란 당시 적국인이었던 명인과 일본인을 어떻게 형상화하고 있는지, 그리고 이를 통해 조선인을 어떻게 형상화하고 있는지를 살펴보았다. This paper is aimed to study how to create the identity of Korean(ChoSeon-In) through biographies at the Early Modern Korea. The texts analyzed are “the greatest naval commander Lee soon-shin (水軍 第一偉人 李舜臣)” serialized in 『Daehan maeil shinbo(Korean Daily News Paper)』 (1908.5.2.~8.18) by Shin Chae-ho and “Lee Soon Shin (李舜臣)” in 『Dong-A Ilbo(East Asia News paper)』(1931.7.16.~1932.4.3) by Lee Kwang-soo. These works deserve attention in terms that they could be regarded as an extension of the intellectual discourses attempting to create the identity of Cho Seon and ChoSeon-in by focusing on Tradition in the patriotic enlightenment era and Japanese colonial era. With the purpose of edifying the modern national characteristics(國性) and patriotism, Shin Chae-ho attempted the modern conversion of Tradition to inbreathe ‘Sate-spirit = National spirit'. On the other hand, Lee Kwang-Soo reflected the 1920s`` cultural nationalism in his work. Eschewing the traditional research approaches classifying and examining the works by the genealogy of Korean literature, this study examined two from the viewpoint of the history of culture. Also this paper focused on how Shin Chae-Ho and Lee Kwang-soo appropriated Tradition in their works, embodied Chinese of Ming Dynasty and Japanese during Japans Invasion of Korea in 1592 and through this, delineated ChoSeon-in.
In this article, I reviewed the aspect of the General Shin Chung-hee(申正熙)'s career and activities in 1894. He was Commander in Chief of Sunmuyeong(巡撫營) suppressed the uprising of the Donghak Peasant Army. His father Shin Heun(申櫶) and great-grandfather Shin Hong-ju(申鴻周)were well known in the military field as well. They were the famous generals in the late Joseon Dynasty. As a commander in Chief of Sunmuyoung, Shin Chung-hee was placed in a difficult situation. First and most importantly, the Japanese was captured Gyeongbokgung(景福宮) by the army where the king lived and interfered in the domestic affairs of Joseon Dynasty. The second serious problem was the Donghak Peasant Army rose in arms in all parts of the country. They raised their standard before embarking on the uprising. Their ultimate goal was to expel the Japanese out of the Joseon. The high ranking government officials of the Joseon Dynasty, however, had been distrusted the Donghak Peasant Army's activity and morality. The Donghak Peasant Army extorted money and food from the local yangban(兩班)s every day since spring, 1894. Shin Chung-hee realized that the Donghak Peasant Army wanted to reconstruct the state and transform society; on the other hand, as a general of the Joseon Dynasty, he had to ended the national disorder. The staff officers of the Commander-in-Chief of the Sunmuyound was within the sphere of the Daewonkun(大院君). The Japanese hated Daewonkun. The Japanese army got under arms like a breechloading rifle which was a very powerful new weapons. The regular army of the Joseon dynasty has a role as an assistant because the officer of the Japanese army take hold the right to command. Shin Chung-hee, the commander in Chief of the Sunmuyoung, could not in the vanguard of the operation. The Sunmuyeong and the Japanese Army were not on the same wave length. Meanwhile, one of the chiefs of the Sunmuyeong, Lee Gyu-tae (李圭泰) came into conflict with officers of the Japanese Army. The Japanese army called on disband the Sunmuyeong. On December 27, the Sunmuyeong was dismissed and the General Shin Chung-hee was appointment to the Ganghwayusu(江華留守).