국내 담수새우인 새뱅이 (Neocardina denticulata)를 이용한 중금속의 급성독성시험

류지성,김은경,문예련,김현미,김학주,최경희 환경독성보건학회 2007 환경독성보건학회지 Vol.22 No.2

사례연구의 방법론적 고찰

류지성 단국대학교 1997 敎授 論文集 Vol.31 No.-

문화콘텐츠산업정책에 관한 연구 - 정책공동체(policy community) 연계방안을 중심으로 -

류지성 한국디지털정책학회 2005 디지털융복합연구 Vol.3 No.1

The primary purpose of this study is to suggest the governmental strategies for enhancing the capacity of the culture technology industries. By reviewing the past relationships between the government and industry in the process of industrialization, we have arrived at some of the lessons about 'positive' or 'negative' effects on the relationships. The newly revised government and high-technology-based industry relations should be reformed in order to make the industries efficiently operated and competitive especially internationally. We have suggested a conceptual framework for the relationship by considering the policy community in consideration of the characteristics of the industries. The policy community is consisted of four dimensions. each of which, we considered were specifically, (1) research institutes for collecting data, market analysis, and gathering informations for the industries, (2) financial institutions, (3) professional groups for advising and sharing the technologies to the industries, and (4) education institutes for providing skilled personnels. Because these policy community does not effectively interrelate each other, we suggested that government should play pivotal roles in connecting these four dimensions of the policy community. The policy networking is necessary for the industries to be more effectively work together. The roles of government then provide some of the ways in which the policy community working interactively. By way of conclusion, we suggest some of the ways in which the government make the industries much more productive and competitive in the world markets.

Humic acid가 카드뮴 어독성에 미치는 영향

류지성,정규혁,최필선,이길철,최덕일,최성수,류홍일,박광식 성균관대학교 약학연구소 1998 成均藥硏論文集 Vol.10 No.1

Cadmium, a major aquatic pollutant in many parts of the world, is toxic and readily accumulated in aquatic organisms. It mainly exists in water as complexes with organic ligands such as dissolved organic carbon and this complexation is known to have effects on the aquatic toxicities. In this study, acute toxicity, histology, and bioaccumulation were studied to evaluate effects of humic acid on cadmium toxicity and bioavailability to fish using Oryzias latipes and Cyprinus carpio. 96h-LC50 of cadmium was 6.38 ㎎/L using Oryzias latipes. However, the mortality showed the dose-dependent decrease when humic acid was added to the test solution. When fish were exposed to 5㎎/L of cadmium, histological changes in the exposed organs(caudal fins, gills, kidney, liver, and gut) of Cyprinus carpio were decreased by humic acid, especially in kidney and liver. Bioaccumulation of cadmium also decreased by treatment of humic acid. It seems that the formation of complexes between cadmium and humic acid may decrease bioavailability of cadmium to fish, and thus reduce the toxic effects of cadmium.

새로운 經濟體制의 可能性

柳志星 세계평화교수협의회 1995 廣場 Vol.204 No.-

REACH 제도와 환경부 GLP 운영 현황

류지성 한국실험동물학회 2007 한국실험동물학회 학술발표대회 논문집 Vol.2007 No.-

정부혁신에 대한 지방공무원의 인식에 대한 연구

류지성 한국정책과학학회 2003 한국정책과학학회보 Vol.7 No.3

남북관계발전과 판문점선언에 관한 법제 구축

류지성 한국헌법학회 2018 憲法學硏究 Vol.24 No.4

본 논문은 남북평화와 통일을 위해 남북관계를 발전시키기 위한 법제도를 검토하여 개선방안을 모색하고자 하였다. 안정적이고 발전적인 남북관계를 위해서는 여러 가지 방안이 있을 수 있겠으나 법제적인 측면에서는 남북관계의 법치주의를 방안으로 제시한다. 이 법치주의의 가장 핵심적인 사항은 남북합의의 규범력을 확보하는 것인데 남북합의서는 남북한이 특수한 관계에 있다는 전제에서 국내법질서나 국제법질서 어디에도 따르기 어려운 측면이 존재하여 규범력에 대한 논란이 있다. 그러나 남북합의에 대한 사항을 이행하는 것은 통일이라는 국가와 민족의 목표에 해당하는 것이므로 지속적이고 일관성 있는 통일정책을 위해서는 남북관계에 관한 법제의 문제점을 분석하여 개선방향을 제시하여야 한다. 모든 남북합의서를 법제화할 필요는 없겠으나 국가나 국민에게 중대한 영향을 미치는 합의서는 민주적 정당성을 확보하기 위한 절차를 거쳐야 하고, 그 절차와 실체적 내용은 헌법과 국제법에 부합하는 것이어야 한다. 보다 구체적으로는 남북 간에 발전적이고 정치적으로 국민의 결단이 필요한 경우에는 민주적 정당성을 확보하는 수단으로서도 국회의 비준동의를 받도록 관련 법률을 정비하는 것도 필요하다. 현행법은 어떤 남북합의서가 국회의 비준동의를 얻어야 하는 것인지 구체적으로 담고 있지 못하고 국회의 동의를 얻어도 규범적으로 어떤 효력을 발생하는 것인지에 대한 논란을 노정하고 있다. 따라서 현행 헌법 제6조 제1항에 남북합의서의 효력을 조약과 함께 규정하거나 남북관계발전법에 법의 효력 및 국회동의 대상에 대해서도 명확히 개정할 필요가 있다. 판문점 선언의 이행을 위하여는 판문점 선언의 법적 성격과 국회동의대상인지 여부에 대한 해석의 명확성을 두고 논란이 있다는 지적을 하였다. 특히 정치적으로 선언될 종전선언에 이어 평화협정을 체결하는 경우에는 그 법적 성질이 강화조약에 해당하는 것으로서 헌법에 따라서 체결하고 국회의 동의를 얻어야 함을 확인하였다. 즉, 중요한 것은 평화협정체결이 우리 헌법질서에 반하지 않도록 그 내용을 규정하고 절차를 거쳐야만 한다는 것이다. 만약 평화협정이 체결된다면 북한의 법적 지위에 대해 가졌던 기존의 입장과 관련하여 중대한 변화가 초래될 가능성이 농후하고, 관련 국내법으로서 대표적으로 국가보안법 규정이 일부 개정되어야 하는 부분은 과제로 남았다. 또한 안정적인 남북공동연락사무소의 운영을 위해서는 남북관계발전법에 설치근거를 남기고 사무소 내에 근무하는 공무원 등을 위한 영사협정체결 및 관련 국내법의 제ㆍ개정이 필요하다. 결국, 한반도의 평화와 번영, 통일을 위해서는 정치적 여건 변화에도 흔들리지 않는 일관된 대북정책추진과 남북관계를 신의성실의 원칙에 따라 법치주의의 틀 속에서 규율해 나가는 것이 중요하다. 이때 남북이 맺는 합의는 반드시 우리 헌법질서 속에서 내용이 만들어져야 하고, 국민적 합의에 기반한 민주적 정당성을 확보하도록 해야만 한다. This paper reviews the legal system for the development of Inter-Korean Relations and seek for the improvement measures for the Inter-Korean Peace and Unification. There may be many ways for stable and progressive inter-Korean relations, but from the legal point of view, the rule of law in inter-Korean relations is suggested as a possible measure. The most key point of this rule of law is to secure the normative power of inter-Korean agreement, but, on the premise that two Koreas have a special relationship, there is a controversy over the normative power of inter-Korean agreement because there are difficulties in following both domestic and international legal form. However, since the implementation of the inter-Korean agreement is equivalent to the nation and people’s goal of unification, it is necessary to analyze the problems of the legislation for inter-Korean relations and suggest improvement measures for a continuous and consistent unification policy. It is not necessary to legislative any and all inter-Korean agreements, but an agreement that has a significant impact on the nation and people must go through a procedure to secure democratic legitimacy, and the procedure and substantive content should be conform to the Constitution and international law. More specifically, it is also necessary to align related laws to undergo ratification from National Assembly as a means of securing democratic legitimacy if people’s decision about inter-Korean relation is needed from the constructive and political perspective. The current law does not specifically define which inter-Korean agreements should be ratified by the National Assembly, and therefore there is still a controversy over what the normatively effective effect would be even though inter-Korean agreement would be ratified by the National Assembly.. Therefore, it is necessary to define the effect of the inter-Korean agreement with the treaty in Article 6(1) of the current Constitution or expressly revise the effect of the law and the object of the National Assembly ratification in Inter-Korean Relations Development Act. For the implementation of the Panmunjom Declaration, I had already pointed out that there is controversy over clarifying the interpretation of the legal nature of the Panmunjom Declaration and whether it is the object of the National Assembly Ratification. In Particular, if a peace agreement is signed following the declaration of the end of war which will be politically declared, it is confirmed that the legal nature of the treaty is equivalent to the peace treaty so it must be signed according to the Constitution and ratified by the National Assembly. In other words, the important thing is that a peace agreement should be regulated and processed so that it does not violate our constitutional law. If a peace agreement is signed, it is highly likely that significant changes will occur in relation to the existing position on the legal status of North Korea, and it remains a task that the National Security Law, which is a representative domestic law, should be partly revised. In addition, in order to operate a stable inter-Korean joint liaison office, it is necessary to conclude a consular agreement and the enactment and revision of the related domestic law to leave the basis for establishment of the office in Inter-Korean Relations Development Act and for the public servants who work in the office. After all, for the peace, prosperity, and unification of the Korean peninsula, it is important to pursue consistent policies to North Korea and to regulate inter-Korean relations in the rule of law in accordance with the principle of good faith. At this time, the agreement between the two Korea must be made in the constitutional law, and should ensure democratic legitimacy based on national consensus.

기업의 리더십 개발트렌드

류지성,Ryu, Ji-Seong 대한병원협회 2006 대한병원협회지 Vol.35 No.3

공공부문의 경쟁력 강화를 위한 조직발전전략

류지성 한국정책과학학회 1997 정책연구 Vol.1 No.2