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The purpose of this paper is to analyse the structures of compound nouns in English. The capacity of forming compounds is one of the characteristics of English. A compound is a unit made up of two or more bases, each of which may be used as a separate word and felt to be single terms. In the course of the analysis, we refer to the boundary between a compound and a syntactic structure. Relevant criteria, necessary to determine the boundary, can be drawn from every level: from phonology, semantics, morphology, and syntax. The distinction between a compound and a syntactic construction cannot be consistently asserted in English compound nouns. The difference of / /and / /or / / cannot be always maintained as that of compound nouns and syntactic constructions. These stress patte군 cannot be only partly admitted in both compounds and phrases, but also wholly applicable to many compound nouns. Bloomfield argues that the stress is the best criterion, while some scholars maintain other criteria. Where a morphological criterion is available, sometimes it may be decisive. Semantic criterion has often been emphasized in some compounds. In some cases it is sometimes available to indicate the structural relations of the compounding members by syntactic paraphrases. The phrase (a) black board has a meaning predictable from the individual words and its construction : it refers to any board which is black. But the compound (a) blackboard has a meaning which is not predictable : it is a name for a particular board. Moreover, (a) blackbird is at least a sort of birds, but (a) ladybird is not (a) bird. Nor is (a) blackcap a particular type of caps. Semantic criteria are not sufficient on their own. The arrangement of members in the compound can be emphasized. The hyphens play an important role. The compound nouns show various characteristics according to their own structures. Therefore, to define and analyse the structures in most troublesome. When any criterion is obviously irrelevant, other criteria must be emphasized as a substitute. There is not a formal criterion that can be emphasized for a generally structural definition of English compound nouns. Since compound nouns cover a wide range of different structural relations between their members, it is not easy to classify them by one criterion. But they can be classified on their own structural points of view as follows : 1) position of determinant and determinatum, 2) endocentric construction or exocentric construction, 3) syntactic construction or asyntactic construction, 4) orthographic differences, 5) syntactic paraphrases, 6) parts of speech, and 7) stress pattern.
The regular inflections of noun in the Chaucerian English is as follows; ◁표 참조▷ p.103 But the following exceptions occur: (a) A few nouns have plural forms the same as the singular in the terms of measure of time or space constructed with numerals. (b) A few words unchanged in the plural in OE have plural forms the same as the singular. (c) The dative singular has the same form as the nominative singular form, but in prepositional phrases the noun has the old dative ending -e. (d) The plural of some nouns has -en instead of -es. (e) The plural forms of the monosyllabic nouns ending in s is usually without an inflectional ending. (f) The genitive singular forms of nouns which belonged to the OE weak-declension is sometimes without any ending.
亞黃酸가스가 排出되는 工團周邊에서 栽培되는 배나무와 水稻의 葉內 硫黃含量 및 減收率을 調査하여 亞黃酸가스가 收量 및 葉內 硫黃 축적에 미치는 영향과 이들간의 關係를 규명하기 위해 실시한 實驗의 結果를 要約하면 다음과 같다. 1) 배나 水稻 共히 對照地點에 비해 被害地點의 葉內 硫黃含量이 높고 減收가 되는 경향을 보였다. 2) 배나 水稻 모두 葉內 硫黃含量과 減收率間에는 매우 높은 有意相關을 보여 公害의 影響으로 減收가 된다는 것을 보여 주었다. 3) 硫黃酸化物(SOx)을 주로 排出하는 工團周邊에 栽培되는 배나 水稻의 公害被害에 의한 補償을 爲해서는 葉內 硫黃含量과 實減收率과의 回歸式을 亞黃酸가스 被害地에서의 收量減收率 調査에 參考함이 좋을 것으로 생각된다. This study was undertaken to investigate the crop yield of pear and rice cultivated around Onsan Industrial complex, the sulfur content in their leaves, and the crop loss. The correlation between them is as follows: 1) The sulfur content in pear and rice leaves in studied area is higher than that in unpolluted area, and there is crop loss in studied area. 2) There is a good correlation between sulfur content and crop loss of pear and rice. The air pollution in studied area is considered to be the reason of the crop loss. 3) The regression equation between the sulfur content in crop leaves and the crop loss seems to be useful for the crop loss rate by sulfur dioxide in the damaged area and that seems to be a good reference for the compensation of pear and rice loss by sulfur dioxide gas emission from Onsan Industral Complex.
Chomsky를 위시한 MIT group들의 Transformational Generative Grammar는 이제 겨우 십여년의 역사속에 기초를 튼튼해 했다고 봐야 할 것이다. Transformational Grammar의 대상이 linguistic competence의 이론전개에 국한할 뿐 현실적인 linguistic performance에 도달하지 못했다는 질책도 타당할지 모른다. Structuralism은 grammatical category에 있어서 의미기준을 멀리하고 표면적인 관계에 치우쳐 비난을 받지만 변형문법이라고 해서 비난 모순이 없는 것도 아니다. 그러나 외국어 교수법상의 견지에서 본다면 우리가 과거에 묵과했던 근본적인 문제에 대한 견해를 밝혀주고 Target language에 대한 옳은 description을 명시해 줘서 방향을 제시했다. 또한 deep structure와 surface structure의 강이를 명확히 제시해 줘서 structuralism의 주장인 pattern practice의 정확한 방향을 가르쳐 줬다. ambiguons sentence에 대해 옳은 description과 analysis를 해서 의미판단을 바르게 해줬다. 이의 수단으로 한 변형(transformation)의 규칙을 생성케 해서 문법적인 문장을 생성할 여지를 제공했다.
The morphemic simplification in ME adjectives is still more dramatic than in ME nouns, for the former generally maintains only one inflectional ending from OE: "final -e." The loss of adjective inflections and grammatical gender distinctions naturally led to the lack of the grammatical concord. In spite of the loss. the distinction of singular and plural and weak inflections was preserved in ME adjective. Chaucer's adjectives are classified into the two groups: the uninflected and the inflected. The former adjectives are the ones which ended in a vowel in OE or which became to end in a vowel in ME. The latter adjectives may be classified as follows: 1) The monosyllabic adjectives ending in a consonant are uninflected throughout the singular and inflected with the final -e throughout the plural. 2) When they are in the context of the weak declension, they are inflected throughout the singular and plural. 3) The adjectives of two or more syllables ending in -en, -el are uninflected in the singular and inflected in the plural. 4) There are found some adjectives which have a plural in -s in the postposition. 5) The traces of the OE genitive plural inflections (-er, -es) are found in several adjectives. 6) In some phrases some adjectives take -e without any of the general conditions. 7) The adjectives are inflected before a proper noun, like the vocative case.
The question why Middle English thou was substituted by you in Modern English has not been convincingly clarified. Yet, it is said that there are evidences for 'reverential - ye" in Middle English. This study intends to show how the mysterious disappearance of thou can be better explained in sociolinguistic perspective. Middle English, spoken by the lower class people, was in a state of continuous flux by being mixed with neighboring languages, while Norman French was the language of the nobility. "Reverential - ye" is supposed to have been borrowed from Norman French usage, but there are counter - evidences against its regular usage even in Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, and in Everyman, a century later. Some parts of Marlow's and some others' texts also suggest a suspicion that the 'solidarity - thou" argument is rather shallow rooted These facts converge on nothing less than that the thou- ye difference was probably a dramatic device irregularly adopted by some artists. Since Middle English could not be free of Norman French influence, including the du-vous differentiation of the latter, it can be said that the common people in the medieval Anglo-Saxon society must have been unsusceptible to such honorific device, though advocated by some. The condition that produced this indifference may reasonably have come from multiple social conventions and thoughts that were prevalent in that era. The relevant factors can be concluded to have been unconsciousness of or distance between social classes, preacher - congregation relation, nationalism and egalitarianism. Together with linguistic (phonological) confusion, the medieval religious life seems to have played the primary role. Thus sociolinguistics can help solve linguistic enigmas.
This study was undertaken to investigate the crop yield of pear and rice cultivated around Industrial complex, the content in their leaves, and the crop loss. The correlation between them is as follows: 1) The sulfur content in pear and rice leaves in studied area is higher than that in unpolluted area, and there is crop loss in studied area. 2) There is a good correlation between sulfur content and crop loss of pear and rice. The air pollution in studied area is considered to be the reason of the crop loss. 3) The regression equation between the sulfur content in crop leaves and the crop loss seems to be useful for the crop loss rate by sulfur &oxide in the damaged area and that seems to be a good reference for the compensation of pear and rice loss by sulfur dioxide gas emission from Ulsan Industrial Complex.
In the course of development from Old English into Middle English, there were a number of sound changes, which has been a matter of linguistic controversy since the nineteenth century. Originally long vowels in closed syllables-that is, followed by consonant sequences, including lengthened consonants-were shortened, except when followed by those consonantal sequences which caused lengthening. Conversely, originally short vowels and short diphthongs must have been lengthened before certain consonant combinations, especially before a liquid or a nasal + a homorganic voiced consonant, that is, before ld, rd, nd, mb, ng, rl, rn, and r??. But the lengthening did not take place when the consonant combination was immediately followed by another consonant. In the course of the first half of the 13th century and already in the 12th in Northern English, it seems there intervened in English an entirely new principle: the quantity of the vowel depends on the nature of the syllable, whether it is open (i.e. terminated by a vowel) or closed (i.e. terminated by a consonant), and also on the accent and on the length of the word. That is, OE short stressed vowels in open syllables lengthened, in such forms as OE sunu 'son' and OE bacan 'bake'. They became, respectively, ME so￣nes (pl.) and ME ba￣ken. Luick engaged in a heated debate whether the rule of Lengthening in Open Syllables applied to high vowels as well as to non-high vowels. ME short vowels, of whatever origin, were lengthened in open syllables of dissyllabic forms. The lengthening of a, e, o to ??, ??, ?? took place in all the dialects, whereas that of i, u to ??, ?? only took place in some of them. As the lengthening of a, e, o took place earlier than that of i, u and with an entirely different result, they have been dealt in different ways. The resell of the lengthening of i, u to ??, ?? through the intermediate stage ??, ?? was entirely different from that of a, e, o to ??, ??, ??. In the latter case there was only a change in quantity, hut in the former case there was a change both in quantity and quality of the vowels. It has been pretty generally that, as stated by Luick, ?? and ?? in open syllables were lengthened, lowered, and made tense, so that ?? in this situation became ??, and ?? became ??. Short, stressed OE vowels in open syllables merged with originally long OE vowels, ?? and ?? falling together under the phonetic value [??], ?? and ?? under [??], ?? and ?? under [??], ?? and ?? under [??]. Anderson argues that the rules of Lengthening in Open Syllables and Trisyllabic Shortening do fall under the Elsewhere Condition of disjunctive ordering. But his argument is subject to revision. In order to explain Lengthening in Open Syllables in Middle English, the following rules are needed and their order is as follows: (1) Lengthening in Open Syllables, (2) Trisyllabic Shortening, (3) Lowering, and (4) Tenseness Adjustment. That is, all rules including Lengthening in Open Syllables and Trisyllabic Shortening must he linearly ordered.